Suchergebnisse

The project is based on the possibilities of a form of 'table-top' video sculpture, part architectural model, part video installation. Four of these 'table-top' pieces are be arranged in a darkened gallery, each simultaneously projecting perfectly synchronised, choreographed video sequences of the interior of four related architectural spaces. Each location has been shot using a repertoire of specific camera 'moves'. These movements were devised in strict relation to the particularity of the spaces and their features and are physically subject to the building itself. For this we had custom built two camera mounts - a three axis 360-degree pan and tilt head and a dolly or 'sled' to use balustrades or handrails as guides for tracking. With these devices the building were be literally used as the armature for a mobile camera. We were interested in architectural locations that are stylistically related, with strong linear organisation yet with distinctly different functions. We identified the work of Erich Mendelsohn and in particular the De La Warr Pavilion in Bexhill on Sea, the Schocken Department store building in Chemnitz, The Metal Workers' Union (IGM) Building in Berlin and the B'nai Amoona Synagogue in St. Louis, USA, (now the Centre of Contemporary Arts). Each of these 'signature' buildings offers the potential for treatment - curving stairways, projecting mezzanine floors etc. as well as being of significance beyond, in terms of architectural modernism, European design and European history. In addition to the three European buildings, the B'nai Amoona Synagogue, while not completing the story, more fully plots Mendlesohn's career; his origins in the East, his work in West Germany, his flight to England, and eventual residence in America. Obviously this is a story which is not untypical of that generation and that historical moment. Its significance is considerable in terms of the European influence on American art and design and the shift of a perceived centre, away from Europe, through the work of other celebrated German émigré architects such as Mies Van der Rohe and Walter Gropius. The video footage has been edited 'across' the three screens of each of the four table top 'models' to produce a fluid space in which the architecture of the building, and the experience of it, are re-drawn through the synchronised, continuous movement of three points of view, in, and across the four sites simultaneously. The work aims to construct an analogy between the serpentine fluidity of Mendelsohn's buildings, as canonical modernist architecture, the complex significance of the buildings and the 'motion-path' of a camera as it glides through this space. Formally, Motion Path engages with the problem of how to film a building - the relationship between cinematic poetics, that is; how to approach a building cinematically, and documentary; how to fuse the factual documentary film or the industrial film with abstract cinema? Initially we were interested in using work we had developed based on the idea of a virtual camera in a 3D computer-modelling programme. We wanted to attempt to move a camera through a real building as if it were in a digital 'fly through'. Here a number of connections can be made. Firstly; the history of architectural film and the use of film to introduce the public to modernist architecture; the idea of architectural film speaking directly to the public and generating an experience of modernist architecture that remained true to the characteristics of the building, and was perhaps even superior to the direct experience of that building (the space in it's idealised form). Examples here would be the films of Pierre Chenal, Man Ray and Hans Richter that emphasise the dynamics of modernist architecture. Their emphasis is on movement and circulation in order to experience the building as a set of changing relationships between vistas, voids, solids and apertures. Secondly there is much academic and historical writing on the links between architecture and film, and in particular the connection between the moving, restless camera in early architectural film and the distracted gaze of the spectator of architectural modernism. Here film is seen as the ideal medium for rendering the dynamism of modern architecture and the connection between the roving camera and the mobile spectator as detailed in Beatriz Colomina's work on Le Corb and the architectural promenade are important. A final example of the context to the work to note is the recent publication in England of 'Zoomscapes; Architecture in Motion and Media' by Mitchell Schwarzer (Princeton) which presents many very interesting and closely related ideas - specifically the ways in which architecture is not solely experienced through the direct encounter with a built space but equally (if not predominantly) from the car, train or plane and through its representation in film, TV and photography. On Mendelsohn's 'America: An Architect's Picturebook' of 1926, he suggests that: "it focuses on the precise appearance of individual structures. A leading German architect of the interwar period, Mendelsohn was less interested in covering the totality of the modern city than in disseminating captivating visual information. In a review of the book, El Lissitzky writes, "a first leafing through the pages thrills us like a dramatic film. Before our eyes move pictures that are absolutely unique. In order to understand some of the photographs you must lift the book over your head and rotate it. The architect shows us America not from a distance but from within, as he leads us into the canyon of its streets". The relationship to the project is striking and is one of many connections that have emerged as the project has progressed. We are interested in Mendlesohn's public buildings for several reasons. Firstly; their extraordinary fluidity that seems to invite, demand even, a mobile gaze and the architectural language Mendlesohn uses in a deliberate way to captivate the viewer or user. (The demand to promenade is most apparent in the department store and particularly the seaside pavilion) Secondly; the ways his buildings aimed to render visible, or perform, ideological claims in terms of a syntax of use - the way the buildings were designed around the idea of a circulation and movement that is rhetorical. For instance, Mendlesohn designed the Metalworkers Union building to make visible the social and political claims of the union - the workers and union officials move through the building in a way that enacts the principles of democratic decision-making. Similarly he designed the St. Louis synagogue to render visible the idea of a community of faith, merging school with temple and community centre. The temple itself is organised around a 'spine' of light flooding from the Torah Shrine upwards and across the curve of the ceiling. The shooting, completed in December 2005 was helped greatly by the current users or owners of the buildings; Renee Dressner of the GGG (a Germany agency not unlike English Heritage in Britain), Peter Senft of the IGM (the German Metal Workers' Union) and Kathryn Adamchick in St. Louis, and Celia Davies at De La Warr Pavilion. All provided us with every practical help we needed as well extensive historical information about the buildings. In Berlin we were told a great deal about the relationship between the design and how it is intended to embody the ideological priorities of the union - the stairway in particular being the means by which the general membership moves from the street to the congress hall at the top of the building to then pass down its decisions to the offices below. Similarly the role that each building plays in the history and 'self-image' of the respective towns and cities, as well as their histories of use, reuse, decline and refurbishment, is of great interest. Much of what we were told by the numerous people we met does not exist in print, in English translation at least, as far as we are aware. It is of great relevance to the work and suggests the value of a catalogue documenting the work and presenting this research in the future. That the four buildings are either involved in or have a history of restoration, 'adaptive re-use' and refurbishment is also a very productive coincidence. The GGG in Chemnitz are yet to begin the planned refurbishment of the Schocken building, it is currently empty and suffering from its earlier neglect. The IGM building was entirely rebuilt after the Second World War (during which it was destroyed, as a Nazi Workers headquarters, by the Red Army as they captured Berlin) and is in beautiful condition. The De La Warr Pavilion benefits from a recently completed refurbishment and development, and the B'nai Amoona is currently undergoing some alterations. There is a 'sub-textual' importance to this ongoing process and as we have recognised it we shot the buildings with this, amongst many others factors, in mind. Each of the buildings was shot in a single day from early morning to night. We approached each of the four buildings quite differently, reflecting their very different qualities and current state. The large open spaces and gradual curves of the frontage of the Schocken building lent themselves to the use of the dolly and 360 degree pan and tilt head. A series of travelling spiral passes were made through the various levels. We also used the 'sled' mount to travel down the linear handrails of the stairways. In the IGM building we focussed on the extraordinary glass, marble and copper spiral staircase. Using the 360-degree pan and tilt head we mimicked the sinuous movement of the stairs and concentrated on the complex of reflections in the metal and glass elements as the users of the building moved from floor to floor. This use of an approach specific to each site and creating a distinct quality to each of the 'models' produced was continued in the shooting of the final location, the De La Warr Pavilion. Each of the separate 'buildings' has been edited as a set of three adjacent and slightly overlapping screens. These three sets of three screens were then adjusted or re-edited in relation to one another to achieve a strict and synchronised interrelationship, or choreography between all twelve moving images. The first exhibition of the finished work was commissioned by and staged at the De La Warr Pavilion. The work is specifically an environmental installation and the configuration of the tables in the space has been the final stage in the construction of the work – through shooting, to editing and installation. The arrangement of the tables has been devised in relation to the exhibition space itself and subject to a number of specific considerations – that there be no single straight route through the space, rather that the space has to be deliberately 'navigated', and that there was a position from which all twelve screens could be seen (if for some only at a distance) simultaneously to allow the synchronised movement across all twelve to play a primary part in the experience of the work. The size of the screens both allows for this 'overview' of movement across all twelve screens but by also avoiding the risk of overwhelming spectacle, draws the viewer into their relatively intimate individual size.

