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Discusses effects of assassination of Serbian Prime Minister Zoran Djindjic and ensuing political turmoil on political, social, and economic conditions in neighboring Bosnia.

Foreword: Sarajevo in the twentieth century, or, the manufacture of European history; Anne Madelain -- Chapter 1. Nationhood and the politicization of history in school textbooks; Gorana Ognjenović and Jasna Jozelić -- Chapter 2. The ideologization of history education and textbooks in Slovenia (Yugoslavia) during socialism, 1945-1990; Mateja Režek -- Chapter 3. Ideological changes in the history textbooks of Montenegro; Saša Knežević and Nebojša Čagorović -- Chapter 4. Kosova under Yugoslavia (1945-1999) in the history textbooks of Kosova and Serbia; Shkëlzen Gashi -- Chapter 5. History, identity and curricula: Public debates and controversies over the proposal for a new history curriculum in Croatia; Snježana Koren -- Chapter 6. Phantoms of Neverland: The tale of three+ history textbooks; Gorana Ognjenović -- Chapter 7. Where and how do pupils in Serbia learn about the 1990s Yugoslav wars?; Marko Šuica, Ana Radaković, and Slobodan Rudić -- Chapter 8. To believe or not to believe: Current history textbooks in Bosnia and Herzegovina; Goran Šimić -- Chapter 9. The most golden age: A discourse analysis of representations of medieval Bosnia in secondary school history textbooks in the Federation of BiH; Sead S. Fetahagić -- Chapter 10. Teaching history with an ethno-nationalistic approach: History textbooks in the education system of Bosnia and Herzegovina; Jasna Jozelić -- Chapter 11. The myth of victimization in Macedonian history textbooks (1991-2018); Darko Leitner Stojanov and Petar Stojanov -- Chapter 12. Southeast Europe in history textbooks: A variety of selective perceptions; Zrinka Štimac -- Chapter 13. Afterword; Sabine Rutar.

The introduction of the personal regime of King Alexander on January 6, 1929 caused different reactions among Serbian, Croatian, and Muslim political elites in Sarajevo, but there was no open resistance towards the regime. On the basis of available archival sources, it can be concluded that the introduction of the dictatorship in the region of Bosnia and Herzegovina, especially in the region of Sarajevo, was approved by the majority of population and a certain number of political and public workers, regardless of their religion, nationality or political orientation. On the other hand, the leading figure of Yugoslav Muslim Organisation, Mehmed Spaho, officially approved the new regime, but also unofficially used every single opportunity to express his dissatisfaction with it. But unlike him, Dr Juraj Šutejex-member of Parliament and member of Croatian Peasant Party, who was considered a leader of that party in Bosnia and Herzegovina-was openly sceptical towards a new political state in the country. At about the same time, he was actively leading secret political action in consultation with the party leadership in Zagreb. When it comes to Serbian political elites in Sarajevo, they honestly supported the new regime and some of them even actively took part in the new political system.

The coal energy sector in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) represents both a significant economic hope and a considerable environmental threat for the country. One of the major problems of the coal industry is the disposal of large amounts of coal combustion residues. RECOAL was an EU-supported project (2005-7) whose objective was to develop remediation solutions for coal ash disposal (CAD) sites in BiH. Most of RECOAL's environmental fieldwork was based around TEP in the municipality of Tuzla, one of the biggest thermo-electric power plants in the country. Qualitative research was carried out to understand the environmental governance structure of the area and inform and test the acceptance of different remediation solutions proposed by RECOAL. Interviews with institutional stakeholders showed a highly complex institutional structure, where government institutions and industry are involved in complicated negotiations about the distribution of the liabilities resulting from TEP's pollution. Interviews among local residents show that locally organised action could help steer the policy-making process towards more sustainable solutions. Adapted from the source document.

The topic of this article presents communication challenges and the role of the media in constructing an image of migrants and refugees as "the others" in our societies today. The article analyses the migrant situation in South-Eastern Europe, specifically in migration crisis in Bosnia and Herzegovina that has been going on since 2018. The aim is to present the basic aspects of this issue and offer answers to key questions - who are migrants and refugees, what's their own identity, from which countries do they come, how do they cross the border, where do they go, what is the state's attitude towards them, what forms and channels of communication the state and other stakeholders use toward them, who cares for them, what do they preserve from their national, cultural and/or language identities and how do they construct self-identity and confront with the "hosting identities", who donates funds for migration management and how they are managed? Also, a special focus of the research will be on the human rights of migrants and refugees in Bosnia and Herzegovina, which is the subject of various discussions - both within the country itself and among various humanitarian, governmental and non-governmental international organizations in the EU and beyond.