The aim of this article is to describe the history of the Department of Archaeology in Vilnius University from 1940 (the establishment) to 1966, when the department was integrated into the newly formed Lithuanian SSR Department of History. This article refers to the works of other authors, memorials and archival material.The circumstances surrounding the establishment of the Department of Archaeology go back to 1939, when the province of Vilnius was given back to Lithuania. Then the question of restructuring the Vilnius University also arose. On December 12th, 1939, the Parliament passed a highereducation law, which stated that the activities of the Lithuanian university would begin on December 15th, 1939, along with the opening of the Faculty of Humanities (FH) on the same day. For this reason the staff and students from the Vytautas Magnus University in Kaunas had to be moved to Vilnius. The relocation was set to begin after January 1st, 1940.The first meeting of the FH Council was held in Kaunas, on January 5th, 1940. It was decided to establish the Seminar of Archaeology with freelance docent J. Puzinas as its Head. The University museums of Archaeology and Ethnography were also entrusted to his care. Senior assistant Juozas Baldžius was elected to be his aid, while on February 15th, 1940, R. Volkaitė was elected as the museologist of the Archaeology museum. Thus began the career of Professor Ph. D. Jonas Puzinas in Vilnius University, the most famous interwar Lithuanian archaeologist and the pioneer of scientific archaeology in Lithuania.The work did not stop in June of 1940, after first Soviet occupation, although there were some changes. In autumn semester of 1940 the Department of Ethnics was divided into two separate Departments of Ethnography and Archaeology.Department of Archaeology in Vilnius University was established in September of 1940. On the September 20th J. Puzinas was elected to head of the Department of Archaeology and on January 1st, 1941, he was equated to a professor with a Ph. D. In the FH Council meeting on of June 5th, 1941, R. Volkaitė was elected assistant of the Department of Archaeology. So there were two academic researchers working in the Department at that time.The work did not cease during the years of Nazi Germany occupation. In the autumn of 1941 docent J. Puzinas was once again elected Head of Department of Archaeology. On December 5th he was presented as candidate for election of extraordinary professor. Until J. Puzinas fled to the West, he also was the Dean of FH (from June 26th, 1941) and the member of Vilnius University Senate (from August 7th, 1941).Teaching of archaeology disciplines in the University was not reserved to archaeology students only, but also to Ethnography and Lithuanian History students. During the war the Department did not conduct archaeological research so students did not have any fieldwork practice. The Department's staff produced only a small amount of academic publications.In the summer of 1944 when the Red Army was approaching Vilnius, Professor J. Puzinas and his family fled to the West followed by M. Alseikaitė-Gimbutienė. However, the majority of archaeologists (former students of J. Puzinas), such as P. Kulikauskas, R. Volkaitė-Kulikauskienė and R. Jablonskytė-Rimantienė remained in Lithuania, continued their research and contributed to the preparation of specialists in the Department of Archaeology.At the beginning of second Soviet occupation in autumn of 1944, the Department of Archaeology became a part of the History and Philology Faculty. R. Volkaitė-Kulikauskienė and P. Kulikauskas worked in the Department.In 1947 the Departments of Archaeology, Ethnography and Art History in the History and Philology Faculty were reorganised into the Department of Museology. A few years later (in 1949) that Department was reorganised into the Department of Archaeology and Ethnography. R. Kulikauskienė became the Head of the Department and she held the post until 1962. P. Kulikauskas worked in this Department as anhourly paid scholar, whose primary job since 1948 was in the Institute of History of the Academy of Sciences. In 1951 one of the first post-war graduate archaeologists Aldolfas Tautavičius started to work in the Department of Archaeology as hourly paid scholar; it was his secondary job from March 17th, 1954 to April 30th, 1959. These three researchers taught the major archaeology courses at the university.The scientific work of the lecturers could not be fully fledged for one reason. By the secret decree of Lithuanian Communist Party's (b) Central Committee, it was prohibited to mention the publications of researchers who fled to the West and were referred to as 'motherland traitors'. Therefore the names of J. Puzinas, Latvian archaeologists V. Ginters, F. Balodis, E. Šturms and some German archaeologists did not appear in the Lithuanian archaeologists' publications for the first post-war decades. There only were references to such publications as "Senovė", "Gimtasai kraštas", "Prussia" and others. For this reason some foreign researchers, who did not know the real situation, sometimes tauntingly wondered why Lithuanian archaeologists do not know the publications of their predecessors.Despite the difficulties in the post-war period, the Department of Archaeology and Ethnography successfully prepared professional archaeologists. 2 to 6 archaeologists graduated every year until 1962. Until that year 40 people received a degree in archaeology and part of them worked in various science institutions. In 1962 docent P. Kulikauskienė started to work at Institute of History of the Academy of Sciences. Docent P. Kulikauskas returned to the University and was the Head of the Department until 1966 when Department was closed.From 1948 to 1966 Vilnius University archaeologists did a lot of research on Lithuanian archaeological sites. University archaeologists were often organising expeditions together with the Institute of History of the Academy of Sciences.The most important sites worth noting are: Linksmučiai burial ground (Pakruojis district), Laiviai burial ground (Kretinga dictrict), Nemenčinė hillfort (Vilnius district), Migonys archaeological complex (Kaišiadorys district), Kunigiškės-Pajevonys hillfort (Vilkaviškis district). The monuments' material, researched by the University archaeologists, was published in the form of scientific articles and monographs. In addition, a number of summarising articles were appeared in both Lithuanian and various USSR publications.R. Volkaitė-Kulikauskienė's work "Lietuvos archeologiniai paminklai ir jų tyrinėjimai" ("Lithuanian Archaeological Monuments and Their Research") has to be singled out. It was the first study book for students of archaeology, presenting the main types of archaeological monuments and some research results in the first half, while the second half dealt with heritage preservation and field research methodology."Lietuvos archeologijos bruožai" ("The Features of Lithuanian Archaeology") by P. Kulikauskas, R. Kulikauskienė and A. Tautavičius was published in 1961 and it was the biggest summarising work of Lithuanian archaeology yet, practically written by former and current University archaeologists. It was a very important event in the history of Lithuanian archaeology. The book described the research history of Lithuanian archaeological monuments, reviewed the sites from different periods with more detail than any previous publications, presented new data about the activities, crafts, trade relations, fortified and unfortified settlements of the Lithuanian people, discussed some questions about ethnic history of the Baltic tribes. This book not only summarised the research data of Lithuanian archaeological monuments, but also became a study book of Lithuanian archaeology.Concluding the Vilnius University Department of Archaeology (later – the Department of Archaeology and Ethnography) activities from 1940 to 1966, it must be noted that despite the war and post-war difficulties it prepared a lot of archaeology specialists for Lithuania. The staff of the Department of Archaeology made significant contributions investigating the sites of different archaeological periods, publishing and summarising the research material and preparing the most important publications about Lithuanian archaeology at the time. ; 1940 m. rugsėjį Vilniaus universitete buvo įsteigta Archeologijos katedra. Švęsdami katedros įkūrimo 70 metų jubiliejų, galime apžvelgti gana sudėtingą nueitą kelią, katedroje dirbusių žmonių veiklą, jų indėlį į Lietuvos ir baltų genčių archeologijos mokslą, specialistų archeologų rengimą. Galima iš karto pažymėti, kad Archeologijos katedros, kaip ir viso lietuviškojo Vilniaus universiteto, veikla nuo 1940 m. yra susijusi su sunkiu ir labai sudėtingu Lietuvos istorijos tarpsniu. [.]

In 1914, sport was not widely practiced in France. On the contrary, gymnastics, shooting and military preparation societies were very numerous. Their main purpose was to train healthy young men and good soldiers. The goal was also to offer "healthy" leisure activities, creating republican structures of control between school time and army. At the same time, Catholics developed their own militarised associative network. More than 6000 associations were approved by the government on the eve of the First World War. "Conscriptive practices", according to Pierre Arnaud's expression, were also present in schools. The "preparatory" movement did not disappear in the inter-war period, despite the growth of sports. At least 3,000 associations were actively involved in military training in the late 1930s.This thesis aims to complete the rich historiography about those activities, by offering a national level study, on the whole period of the Third Republic. The "Union des sociétés de préparation militaire de France" directed by Adolphe Chéron is specifically analysed. The specific study of military preparation policy underlines how the growing institutionalisation of training practices largely influenced early sports policies. But the careful observation of the daily life in the societies, looked at mainly from associative sources, also shows the porosity between conscriptive practices and sports until the 1930s. This study, carried out in several geographical areas, revisits the history of physical and sporting activities in interwar France. Finally, an outline of comparisons taking place at the European level situates this French dynamic in a broader perspective.The history of these associations also provides a contribution to the First World War history, thanks to a chronological shift. 50,000 young men received the "brevet de préparation militaire", introduced in 1908. Teachers were also part of this preparatory movement. Despite the small numerical importance of the movement, it suggests a militarisation of society, including youth entertainment. In that sense, elements of a military culture were diffused, both ideologically and practically, for example by shooting training. This military culture, built up over several decades, could thus function as a repertoire for the emergence of war cultures in 1914. Nevertheless, the relatively small size of the preparatory movement puts this idea of militarisation into perspective, by highlighting resistance to these social control attempts. Conscriptive practices turn out afterwards to be much more ambiguous than they might appear at first sight.Finally, military training societies show the rise of the associative form at the end of the 19th century, especially in rural areas. A sociological study of these groups reveals the desire of the middle and upper classes to manage the leisure activities of young working class men. Teachers were also essential participants in the dissemination of these groups. It can be seen as an attempt to social control, using the concepts developed by Michel Foucault. But these groups were fundamentally places of new sociability, beyond the military aspect. Association as a modern technology of social power also revealed its limits. Gymnasts appear unruly, undisciplined, and the attempt to control their leisure time was generally unsuccessful. ; Si le sport reste une pratique peu diffusée dans la France de 1914, les sociétés de gymnastique, de tir et de préparation militaire y sont au contraire très nombreuses. Elles visent essentiellement à former des jeunes hommes en bonne santé, en amont de leur service militaire, pour en faire de bons soldats. Il s'agit aussi de leur proposer des loisirs « sains ». Ces structures républicaines d'encadrement du temps libre entre l'école et l'armée permettent aussi de concurrencer les catholiques, qui développent leur propre réseau de patronages. Plus de 6000 associations sont ainsi agréées par le gouvernement à la veille de la Première Guerre mondiale. Les sociétés « conscriptives », selon l'expression de Pierre Arnaud, ne disparaissent pas dans l'entre-deux-guerres, malgré l'essor du sport et du pacifisme. Au moins 3000 associations pratiquent encore la préparation militaire à la fin des années 1930.Cette thèse vise donc à prolonger une historiographie déjà riche, en proposant une étude au niveau national, sur toute la période de la Troisième République. L'Union des sociétés de préparation militaire de France, dirigée par Adophe Chéron, a fait l'objet d'une attention particulière. La politique de préparation militaire mise en œuvre laisse voir comment l'institutionnalisation croissante des pratiques conscriptives a largement influencé les premières politiques sportives. L'observation au plus près de la réalité locale des sociétés, notamment grâce à l'étude de sources associatives, fait apparaître la porosité entre les pratiques conscriptives et sportives jusque dans les années 1930. Cette étude menée dans plusieurs départements éclaire ainsi d'un jour nouveau l'histoire des activités physiques et sportives de la France de l'entre-deux-guerres. Enfin, une ébauche de comparatisme au niveau européen permet de replacer cette dynamique française dans une perspective plus large.L'étude de ces associations permet également, par un pas de côté chronologique, d'apporter une contribution à l'histoire de la Première Guerre mondiale. Leur développement, même s'il est limité numériquement, révèle une large militarisation de la société, jusque dans les loisirs juvéniles. 50 000 jeunes hommes reçoivent en effet le « brevet de préparation militaire », mis en place en 1908. Ainsi, des éléments d'une culture militaire sont diffusés, à la fois sur le plan idéologique et sur le plan pratique, avec par exemple l'essor de l'entrainement au tir. Cette culture militaire, construite durant plusieurs décennies, peut fonctionner comme un répertoire pour l'émergence des cultures de guerre, dès la mobilisation de 1914. Dans le même temps, les effectifs malgré tout assez réduits du mouvement préparatiste permettent de relativiser cette idée de militarisation, en soulignant les résistances à ces tentatives d'encadrement. Les pratiques conscriptives se révèlent alors beaucoup plus ambigües que ce qui pourrait apparaître au premier abord.Plus globalement, les sociétés de préparation militaire sont aussi une manifestation de l'essor de l'associationnisme à la fin du XIXe siècle, en particulier dans les campagnes. La sociologie de ces groupes fait apparaître la volonté des classes moyennes et supérieures d'encadrer les loisirs de jeunes hommes des classes populaires salariées. Les instituteurs sont des acteurs essentiels de la diffusion de cette forme associative. Ainsi, au-delà de leur aspect militaire, ces associations sont fondamentalement des espaces de sociabilités réinventées. On peut y lire une tentative de contrôle social, en s'appuyant notamment sur les travaux de Michel Foucault. Néanmoins, cette technologie de pouvoir révèle ses limites : les gymnastes paraissent indisciplinés, indociles, et la tentative d'encadrer leurs loisirs se solde globalement par un échec.

In 1914, sport was not widely practiced in France. On the contrary, gymnastics, shooting and military preparation societies were very numerous. Their main purpose was to train healthy young men and good soldiers. The goal was also to offer "healthy" leisure activities, creating republican structures of control between school time and army. At the same time, Catholics developed their own militarised associative network. More than 6000 associations were approved by the government on the eve of the First World War. "Conscriptive practices", according to Pierre Arnaud's expression, were also present in schools. The "preparatory" movement did not disappear in the inter-war period, despite the growth of sports. At least 3,000 associations were actively involved in military training in the late 1930s.This thesis aims to complete the rich historiography about those activities, by offering a national level study, on the whole period of the Third Republic. The "Union des sociétés de préparation militaire de France" directed by Adolphe Chéron is specifically analysed. The specific study of military preparation policy underlines how the growing institutionalisation of training practices largely influenced early sports policies. But the careful observation of the daily life in the societies, looked at mainly from associative sources, also shows the porosity between conscriptive practices and sports until the 1930s. This study, carried out in several geographical areas, revisits the history of physical and sporting activities in interwar France. Finally, an outline of comparisons taking place at the European level situates this French dynamic in a broader perspective.The history of these associations also provides a contribution to the First World War history, thanks to a chronological shift. 50,000 young men received the "brevet de préparation militaire", introduced in 1908. Teachers were also part of this preparatory movement. Despite the small numerical importance of the movement, it suggests a militarisation of society, including youth entertainment. In that sense, elements of a military culture were diffused, both ideologically and practically, for example by shooting training. This military culture, built up over several decades, could thus function as a repertoire for the emergence of war cultures in 1914. Nevertheless, the relatively small size of the preparatory movement puts this idea of militarisation into perspective, by highlighting resistance to these social control attempts. Conscriptive practices turn out afterwards to be much more ambiguous than they might appear at first sight.Finally, military training societies show the rise of the associative form at the end of the 19th century, especially in rural areas. A sociological study of these groups reveals the desire of the middle and upper classes to manage the leisure activities of young working class men. Teachers were also essential participants in the dissemination of these groups. It can be seen as an attempt to social control, using the concepts developed by Michel Foucault. But these groups were fundamentally places of new sociability, beyond the military aspect. Association as a modern technology of social power also revealed its limits. Gymnasts appear unruly, undisciplined, and the attempt to control their leisure time was generally unsuccessful. ; Si le sport reste une pratique peu diffusée dans la France de 1914, les sociétés de gymnastique, de tir et de préparation militaire y sont au contraire très nombreuses. Elles visent essentiellement à former des jeunes hommes en bonne santé, en amont de leur service militaire, pour en faire de bons soldats. Il s'agit aussi de leur proposer des loisirs « sains ». Ces structures républicaines d'encadrement du temps libre entre l'école et l'armée permettent aussi de concurrencer les catholiques, qui développent leur propre réseau de patronages. Plus de 6000 associations sont ainsi agréées par le gouvernement à la veille de la Première Guerre mondiale. Les sociétés « conscriptives », selon l'expression de Pierre Arnaud, ne disparaissent pas dans l'entre-deux-guerres, malgré l'essor du sport et du pacifisme. Au moins 3000 associations pratiquent encore la préparation militaire à la fin des années 1930.Cette thèse vise donc à prolonger une historiographie déjà riche, en proposant une étude au niveau national, sur toute la période de la Troisième République. L'Union des sociétés de préparation militaire de France, dirigée par Adophe Chéron, a fait l'objet d'une attention particulière. La politique de préparation militaire mise en œuvre laisse voir comment l'institutionnalisation croissante des pratiques conscriptives a largement influencé les premières politiques sportives. L'observation au plus près de la réalité locale des sociétés, notamment grâce à l'étude de sources associatives, fait apparaître la porosité entre les pratiques conscriptives et sportives jusque dans les années 1930. Cette étude menée dans plusieurs départements éclaire ainsi d'un jour nouveau l'histoire des activités physiques et sportives de la France de l'entre-deux-guerres. Enfin, une ébauche de comparatisme au niveau européen permet de replacer cette dynamique française dans une perspective plus large.L'étude de ces associations permet également, par un pas de côté chronologique, d'apporter une contribution à l'histoire de la Première Guerre mondiale. Leur développement, même s'il est limité numériquement, révèle une large militarisation de la société, jusque dans les loisirs juvéniles. 50 000 jeunes hommes reçoivent en effet le « brevet de préparation militaire », mis en place en 1908. Ainsi, des éléments d'une culture militaire sont diffusés, à la fois sur le plan idéologique et sur le plan pratique, avec par exemple l'essor de l'entrainement au tir. Cette culture militaire, construite durant plusieurs décennies, peut fonctionner comme un répertoire pour l'émergence des cultures de guerre, dès la mobilisation de 1914. Dans le même temps, les effectifs malgré tout assez réduits du mouvement préparatiste permettent de relativiser cette idée de militarisation, en soulignant les résistances à ces tentatives d'encadrement. Les pratiques conscriptives se révèlent alors beaucoup plus ambigües que ce qui pourrait apparaître au premier abord.Plus globalement, les sociétés de préparation militaire sont aussi une manifestation de l'essor de l'associationnisme à la fin du XIXe siècle, en particulier dans les campagnes. La sociologie de ces groupes fait apparaître la volonté des classes moyennes et supérieures d'encadrer les loisirs de jeunes hommes des classes populaires salariées. Les instituteurs sont des acteurs essentiels de la diffusion de cette forme associative. Ainsi, au-delà de leur aspect militaire, ces associations sont fondamentalement des espaces de sociabilités réinventées. On peut y lire une tentative de contrôle social, en s'appuyant notamment sur les travaux de Michel Foucault. Néanmoins, cette technologie de pouvoir révèle ses limites : les gymnastes paraissent indisciplinés, indociles, et la tentative d'encadrer leurs loisirs se solde globalement par un échec.

[full article, abstract in Russian; abstract in Lithuanian and English] A native of Belarus, publicist, critic and author of poetic texts, Vladimir Samoilo (1878–1941), is well-known as a teacher of Yanka Kupala and a popularizer of his poetry. He is also known as a correspondent of Alexander Blok and an author of works on his creations, as well as a prominent figure of the Belarusian national movement. However, his participation in the Russian periodical press and in the social and cultural life in Wilno is insufficiently investigated. The aim of this study is to fill this gap. Samoilo was the organizer of the evenings of the famous Russian writers Dmitry Merezhkovsky, Zinaida Gippius and Dmitry Filosofov in 1920. He participated in discussions about the works of the Russian philosopher Nikolai Berdyaev, organized by the literary-artistic section of the Wilno Russian Society in 1925. He was an elected member of the council of the religious-philosophical section of the Wilno Russian Society in 1927. Later, Samoilo became vice-chairman of the religious-philosophical section. Samoilo was the author of a long speech given in 1931 at the solemn assembly of the 50th anniversary of the death of Fyodor Dostoevsky. At the meetings of the religious-philosophical circle, Samoilo made reports on the Russian philosophers Ivan Kireevsky, Pyotr Chaadayev and others. The newspapers Vilenskoe Slovo, Vilenskaya Misl and Utro published Samoilo's articles on the topics of domestic and international politics as well as economy. He was the editor and publisher of the newspaper Vilenskaya Rech, where he published articles about the works of Alexander Blok and Fyodor Dostoevsky, also commenting on the historiosophic concept of Marian Zdziechowski. He was involved in an argument with the newspaper Vilenskoe Utro. Samoilo's cooperation with the newspaper Nashe Vremia was accompanied with a polemic with the Warsaw newspaper Za Svobodu! and its head, Dmitry Filosofov, regarding Alexander Blok's poem The Twelve. The most important publications of Samoilo in the newspaper Nashe Vremia are devoted to the history of Russian literature and philosophy as well to the discussions that were had in the religious and philosophical circle of the Wilno Russian Society. An analysis of the collected information clarifies the existing knowledge about the activities and views of Samoilo in the Wilno period and complements the general picture of the life of the Russian minority in the Wilno region and in the interwar Poland as a whole. Despite his contradictions and conflicts with certain representatives of the Russian society in Wilno, Vladimir Samoilo was its active and influential participant. V. I. Samojlo Vilniaus rusų periodikoje ir kultūriniame gyvenime (1920–1939) Gimęs Baltarusijoje publicistas, kritikas, eiliuotų tekstų autorius Vladimiras Samojlo (1878–1941) gerai žinomas kaip Jankos Kupalos mokytojas ir jo poezijos populiarintojas. Jis taip pat žinomas kaip Aleksandro Bloko korespondentas ir darbų apie jo kūrybą autorius bei baltarusių tautinio judėjimo žymus veikėjas. Bet jo dalyvavimas Vilniaus periodinėje spaudoje rusų kalba ir rusų visuomeniniame bei kultūriniame gyvenime ištirtas nepakankamai. Tyrimo tikslas yra užpildyti šią spragą. Samojlo 1920 m. buvo garsiųjų rusų literatų vakarų Dmitrijaus Merežkovskio, Zinaidos Gippijus, Dmitrijaus Filolsofovo organizatorius, 1925 m. dalyvavo Vilniaus rusų draugijos Literatūrinės-artistinės sekcijos surengtose diskusijose apie rusų filosofo Nikolajaus Berdiajevo veikalus. 1927 m. jis buvo išrinktas į Vilniaus rusų draugijos Religinės-filosofinės sekcijos tarybą ir darė pranešimą pirmajame sekcijos susirinkime. Vėliau jis tapo Religinės-filosofinės sekcijos vice-pirmininku. Samojlo buvo didelio pranešimo iškilmingame posėdyje Fiodoro Dostojevskio 50-ies mirties metinių proga 1931 m. autorius. Religinio-filosofinio ratelio susirinkimuose Samojlo darė pranešimus apie rusų filosofus Ivaną Kirejevskį, Petrą Čaadajevą ir kitus. Samojlo publikavo dienraščiuose "Vilenskoje slovo", "Vilenskaja mysl", "Utro" straipsnius vidinės ir tarptautinės politikos bei ekonomikos temomis. Jis buvo dienraščio "Vilenskaja reč" redaktorius ir leidėjas. Čia jis paskelbė straipsnius apie Aleksandro Bloko ir Fiodoro Dostojevskio kūrybą bei Mariano Zdziechowskio istoriosofinę koncepciją. Su dienraščiu "Vilenskoe utro" Samojlo konfliktavo. Jo bendradarbiavimą dienraštyje "Naše vremja" lydėjo 1931 m. polemika su Varšuvos dienraščiu "Za svobodu!" ir jo vadovu Dmitrijumi Filosofovu dėl Aleksando Bloko poemos "Dvylika" interpretacijos. Svarbiausios Samojlos publikacijos dienraštyje "Naše vremja" skirtos rusų literatūros ir filosofijos istorijai bei diskusijoms Vilniaus rusų draugijos Religinio-filosofinio ratelyje. Surinktų duomenų analizė patikslina turimas žinias apie Vilniaus laikotarpio Samojlos veiklą ir pažiūras bei papildo Vilniaus krašto rusų mažumos ir visos tarpukario Lenkijos gyvenimo bendrą vaizdą. Nepaisant prieštaravimų ir konfliktų su atskirais Vilniaus rusų visuomenės žymiais atstovais, Vladimiras Samojlo buvo veiklus ir įtakingais šios visuomenės veikėjas. ; [статья и аннотация на русском, аннотации на английском и литовском языках] В статье рассматривается участие публициста, литературного критика, общественного деятеля Владимира Ивановича Самойло (1878–1941) в периодической печати, выходившей в межвоенный период в Вильно на русском языке, и отражение в этой печати участия Самойло в русской общественной и культурной жизни Вильно 1920–1939 гг. Материалом исследования служат публикации ежедневных газет на русском языке означенного периода («Виленское слово», «Виленская мысль», «Виленская речь», «Виленское утро», «Утро», «Наше время»). Анализ сведений об участии Самойло в русской периодике и мероприятиях русских организаций, в особенности Виленского русского общества, позволяет уточнить представления о деятельности и взглядах Самойло в виленский период и восполнить мозаичную картину жизни русского меньшинства в Виленском крае и межвоенной Польше в целом. Несмотря на конфликты Самойло с отдельными выдающимися представителями неоднородного виленского русского общества, обусловленные различиями в мировоззренческих установках, публицист и мыслитель был его деятельным и влиятельным участником.