Diese Diplomarbeit widmet sich dem Thema des umstrittenen Dayton-Abkommens, welches den tobenden Krieg von 1992-1995 in Bosnien und Herzegowina beendete. Die Unterzeichnung dieses völkerrechtlichen Friedensvertrages mag etwas mehr als zwanzig Jahre zurückliegen und medial nicht mehr so präsent sein, für Bosnien und Herzegowina und deren multiethnische Bevölkerung, ist dieses Abkommen nach wie vor von immenser Bedeutung. Immer wieder kommt es, von Seiten ranghoher Politiker, zu schwerwiegenden Kritiken über den Inhalt dieses Vertrages. Die Notwendigkeit der Einhaltung wird generell in Frage gestellt. Schwerpunkt dieser Arbeit ist es, bestimmte Auswirkungen des Abkommens auf den Gesamtstaat Bosnien und Herzegowina kritisch zu analysieren. Dabei werden die Effekte des Vertrages vor allem auf die Verfassung, die Verwaltung, die Regierbarkeit und die Gerichtsbarkeit genauer unter die Lupe genommen. Als zweiter Kernpunkt der Diplomarbeit sind vorhandene Lücken und etwaige Kritikpunkte miteinbezogen worden. Betrachtet werden diese Probleme aus Sicht des Jahres 2017. Die Leser sollen auf aktuelle Schwierigkeiten und Hürden in Bosnien und Herzegowina sensibilisiert werden. Mit anderen Worten geht es innerhalb der Arbeit darum aufzuzeigen, was sich seit dem Jahr der Unterzeichnung 1995 bis 2017 im Dayton geregelten Bosnien getan beziehungsweise nicht getan hat. Es sind in dieser Diplomarbeit zahlreiche Expertisen und Statistiken verwendet worden, um den Leser die Veranschaulichung zu erleichtern. ; This diploma thesis is devoted to the topic of the controversial Dayton agreement, which ended the war in the years of 1992-1995. The signing of this international peace accord may be a little more than twenty years ago and for the media not so important, but for Bosnia and Herzegovina and its multi-ethnic population, this agreement is of immense signification. Frequently there is criticism from high-ranking politicians in both entities, about the content of this treaty. The observance about the agreement is generally under discussion. The focus of the diploma work is to critically analyse certain impacts of the agreement on the state Bosnia and Herzegovina. The effects of the Dayton-Agreement will be examined more closely, especially on the constitution, administration, governability and jurisdiction. As a second main point of the diploma thesis, existing gaps and criticisms will be analysed. These problems are considered from the perspective of the year 2017. It should draw the readers attention to actually problems and challenges in Bosnia and Herzegovina. In other words, the focus of the work is to show what has been done or not done in Dayton-Bosnia since the signing in 1995 until 2017. A number of expertise and statistics have been included in this diploma thesis in order to facilitate the reader's understanding. ; vorgelegt von Erwin Dervić ; Abweichender Titel laut Übersetzung des Verfassers/der Verfasserin ; Karl-Franzens-Universität Graz, Diplomarbeit, 2017 ; (VLID)2246050

Es erscheint undenkbar, dass die rechtsgültige Verfassung eines Staates in keiner von dessen Landessprachen existiert. In Bosnien-Herzegowina ist das die Realität. Die gesamte Rechtsordnung beruht auf einer Verfassung in englischer Sprache, die unter Federführung der internationalen Gemeinschaft als Anhang zum General Framework Agreement for Peace in Bosnia and Herzegovina unterzeichnet worden ist. Esma Diman-Murselovi? untersucht die Existenz, Rolle und Macht der Übersetzungen dieser Verfassung in die drei Landessprachen Bosnien-Herzegowinas. Es ist eine Spurensuche im Labyrinth historischer Ereignisse, Fachbegriffe und Definitionen. Denn es ist kompliziert: Einerseits setzte das Friedensabkommen dem illegalen Aggressionskrieg gegen Bosnien und Herzegowina ein Ende. Andererseits schuf es eines der kompliziertesten politischen Systeme weltweit.

"The global community faces unprecedented challenges to democracy. In Ukraine, Putin's illegal war continues to target civilians, with the Kremlin's senseless aggression intensifying by the day. In Sudan, the military and the paramilitary units of the Rapid Support Forces have been in conflict since April. And in Bosnia and Herzegovina, political gridlock and rising nationalist […]
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This article explores the relationships between memory politics and museums. It shows the institutionalisation of the past, which supports both the creation of historical narratives and the visibility of national identity. Analysing the Sarajevo museums dedicated to the 1992–1995 war in Bosnia and Herzegovina, the author shows how contemporary institutions have become carriers of collective memory and incubators of the national identity of Bosnian Muslims.