The situation of conflict of interest may appear in activity of every professional irre­spective of affiliation to public, private or nongovernmental sector. The consequences of conflict of interests is biased, subjective and nontransparent decision, improper fulfillment of prescribed duties, falling standards and decreased public trust not just in politicians or civil servants but in public institutions and government. The notion of conflict of interests varies but in this paper the following definition is used. Conflict of interest is a situation in which a person (in this paper politician or public official) has a private or other interest which is such as to influence, or appear to influence, the impartial and objective performance of his / her official duties. Research of this problem can be described as moving from legalistic towards more general understanding. The topic is interdisciplinary and can be analyzed from the political science, public administration, ethics or management perspective. Analy­ses of the practice allowed researchers to distinguish the third type of such conflict of interest – the apparent conflict-to the existing or potential conflict of interests. De­velopment of society and changed surrounding of government activity increased the potential risk areas (gift giving, hospitality, bribery, contracts, trading information, etc.) for such situation to appear. In the past few decades increasing perceptions of falling ethical standards in legislatures, executive or ordinary public officials activity (scandals, misbehavior) have led in many advanced democracies to the introduction of ethics frameworks for elected or appointed officials. In order to give priority to public interest and properly perform public duties some regulation can be applied. 1) Prohibitions on the perform­ance of certain functions, and/or the holding of certain positions or certain interests by public officials. 2) The establishment of duties of public officials to declare inter­ests they have, either generally or in specific cases. 3) Exclusion or self-exclusion of public officials from participation in decision-making processes or matters where they are subject to a conflict of interest. These regulations are generally established and implemented through three main instruments: civil service legislation, conflict of interest legislation and codes of ethics / codes of conduct. The historical development of Lithuanian society in XIX and XX century was not in favor to develop clear sense of drawing the line between public and private interest but during the interwar Lithuanian Republic period few attempts to prohibit such conflict of interest were taken. The legislation prohibited holding a few offices and to employ relatives. Some current Lithuanian legislation directly some indirectly (Public Service Act, Seimas' Statute, etc.) try to control similar situation which may turn into corrupt acti-vity or misuse of public office for private or other interests. The first special legisla­tion prohibiting conflict of interests was issued in 1997. The Law on the Compatibil­ity of Public and Private Interests in the Public Service underwent three main correc­tions. The analysis of this legislation allows concluding that the main weakness was not corrected. The usage of the term "adjust" instead of "separation" might be under­stood as a compromise instead of taking the stricter position dealing with the issue. The Law seeks "to adjust private and public interests, to ensure that priority is given to public interests, to strengthen impartiality of decisions and to prevent corruption in public service" and applies to both public servants and politicians. Meanwhile in other countries legislative has more ambitious goal to ensue public interest priority. The analyses of seventeen codes of ethics and codes of conduct existing in vari­ous Lithuanian public institutions showed that their authors paid some attention to this issue. Some codes refer to existing legislation; some describe general principles for conduct or try to explain how to behave in such uneasy situations. There are fundamental differences between elected officials and civil servants which have major implications for conflict of interest regulation first of all due to their different roles, term of service. Some Lithuanian legislation regulating conflict of interests apply to politicians and civil servants, some differ. As in other democra­cies activity of civil servants are more regulated (Public service act, law on Pub­lic administration, Ethical rules of conduct, etc.). But existing legislation does not change the situation and can not increase public trust if is not understood and properly implemented. ; Šio straipsnio tikslas yra išanalizuoti teisinį interesų konflikto re­guliavimą Lietuvoje. Trumpai pristačius interesų konflikto ir su šia etikos bei teisės problema susijusias sąvokas, išskyrus interesų konflikto formas ir rūšis, pereinama prie Lietuvos atvejo analizės. Trumpą istorinį ekskursą į tarpukario Lietuvos teisinį šios problemos reguliavimą keičia dabartinio Lietuvos Respublikos viešųjų ir privačių interesų derinimo valstybinėje tar­nyboje įstatymo analizė. Trys įstatymo redakcijos leidžia aptikti jo pokyčius ir juos vertinti platesniu mastu. Taip pat skiriama dėmesio šiai problemai ap­tarti Lietuvos viešojo sektoriaus etikos kodeksuose. Bandymai užkirsti kelią interesų konflikto situacijoms atsirasti vertinami ne tik šio, bet ir kitų teisės aktų kontekste. Analizė leidžia teigti, kad Lietuvoje, kaip ir kitose Vakarų demokratijose, valstybės tarnautojų veikla kilus interesų konfliktui yra labiau kontroliuojama nei politikų.

[spa]Enmarcada en el estudio de la reacción internacional y la participación extranjera en la guerra civil española, esta Tesis analiza la respuesta al conflicto que se dio en Irlanda. Tal y como ocurrió en el resto de países democráticos, el contencioso español captó la atención de los habitantes de la isla de un modo significativo. El público se formuló su propia opinión al respecto, abriéndose un debate que se instaló en los principales resortes de la sociedad civil. Las formaciones políticas tomaron partido a favor de uno u otro bando y animaron a sus seguidores a secundar su postura. El Gobierno en funciones hubo de lidiar con una serie de imperativos que la conflagración impuso en su agenda, y los grupos de poder que ostentaban un peso relevante manifestaron su visión sin tapujos. Esto se advino en un momento en que la coyuntura interna de la isla atravesaba por un periodo delicado, puesto que el Free State pugnaba por consolidar el estatus que el Tratado de 1921 le había conferido, mientras que las élites dirigentes se disputaban el control del nuevo Estado. El carácter católico de la nación irlandesa jugó un papel crucial en la reacción que la guerra de España despertó entre sus ciudadanos. Pensemos que la defensa de este credo alimentaba una sangrienta disputa sectaria en el Norte, al tiempo que servía de factor diferencial para aislar la identidad gaélico-celta del resto de las Islas Británicas, de mayoría anglosajona y protestante. El tratamiento de las noticias sobre la Península que implementaron los rotativos del Sur, la postura adoptada por la Iglesia católica y la campaña a favor de los insurgentes que impulsó el conservadurismo irlandés, contribuyeron a decantar en un primer momento la opinión pública del lado rebelde. El conflicto fue interpretado como una pugna religiosa, condición que eclipsó otro tipo de lecturas posibles. La intensidad del clivaje vino acompañada, cuando no motivada, por una manipulación interesada de la información que se daba a la población. Las clases dominantes de la isla habían hecho un esfuerzo en los años precedentes por alejar a los sectores populares de las propuestas emancipadoras más radicales, alimentando para ello un temor rojo que terminó cuajando en el ánimo mayoritario. La corporación eclesiástica venía mostrando su cara más reaccionaria, enfrentándose sin complejos a cualquier atisbo de modernidad que pudiera cuestionar su poder. De hecho, muchos de sus adalides recibieron con gusto las formulaciones ideológicas que abogaban por reconquistar su preeminencia en todas las áreas de la vida comunitaria, es decir el corporativismo católico o, en su defecto, el vocacionalismo de Estado. La ultraderecha irlandesa adoptó una postura beligerante, volcando todas sus energías en la defensa de los facciosos. Los factores que motivaron esta actitud son complejos y variados, aunque en líneas generales respondieron a intereses propios, internos, antes que a una verdadera afección desinteresada. Por su parte, la izquierda radical no dudó en ofrecer toda su solidaridad a los republicanos españoles. Respuesta que le valió el acoso de muchos sectores sociales, políticos y religiosos. La insistencia de la contra-propaganda obrerista y la progresiva falta de legitimidad en la que cayó el discurso pro-franquista, terminaron por bascular el apoyo popular a la causa insurgente hacia una postura más templada. De este modo, las opiniones divergentes pudieron expresarse con un cierto margen de libertad. Aún así, la defensa de la causa lealista continuó chocando con la firme condena de la Iglesia y la oposición frontal de los estratos más acomodados. De Valera subscribió el plan de No-Intervención desde fechas tempranas, decisión que le valió la crítica de los contrincantes parlamentarios y de sus enemigos políticos. Dublín se esforzó en marcar un perfil de actuación diferenciado respecto a la Gran Bretaña, aunque no llegó a permitir que la cuestión española abriera ninguna brecha de disentimiento profundo entre ambos países. Salamanca encontró un aliado potencial en algunos grupos de presión irlandeses como el Irish Christian Front, la jerarquía católica y ciertos grupúsculos filo-fascistas como los blueshirts o el NCP. De hecho, a punto se estuvo de organizar una cruzada moderna en defensa de la cristiandad, que hubiera traído hasta España a millares de voluntarios dispuestos a combatir. Diversos intereses truncaron esta iniciativa y, finalmente, la propuesta se tradujo en una pírrica participación en la guerra de una pequeña compañía expedicionaria que no tardó en ser devuelta a su hogar. Por su parte, las formaciones que asumieron en la isla la salvaguarda del Gobierno de Madrid se vieron obligadas a aunar fuerzas y conglomerarse en un Frente Unido, a imagen y semejanza del Frente Popular español, para resistir el embate de la reacción. Contra viento y marea, esta plataforma convocó diversos actos de solidaridad en defensa de la legitimidad republicana, organizó comités de apoyo al pueblo español y trató de advertir a los trabajadores irlandeses del verdadero significado del conflicto. Aún más, algunos de sus mejores activos no dudaron en alistarse a las filas de las Brigadas Internacionales, haciéndose un lugar en la historia por su ardor en el combate y su sacrificio heroico. El objetivo de esta Tesis consiste, por un lado, en evocar el avance del estado de la cuestión que se ha alcanzado en Irlanda durante los últimos años, y por el otro, en aportar aquella información que las investigaciones que nos anteceden habían eludido. La justificación de todo ello, guarda relación con la escasa atención que la historiografía española ha prestado a esta temática hasta el momento, circunstancia que contrasta con la cantidad de trabajos que se han dedicado a analizar la respuesta que se dio en lugares como la Gran Bretaña, Francia, Italia o Alemania. Dicha carencia se presenta como un motivo de peso para tratar de llenar el vacío que existe en este campo. Para ello, hemos tratado de comprender los paradigmas que la historiografía irlandesa había establecido en torno al objeto de estudio, revisando las principales fuentes que habían consultado sus representantes y, en segundo lugar, hemos intentado descubrir y analizar otras fuentes novedosas que no habían sido trabajadas hasta la fecha. Los antecedentes de nuestra disertación se asientan en el trabajo desarrollado unas décadas atrás por algunos académicos irlandeses. Michael O'Riordan fue la primera persona que estudió con una cierta solidez la vivencia de los reclutas isleños en las Brigadas Internacionales. Su obra Connolly Column, se insería en la vertiente de publicaciones que analizaban el papel jugado por los distintos contingentes de voluntarios extranjeros que lucharon a favor del Gobierno de Madrid. Diletante antes que historiador de formación, su libro fue superado un tiempo después por la labor de los profesores Robert Stradling y Fearghal McGarry, quienes a finales de los años noventa editaron, respectivamente, el resultado de sus investigaciones centradas en la reacción irlandesa ante la guerra civil. Estos fueron los trabajos que nos pusieron en la pista del fenómeno que ocupa nuestra atención. La estructura de los temas abordados responde a un doble condicionante. Por un lado, resultaba complicado esquivar la división del contenido de sus obras que habían usado McGarry y Stradling. Por el otro, las propias fuentes que hemos consultado han impuesto, a tenor de las deducciones obtenidas, una determinada distribución de los resultados. El primero de estos imperativos guarda relación con el deseo de implementar una exposición holística del fenómeno. En este sentido, era menester acotar el marco histórico, construir una narración general de los hechos, y, profundizar en el relato de la experiencia vivida por los voluntarios que se trasladaron hasta la Península para combatir. Estas secciones de nuestro trabajo ocupan las Partes primera, segunda y tercera del mismo, y la estructura de sus capítulos guarda un parecido con los trabajos de McGarry y Stradling. La redacción de los apartados que los integran ha contado, aún así, con el auxilio de ciertas fuentes que estos autores no habían usado en su momento. Esto se hace patente en lo que concierne a la primera Parte. La segunda y tercera Parte incorporan algunos datos novedosos que derivan del análisis de periódicos y artículos que los susodichos investigadores pasaron por alto. El segundo condicionante al que nos habíamos referido guarda relación con la cuarta y quinta Parte de esta Tesis, donde se presenta la mayor dosis de originalidad que encierra nuestro ensayo. Son fruto de un estudio documental intensivo, que nos ha permitido recoger el testimonio aportado por una cantidad nada deleznable de material de archivo prácticamente inédito. La extensión de estos descubrimientos ha exigido ordenar los resultados de manera diferenciada según su contenido o procedencia. Así, la cuarta Parte aloja toda la información derivada de las cajas y legajos albergados por el National Archive of Ireland, vinculada eminentemente con la reacción de las autoridades irlandesas ante la guerra. Por el contrario, la quinta Parte expone los hallazgos encontrados en diversos archivos que se ubican en el Estado español, los más destacados de los cuales son el Archivo General Militar de Ávila y el Centro Documental de la Memoria Histórica. La elección de las fuentes ha respondido a un criterio abierto, inclusivo, en cuyo origen subyacía el deseo de cotejar la mayor cantidad posible de inputs de información. Este trabajo se sitúa en el campo de la historia política, a lo que se suman algunas consideraciones de otra índole. A efectos de contenido temático, los centros a los que debíamos acceder en Irlanda eran, sin lugar a dudas, la National Library y el National Archive. La faena de biblioteca, en lo que a bibliografía y sección de hemeroteca se refiere, quedó satisfecha en el University College Cork, donde pude permanecer como investigador visitante. Por otro lado, la sanción de una aportación novedosa al estado de la cuestión debía resolverse a base de indagar con detenimiento en los archivos españoles. Era éste un campo de trabajo relativamente virgen en relación con los estudios que se habían impulsado en la isla, hecho que lo convertía por sí mismo en uno de los motivos que justificaban la elaboración de esta Tesis. Stradling y McGarry, tal y como habían hecho hasta entonces algunos especialistas extranjeros en materia de guerra civil, habían visitado, sin obtener grandes rendimientos, los centros de Ávila y Salamanca. En este sentido, mi primer cometido consistía en superar el alcance de la exploración que ambos habían llevado a cabo en estos archivos. La disponibilidad de tiempo, un mejor dominio del castellano y la voluntad de perseverar, permitían atisbar algunas expectativas de éxito en torno a este objetivo. Mi proyecto de investigación preveía extender las pesquisas a otros centros del Estado, meta que me condujo hasta las salas del Archivo General Militar de Segovia y el Archivo General Militar de Guadalajara. Anhelaba encontrar aquí más datos acerca de los voluntarios irlandeses que lucharon en la guerra y, aunque en poca cantidad, di con algo interesante. Las visitas al Arxiu Nacional de Catalunya, al Centro de Patrimonio Documental de Euskadi y al Archivo del Nacionalismo Vasco, tenían por objetivo la detección de relaciones y concomitancias entre el nacionalismo de estos lugares e Irlanda. De nuevo, estas diligencias concluyeron con un resultado favorable. Finalmente, requerí consultar los fondos de algunos equipamientos como la Biblioteca Foral de la Diputación de Bizkaia o los depósitos documentales y bibliográficos del Pavelló de la República (Universitat de Barcelona), para trabajar con algunas ediciones de prensa que podían enriquecer el trabajo. Las revistas y publicaciones periódicas que han sido citadas en esta Tesis fueron localizadas, de forma mayoritaria, en el archivo Special Collections y en la biblioteca de la universidad de Cork. Los fondos inter-universitarios a los que se puede acceder hoy en día a través de la Red, hicieron el resto. La prensa escrita que consulté en Irlanda ha representado un elemento de primer orden a la hora de obtener datos suculentos e información precisa con la que operar. Pude ocuparme de algunos portavoces radicales como el United Ireland o The Irish Democrat gracias a los microfilms que se guardan en la universidad de Cork. El análisis de otros periódicos de ámbito más general como el Irish Press o el Irish Independent, me vino facilitado por los servicios on-line de la Boole Library que ofrece la UCC, a los que logré tener acceso gracias a la condición de 'visiting researcher' con la que decidieron congraciarme. La inspección de rotativos como La Vanguardia y el ABC pudo solventarse sin problemas en España. Por el contrario, la depuración de algunos noticiarios como el Our Fight o el Volunteer for Liberty exigió pasar algunas jornadas de trabajo en archivos especializados como el Centre d'Estudis Històrics Internacional. La mayor parte de la bibliografía utilizada en esta Tesis es de manufactura anglosajona, predominantemente irlandesa. La estancia de investigación que realicé en Irlanda me facilitó, en gran medida, su consulta. Años atrás, en motivo de mi primera visita a la isla, logré adquirir aquellos títulos más esenciales que habrían de sentar las bases de este ensayo. Desde Granada, mientras cursaba los estudios del DEA, continué alimentando esta actividad compilatoria. Posteriormente, cuando ya trabajaba en la Tesis, el CDMH y el CEHI me sirvieron para localizar algunas obras que podían ser de utilidad. A grandes rasgos, puede señalarse que nos hemos servido tanto de obras contemporáneas del estilo de The Book of the VX International Brigade o las memorias de O'Duffy, como de obras actuales redactadas por historiadores de nuestro tiempo. Lógicamente cada capítulo y apartado ha requerido una contextualización bibliográfica en particular. Algunos libros guardaban una utilidad transversal, por lo que han servido como herramientas generales. Otros fueron requeridos para atajar simples cuestiones puntuales, de modo que han ocupado una categoría secundaria. Finalmente, hemos usado algunas publicaciones a modo de instrumentos auxiliares. Eso sí, la mayor parte de los textos de los que nos hemos servido, ya fuesen recuerdos de veteranos, manuales escritos por historiadores, crónicas periodísticas de la guerra, artículos de prensa o revistas de corte académico, entre otros, estaban escritos en lengua inglesa. ; [eng]This project of investigation surveys Irish responses to the Spanish Civil War, recounting the participation of Irishmen on both sides of that conflict. Specially, it analyses the motives behind their involvement in Spain, their experiences there, and it attempts to place both in the context of comparative international responses to the war. It's correct to say that the Spanish Civil War aroused strong passions in Ireland, so this research examines various interest groups on the Irish front: supporters of the Spanish Republic, the pro-Franco Irish Christian Front, the Catholic Church, etc. It also considers the formation of diplomatic policy, and the party political responses. However, all those reactions help to illustrate the impact on Ireland of the rise of radical ideologies in 1930s Europe. So, this P.H.D. describes the political culture of interwar Ireland. The central part of this research studies the corps of 700 Irish volunteers, formed by Eoin O'Duffy (politician who had previously organised the banned quasi-fascist Bueshirts in Ireland), that fought on the Nationalist side of Franco. And by the other hand, explains the history about the group of IRA members and Irish Socialists who fought in support the cause of the Second Republic (around 250-300 men), organized by the Republican Congress and the Irish Communist Party with Frank Ryan as their leader; sometimes referred to as the "Connolly Column". Moreover, this work turns around different axes of research related with the connections between Ireland and Spain during the interwar period. This is, the foreign affairs among both countries, their diplomatic relations, the reception of Irish news and events in the Spanish medias of that time, etc. Specially, trying to put forward the Catalan and Basque particular ties with Ireland. By doing so, it analyzes several bonds that were established between various political parties, institutions, organizations and other bodies from those lands.

The driving forces of economic growth, according to the mainstream of classical economic thinking, are threefold: technological innovations, the opening up of new territories and discovery of new resources, and increase in population. In interaction, in an entrepreneurial market economy, these forces generate growth not only in the aggregate but also per capita. Evidence of their power was seen in the long stretch of rising living standards in the West over the nineteenth century, despite the ups and downs of the business cycle. However, the economic experience of the interwar years, and in particular the Great Depression of the 1930s, suggested that the forces were largely spent and hence that future economic prospects were gravely imperiled. The Keynesian revolution in economics was a response to the evident malfunctioning of the capitalist economic system, although the policy recipes it offered (for increasing demand and investment to levels capable of generating an equilibrium consistent with full employment of productive resources, especially labor) by no means commanded unanimity.The most prominent American contributor to and spokesman for the new line of economic analysis—often called "the American Keynes"—was Alvin H. Hansen (1887–1975), who took up his professorship of political economy at Harvard in 1937, just after the appearance of Keynes's General Theory. In that post, which he held until his retirement in 1956, he was one of the most influential economists of the era as a theorist, policy adviser, and teacher. Hansen interpreted the economic problems of the 1930s not just as the manifestation of a particularly sharp cyclical downturn, but as evidence of secular stagnation caused by the closing of the economic frontier, sluggishness in technological innovation, and, not least, "a drastic decline in population growth." This "stagnation thesis" is most succinctly set out in his presidential address to the American Economic Association, delivered in Detroit, 28 December 1938, under the title Economic Progress and Declining Population Growth. The address is re‐produced below from the March 1939 issue of the American Economic Review. (The opening paragraphs of the address, and two paragraphs, immediately preceding the closing paragraph, in which Hansen discusses changes in US national income in the 1930s, have been omitted.)Hansen's analysis of the effects of declining population growth in many ways echoes the thesis set out by Keynes in his seminal Galton Lecture delivered to the Eugenics Society in 1937 (reprinted in the Archives section of PDR 4, no. 3): a demographic slowdown decreases opportunities for profitable investments and increases levels of attempted saving, hence pushes the economy toward a low‐growth equilibrium at which resources are underutilized and unemployment is high. Hansen puts special emphasis on demographically induced shifts in the composition of output. He suggests that, beyond its direct positive effect on investment and output, population growth also has an indirect enhancing effect on these factors by facilitating technological progress–contrary to the "older Malthusian view." In his policy proposals Hansen was more interventionist than Keynes, advocating a more intrusive government role in the economy as a possible means of escaping the vicious cycle of low demand and high unemployment. As to government action to reverse demographic trends seen as deleterious, neither Keynes nor Hansen argued for policies to increase fertility, presumably because they saw them as both inappropriate and, in comparison to remedial economic policy measures, inefficient or unfeasible.The demands of the war economy in the years following Hansen's address took care of the employment problem, and the immediate postwar decades brought the stimuli of pent‐up consumer demand, an outpouring of technological innovations, a reopening of the economic frontier produced by a more liberal trade regime, and, also, an acceleration of population growth. The result was rapid overall economic growth and increasing levels of per capita income. Keynesian demand management played some role in this economic success story: by the end of the 1960s even US President Richard Nixon pronounced himself a Keynesian. But it offered no remedy for the stagflation that eventually followed. The growth‐promoting recipes favored in the last decades of the century (especially in the most successful developing economies) were anything but Keynesian: limited government, fiscal restraint, and globalization.Yet recent and anticipated demographic trends, especially in Europe—notably fertility decline and population aging—make Hansen, once again, interesting reading. Commitments of the modern welfare state for health care, retirement pensions, and job security command wide approval, but they have boosted governments' weight in the economy and made labor markets inflexible, unemployment high, and retirement early—developments that may increasingly impose a brake on economic growth and on improvements of living standards. Reform measures to ease these burdens are, in principle, straightforward, but their immediate social costs are heavy and their rewards are delayed, hence resistance to reform is strong and growing. This is likely to stimulate the search for alternative policies that offer politically more palatable tradeoffs—some of which may turn out to have an unmistakably Hansenian flavor. As to future population trends, Hansen, despite his reference to a "drastic decline in population growth" based on a comparison of nineteenth‐ and twentieth‐century Western demographic change, envisaged a convergence to a stationary population or a tendency toward very slow decrease. Yet some economies are already locked into a demographic pattern that augurs sharper declines and more rapid population aging, enhancing the relevance of the issues posed by Hansen. In Germany, for example, in the absence of immigration, the population between ages 20 and 40 will decline from 21.6 million in 2005 to 16.3 million in 2025—a drop of 23 percent. Over the same time period, the population aged 60 and older will grow from 20.5 million to 25.8 million—an increase of 26 percent. Serious efforts to slow population decline and retard population aging by stimulating fertility would of course add another major burden to government budgets.

The title of the Part I is "the history of limnological research about Lake Baikal and the Lake of Geneva". Studies about Lake Baikal and the Lake of Geneva have begun since the Antiquity but the 18th century was decisive. The two first scientists working about the Lake of Geneva were Fatio de Duillier and de Saussure, whereas only travelers, soldiers and exiles could write about Lake Baikal. Due to scientific progress and new political and economic conditions, the work of limnologists and other world-renowned scientific figures emerged at the end of the 19th century, Forel and Delebecque in the Lake of Geneva, Dybovskij, Čerskij, Obručev and Driženko in Lake Baikal. During the interwar period, the biologist Vereščagin was the leader of the new limnological station of Lake Baikal, whereas Collet was the great geologist of the Lake of Geneva. Since 1945, team work in the limnological institutes of the two lakes has taken over isolated researchers. The technologies are very high, especially on Lake Baikal, where oceanographic ones are used. The boundaries between France and Switzerland and between Russia and Mongolia, the differences between capitalism and communism had a great influence on the research about the two lakes. Today biologists and geologists working about the Lake of Geneva count in tens and especially study pollution and eutrophication. Geologists, biologists and geographers working about Lake Baikal count in thousands and especially study systematic, structure of the rift and conservation of the environment in the hydrographic basin. For our purposes, the main difference between the two lakes is the lack of geographic research in the case of Lake Geneva, while 250 researchers of the Institute of Geography in Irkutsk study Lake Baikal. The title of the Part II is "Geography of Baikal and the Lake of Geneva, analytic and synthetic lake-scale cartography". Since geography describes, lake-scale cartography squares with observer-scale cartography. Some forty analytic maps describe lake basins, waters and organisms. In a second time, two synthetic maps define the geographical problematic of the two lakes, i.e. their geographical individuality (fig. 46 and 47). The geomorphological, hydrological and biogeographical characteristics of Lake Baikal are of planetary importance because the ratio between the rate of formation of the lake basin and the rate of sedimentary filling-up is very high. The geographical individuality of the Lake of Geneva is based on the intersection of its medium horizontal dimensions, its young age and its great relative depth. The title of the Part III is "Geography of Baikal and the Lake of Geneva at different scales". The world-scale study of Lake Baikal and of the Lake of Geneva includes the influence of latitude and longitude on the climate and on the hydrological cycle of the two lakes, the plate tectonics, the biological evolution and endemism, the development of human technologies. The hydrographic basin – scale study includes hydrological balances, sedimentary filling-up, pollution and eutrophication. But both lakes provide feedback, they have an influence on the climate, the geomorphology and the biogeography of a small part of the continent. The region – scale study confirms the definition of the geographical individuality of each lake. The regionalization of Lake Baikal in five parts and of the Lake of Geneva in three parts is based on the criterion of the geographical individuality of the whole lake (fig. 67 and 74). ; Dans le livre I, « le temps et la recherche limnologique sur le Léman et le Baïkal », l'étude de l'histoire des recherches limnologiques sur le Léman et le Baïkal permet de mieux appréhender ce qu'on attend de nouveau de la part du géographe qui s'intéresse à des lacs examinés depuis des siècles. Les premières allusions écrites au Léman et au Baïkal datent de l'Antiquité, mais les études précises n'ont pas commencé avant le XVIIIème siècle. Les conditions de peuplement étaient cependant fort différentes. Fatio de Duillier et de Saussure furent les deux premiers savants s'intéressant au Léman, tandis que des voyageurs, des militaires et des exilés du tsar donnaient des renseignements sur le Baïkal. Les progrès scientifiques croissants et de nouvelles conditions politiques et économiques favorisèrent le travail de limnologues et autres personnalités scientifiques de renommée mondiale à la fin du XIXème siècle, Forel et Delebecque pour le Léman, Dybovskij, Čerskij, Obručev et Driženko pour le Baïkal. Pendant l'entre-deux-guerres, le biologiste Vereščagin, à la tête de la nouvelle station limnologique fondée sur les bords du Baïkal, mena des recherches dans tous les domaines et fit faire un bond aux connaissances qu'on avait du grand lac sibérien. Depuis Genève, Collet fut à l'origine des études géologiques de la cuvette lémanique. Depuis 1945, les travaux en équipe dans les instituts de limnologie des deux lacs ont pris le relais de ceux des chercheurs isolés. Les techniques mises à leur disposition sont devenues imposantes, surtout sur le Baïkal, où des moyens océanographiques sont constamment utilisés. Les différends, ou au contraire les coopérations, entre la France et la Suisse, la Russie et la Mongolie, le système capitaliste des premiers, communiste des seconds, finançant et orientant les recherches, ont été à l'origine d'une riche variété de possibilités dans l'étude des deux lacs et de leur bassin d'alimentation. L'optique des travaux récents et actuels n'est pas la même. Les chercheurs du Léman, quelques dizaines de biologistes et géologues, étudient en premier lieu l'eutrophisation et la pollution. Ceux du Baïkal, plusieurs milliers de biologistes, géologues et géographes, ont une prédilection pour la systématique, la structure du rift, ainsi que la protection du milieu naturel du bassin versant. Pour notre propos, la grande différence entre les deux lacs est l'absence de recherche géographique dans le cas du Léman, alors que 250 chercheurs de l'Institut de Géographie d'Irkoutsk étudient le Baïkal. Il s'avère finalement que l'attente principale est de cerner la personnalité de chaque lac. Cela doit être le but de la thèse. Il s'agit pour y parvenir de mettre à profit les qualités de la géographie, la cartographie, la globalité, les changements d'échelle. La mise au point d'une méthode géographique pour embrasser l'individualité de chaque lac demande d'être validée par son application sur des lacs très différents, comme le sont les Léman et le Baïkal. Dans le livre II, « géographie du Baïkal et du Léman, cartographie analytique et synthétique à l'échelle du lac », le lac est abordé à l'échelle de l'observateur, du géographe, qui commence par décrire. Une quarantaine de cartes analytiques sur la cuvette, l'eau et les organismes vivants permettent de prendre un premier contact avec le Baïkal et le Léman. Dès que cela est nécessaire, des éléments d'explication sont intégrés à cette étude à l'échelle du lac, conduisant ainsi par exemple à la construction de deux cartes géomorphologiques (fig. 17 et 18). Dans un second temps, la cartographie est utilisée pour définir la problématique géographique de chacun des deux lacs (fig. 46 et 47). Cette synthèse répond à la nécessité de déterminer la personnalité géographique de chaque individu lacustre. Les caractères géomorphologiques, hydrologiques et biogéographiques du Baïkal sont tous d'importance mondiale parce que le rapport entre la vitesse de formation de la cuvette lacustre et celle de son comblement est particulièrement grand relativement aux autres lacs. Le plus grand volume d'eau douce et la plus grande profondeur de tous les lacs du monde, et les innombrables conséquences de ces deux qualités, bref tous les records liés aux dimensions du Baïkal, en découlent. La plus grande ancienneté lacustre de la planète, et son influence déterminante sur l'endémisme biogéographique unique du Baïkal, c'est-à-dire tous les caractères liés à l'évolution dans le temps de ce lac, en dérivent aussi. Les deux ensembles de caractères sont en outre corrélés à un échelon supérieur. C'est parce que le Baïkal est si ancien qu'il est si profond et volumineux ; c'est parce qu'il est si profond et volumineux qu'il a pu traverser les glaciations sans bouleversement et être ainsi si ancien. La problématique du Léman, celle qui lui forge sa personnalité géographique, est fondé sur le mélange de ses dimensions petites à moyennes, de son origine dans le temps récente et de sa durée de vie éphémère, avec son seul caractère de grand lac, soit sa profondeur importante (non pas sa profondeur absolue mais sa profondeur relative à la superficie, celle-ci étant ramenée à une valeur d'exposant un par un calcul mathématique simple). Le Léman est ainsi à la fois un lac soumis à son bassin versant et tenté par l'indépendance, et c'est sur ce subtil équilibre que s'appuie toute son originalité. Le livre III s'intitule « géographie du Baïkal et du Léman, changements d'échelle ». La machine lacustre mérite, dans le but de saisir les mécanismes généraux qui en régissent le fonctionnement, d'être étudiée à l'échelle mondiale. Ce terme est entendu dans le sens large de la prise en compte d'un espace d'une taille telle que le Baïkal et le Léman peuvent être considérés comme des points. C'est l'échelle de la zonalité, de l'influence de la longitude sur le caractère océanique ou continental du climat, du cycle de l'eau, de la tectonique des plaques, de l'évolution des espèces vers l'endémisme, de l'évolution des techniques humaines. L'étude à cette échelle spatiale est menée en tenant particulièrement compte du rôle des différentes échelles de temps. L'influence des 100° de longitude séparant les deux lacs est énorme sur l'hydrologie du Baïkal et du Léman, faisant du premier un lac dimictique, donc remarquablement oxygéné sur toute sa tranche, pourtant très épaisse, et recouvert par une épaisse banquise chaque année pendant cinq mois, et du second un lac monomictique chaud, voire, près d'une année sur deux, méromictique, provoquant ainsi un déficit en oxygène dans les couches profondes, accentué par les conséquences de l'eutrophisation. La cuvette lacustre du Baïkal est un grand volume structural et une forme géomorphologique durable, à l'échelle de la dizaine de millions d'années. C'est un rift dont l'ouverture serait liée à la collision des plaques lithosphériques indienne et eurasiatique. La cuvette lacustre lémanique est au contraire une forme de détail du modelé et une forme éphémère, à l'échelle de la dizaine de milliers d'années. C'est un héritage morphoclimatique de la dernière glaciation, en train d'être comblé. La très longue évolution isolée du Baïkal a permis le développement de plus d'un millier d'espèces végétales et animales endémiques, comme la nerpa, l'omul' ou la golomjanka. Puis le Baïkal a vu arriver l'Homme, exploitant depuis peu ce lac vierge. C'est au contraire l'Homme qui a vu arriver le Léman, participant dès l'origine à ses caractères biogéographiques. La plupart des rouages de la machine lacustre fonctionnent en étant alimentés par les apports du bassin versant en eau et en sédiments. Les variations des bilans hydrologiques et des volumes des deux lacs sont étudiés à plusieurs échelles de temps. L'étude à l'échelle du bassin d'alimentation permet en outre d'intégrer le rôle de l'Homme, dont l'influence sur l'activité du lac est croissante. L'eutrophisation et la pollution du lac proviennent des rejets anthropiques dans le bassin versant. Le Baïkal est de ce point de vue un lac en sursis, que la fermeture, depuis si longtemps annoncée et reportée, du combinat de papier et cellulose guérirait définitivement. Le Léman est un lac au littoral construit, en convalescence depuis l'interdiction par la Suisse de l'utilisation des lessives à phosphates. Le lac agit en retour, de manière beaucoup plus réduite, sur une petite portion du continent. Nous essayons de délimiter une sorte de bassin de réception à cette influence. Elle concerne le microclimat lacustre, les héritages morphoclimatiques, comme les terrasses lacustres, la biogéographie de la partie aval des affluents du lac. L'étude à l'échelle régionale permet de conclure sur l'objectif de cette thèse, la tentative de cerner l'individualité géographique de chaque lac. Elle ne se contente pas de servir de toutes les données précédentes pour les appliquer à l'étude locale des paysages lacustres. Elle cherche à approfondir la réflexion sur la problématique du Baïkal et celle du Léman. La personnalité de chaque région lacustre doit en effet être déterminée par celle du lac tout entier. Le découpage régional est chargé de valider le critère qui avait été choisi dans le livre II pour définir une problématique lacustre. L'idée directrice du rapport, favorable à la grandeur et à la durée du Baïkal, entre la vitesse de la formation de la cuvette et celle de son remplissage sédimentaire conduit à distinguer cinq régions : le bassin septentrional, le seuil tectonique, le bassin central, le seuil sédimentaire et le bassin méridional, qui répondent de façon différenciée à ce critère (fig. 67). L'idée directrice de la soumission, légèrement nuancée par quelques velléités d'indépendance, du Léman au continent aboutit à un découpage régional du lac en trois régions, le Léman du grand affluent, le Rhône valaisan, le Léman des affluents moyens et le Léman de l'effluent, le Rhône genevois (fig. 74).

This edited collection is a result of the scientific project Identities of Serbian Music Within the Local and Global Framework: Traditions, Changes, Challenges (No. 177004, 2011–2019), funded by the Ministry of Education, Science and Technological Development of the Republic of Serbia, and implemented by the Institute of Musicology SASA (Belgrade, Serbia). It is also a result of work on the bilateral project carried out by the Center for International Relations (Faculty of Social Sciences, University of Ljubljana) and the Institute of Musicology SASA (Belgrade, Serbia) entitled Music as a Means of Cultural Diplomacy of Small Transition Countries: The Cases of Slovenia and Serbia (with financial support of ARRS). The process of its publishing was financially supported by the Ministry of Education, Science and Technological Development of the Republic of Serbia. ; Culture and cultural artefacts have been an important instrument of establishing and maintaining political relations between different peoples and states since the emergence of diplomatic practice in the 17th century, and some authors date this practice as far back as the period of ancient civilizations. Despite the long history of using culture for different political purposes and interests, particularly in relation to bonding peoples and states or increasing their influence, it was not until the creation of nation-states and, above all, the development of modern mass media such as widespread newspapers and journals, and regional and national radio and TV stations that this practice flourished and gained prominence. Therefore, it is no coincidence that researchers of this topic mainly on the last two centuries, particularly the Cold War era as one of the peak moments when it comes to creatively employing cultural products to achieve an array of nationally and internationally oriented political goals. Apart from revealing how diverse cultural actions contributed to the promotion of the countries of both the Western and the Eastern Bloc, along with their dominant values and ideology, a large number of studies published in the recent decades have also served to indirectly point to the necessity of thorough examination of the cultural part of foreign policy making and international relations, to providing it a stronger theoretical foundation and to the importance of including in the analyses different cases from different periods. Academics active in this area emphasize the need for greater clarity in defining key concepts and classificatory schemes in the analysis of cultural segments of international relations. For instance, Ang, Isar Ray and Mar highlight the popularity and, at the same time, the obscurity of the concept of cultural diplomacy, which has been given a dominant place in debates starting from the beginning of the 21st century. As these authors observe, the semantic field of this term has "broadened considerably over the years," making it applicable to "pretty much any practice that is related to purposeful cultural cooperation between nations or group of nations." This tendency not only contributed to a blurring of the lines between the concept of cultural diplomacy and other concepts that evolved prior to its expansion, including international cultural relations, public diplomacy and soft power, but also undermined the efforts to create a more coherent approach to the research of cultural phenomena in the domain of international relations. The issue is exacerbated by the heterogeneous disciplinary framing of this topic. Although it is mainly explored in the areas of political sciences and history, interest in researching the phenomenon also appears in other fields, including sociology, art history, musicology, ethnomusicology, etc. Apart from the fact that uncritical use of the concept of cultural diplomacy has made it "a floating signifier," an even more challenging consequence, in our opinion, is the inability to properly link the research results to already produced knowledge on the one hand and on the other to systematically compare cases from different historical and geopolitical settings. Notwithstanding certain difficulties that manifest in exploring the cultural part of international relations in the recent decades, the abundant and steadily growing collection of studies created after the fall of the Berlin Wall indicates that researchers are recognizing the importance and relevance of this topic along with its multifaceted potential. It is the potential that this research area offers for a broader and more nuanced understanding of the sphere of international affairs, along with capturing the complexities of the process of constructing a national culture and national cultural policy-making, that served as the primary motive for the preparation of this collection. Another very important aspect was that cultural phenomena have been on the margin in the research of the foreign policies of countries of Southeast Europe—including the countries that belonged to the Eastern Bloc—and have not been given much attention in discussions. Moreover, the presence of music in the conducting of international relations of the peoples and states of this part of Europe in modern history is almost completely neglected in existing publications. Encouraged by the growing interest in the examination of the role of music in the sphere of international affairs from the 17th century on, which has become evident in the last decade, and intrigued by the possibilities it brings for gaining new insights into cultural and musical phenomena both in the national and international context, we decided to gather scholars from different fields (history, musicology) from Southeast and Central Europe who are familiar with different historical periods. The intended focus was the era of nation-states, particularly from the 18th to 20th century, but above all after World War I. In geographical terms, we focused on the peoples and countries of Southeast Europe, particularly those that were part of former Yugoslavia, together with parts of Central Europe that belonged to the Eastern Bloc (Czechoslovakia). The main aim was not to give final and axiomatic answers to issues concerning the employment of music and musical activities in international relations in the given period and geopolitical settings, but to point to the diversity of interconnections between the spheres of music, culture, international relations and politics as well as their outcomes. Our starting point was the assumption that culture serves as one of the sources for international relations, and that its relevance is determined by the historical circumstances and dominant tendencies in the national and international settings (development of states' cultural sphere, their economic and political power, power relations on the international scene, etc.). Apart from that, it is also important to create a clear conceptual distinction between the more general contexts of the use of culture and music in the sphere of international affairs, where not only the state and its bodies but also non-state actors have a crucial contribution (international cultural relations) through formal and informal occasions, and the more specific contexts where the primary role is statecraft (cultural diplomacy). As a result, fourteen studies were prepared and divided into three sections. The first part, entitled "Diplomacy Behind the Scenes: Musicians' Contact With the Diplomatic Sphere" comprises of three chapters focusing on different phenomena—the intensive political and intellectual networking of a circle of 18th-century Croatian diplomats, composers and polymaths (Luka and Miho Sorkočević, Julije Bajamonti and Ruđer Bošković) with their European fellows and the resulting intercultural exchanges (Ivana Tomić Ferić); the influence of the political and diplomatic engagement of the Serbian Metropolitan in the Habsburg Monarchy, Josif Rajačić, in creating the project of Serbian national music (Vesna Peno and Goran Vasin); the particularities of the diplomatic career of one of the most notable 20th-century Serbian and Yugoslav music scholars, Petar Bingulac (Ratomir Milikić). Besides revealing previously less known or completely unknown facts, these studies indicate the relevance of considering different types of international contacts of individuals and groups in the process of establishing national (and regional) policies, as well as highlight the role of cultural and social capital in the activities of state diplomats. The second part, entitled "Reflections of Foreign Policies in National Music Spheres," contains six chapters dedicated to discussing how the established foreign policies of selected states, including interwar Yugoslavia and Bulgaria, and post-WWII Romania and Czechoslovakia, affected music production, distribution, consumption and research. Among other issues, attention was given to the power struggles between Great Britain and the Third Reich in the 1930s and the way they manifested in the musical life of Belgrade, at the time the capital of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia (Ranka Gašić); the influence of Yugoslavia's political alliance with France between the two world wars on the cultural and music production of some of the most prestigious artistic circles in Belgrade (Srđan Atanasovski); the Yugoslav–Bulgarian diplomatic disputes after the Great War over the territory and peoples of Vardar Macedonia and their impact on the research of the folk music of that region (Ivana Vesić), as well as the outcomes of rapprochement between the two countries after 1937 in the domain of cultural exchange (Stefanka Georgieva). Moreover, this section presents the different stages of foreign policy of Communist Romania from 1948 to 1989 and how they marked music production and distribution in this country along with the reception of foreign musical works (Florinela Popa); the effects of the political turn in Czechoslovakia in 1948 and its adherence to the policies of the Eastern Bloc on the transforming the dominant views on music aesthetics, poetics and national music production (Lenka Křupková). These chapters convincingly point to the significance of power relations in the international arena in the shaping of (national) cultural and music spheres, as well as the existence of a correlation between activities in the national and international settings, and the resulting necessity of simultaneously observing two different levels—national and international—due to their close intertwining. The third part, entitled "Music as a Means of Cultural Diplomacy," consists of five chapters offering a detailed insight into the strategies and programming of cultural cooperation and exchange of socialist Yugoslavia in different phases of its existence. Among other issues, the chapters explore how cultural and musical activities abroad followed the efforts of Yugoslav authorities to establish closer ties with certain countries, to promote Yugoslavia's achievements, values and ideology, and to counter negative representations. Apart from the in-depth scrutiny of Yugoslav foreign policy towards France (Aleksandra Kolaković) and Finland (Maja Vasiljević), where the general tendencies and turns were brought to light through the extent and prestige of the cultural and musical undertakings prepared, another very comprehensive and illuminative study is the examination of how international tours of professional folk dance ensembles were employed for the purpose of realizing the country's various political goals in the international framework (Ivan Hofman), as well as the study on the tours of popular bands and folk music performers (Julijana Papazova). The Yugoslav political shift in the late 1940s and its ramifications particularly in connection to exporting its musical products and accomplishments to the Western Bloc were also thoroughly examined (Biljana Milanović).

1-. International relations (IR) theory has suffered a restructuring among several lines over the past two decades. The gradual but uninterrupted decline of systemic theories - primus inter pares in the discipline since the 1970s- is one of those. (1) This decline was accompanied by a rise of those approaches that privilege domestic politics as the place to look for answers. For reasons I will develop below, such an intellectual step was logical, expected, and partially appropriate. (2) While the current state of affairs should not be seen as immutable and a systemic comeback is plausible, the truth is that domestic politics, and non-systemic approaches in general, are well entrenched in a semi-hegemonic position. In this essay I will explain the reasons behind the aforementioned shift, assess its consequences, and advance some hypotheses on the future of systemic theories of IR.2-. Born between the interwar period and the dawn the Cold War world, IR was created with the explicit objective of explaining the causes of war –particularly great wars, understood under the lenses of the two devastating conflicts of the first half of the 20th century. Since then, IR scholars have struggled to respond to the main challenges –or what they perceive as the main challenges- in world politics. (3) This "duty" to explain the world drives theory to follow the patterns of change in international politics, which, as they develop, suggest new problématiques and novel ways to approach them. In important ways then –although, as discussed later, this is not the whole picture- (4) a sociology of inquiry is needed to better understand some of the key transformations in IR theory -e.g. the shift from systemic to domestic theories. Systemic approaches (5) made their meteoric rise under the shelter of K. Waltz's Neorealism. (6) They were created as a tool for a particular time with particular problems. (7) This was a world in which the primary preoccupation was how to manage the bilateral relationship between the United States and the USSR so that it would not en up in World War III. There were certainly other interests in the discipline, but this one outweighed all the rest. A Cold War context made systemic theories very appropriate. Needless to say, the bipolar conflict had been in place a long time before Waltz's path-breaking Theory of International Politics. (8) The essential point is, however, that Neorealism proved to be very successful in explaining the basic patterns of interest in this particular period of the history of IR –i.e. dynamics of polarity, relevance of nuclear weapons, consequences of anarchy and its relationship with war and cooperation, inter alia- in a more parsimonious and convincing way than the discipline had ever been able to do.The IR community recognized this "Copernican turn", as Waltz defined it, as progress and systemic approaches were established as mainstream, maybe even as "normal science." Anyone trying to explain something in international politics had to reckon with the system. This was true for realists (see the work of Gilpin, Walt, and Grieco) but also for scholars with a line of inquiry that differed substantially from Waltz's (see Keohane's Cooperation after Hegemony for a good example). 3-. A dramatic event that shakes the bases of an academic discipline is sometimes needed to motivate scholars to devise new lines of inquiry and surpass research programs that appear to be losing heuristic power. This is what the fall of the Soviet Union did with Neorealism, and systemic approaches in general. (9) Structural realism was in many ways, and problematically so, a theory for the Cold War. Its discussion on nuclear weapons, bipolarity, uncertainty, and superpower dynamics seemed to be too tied to a specific historical context. (10) The inability of neorealism, or any other systemic theory for that matter, to foresee –or even explain- the disappearance of the bipolar world –a systemic change par excellence-supposed a hard blow to its appeal. (11) Both the fall of the USSR and the subsequent appearance (or uncovering, once the Cold War veil was lifted) of new "themes" in international politics -IPE, civil wars, the role of leaders, the democratic peace, inter alia- opened a fertile camp over which to argue for the need to "go beyond systemic theory." (12) I argued supra that this was an appropriate move (or partially appropriate). But the reasons implicitly inferred up to know -failure in predicting events and a crisis in the IR community (in a Kuhnian sense)- cannot support this claim. The other face of the coin is that the thorough self-examination of the 1990s also responded to internal problems of systemic theories as research programs. For example, in the 1980s the discipline was stuck in the mud of absolute vs. relative gains debate, a degenerative discussion from a Lakatosian perspective. (13) Visible problems of heuristic power were calling for a partial move beyond the system. This was the real cause for the shift, and the best argument to characterize it as "appropriate". The exogenous shock (fall of the USSR) had the role, not at all minor, of opening a window of opportunity for dissenting scholars. Helen Milner was one of the most eloquent advocates for this turn. Her argument, in short, was that "systemic theory simply cannot take us far enough" (Milner, 1992). The assumption that anarchy was the principal variable defining states preferences and the primacy of a straight causal line from the system to the state and then to policy-making was excessively simplistic, Milner argued. How could the discipline solve this quagmire? By studying domestic politics to understand states' preferences and, consequently, the differing patterns of conflict and cooperation in international politics. (14) As Milner contended: "…cooperation may be unattainable because of domestic intransigence, and not because of the international system." (15) A reaction against systemic theories was not exclusive to the liberal trenches. Following this turn toward domestic politics, some realist scholars directed their efforts at the incorporation of domestic variables as a way to add complexity to systemic models that they saw as too crude. In his From Wealth to Power, F. Zakaria argued that anarchy and the distribution of power were not enough to explain the behavior of rising powers. After observing that at the end of the 19th century the US was not as assertive as a structural approach would have predicted, he hypothesized that this was because it did not have the governmental capacity to do so. To solve this puzzle he argued for the incorporation of models of resource extraction and governmental capability to try to get through the Neorealist corset. This was an important intra-realist challenge to a somewhat ossified systemic realism. (16)The rise of domestic approaches represented a generalized discontentment with the excessive importance given to parsimony and the inflexibility that came with it. Parsimony, which should be no more than a tool in theory building, was placed as a goal in itself, restricting research in a way that went against the discipline's own progress. Those boundaries had to be overcome if we wanted to say something about some of the important issues left unstudied by a focus on the system. Once again, the Cold War world with its apparently clear strategic problems may have seemed more propitious to a highly parsimonious approach to theory building. In a post Cold War world, the costs of parsimony were too heavy. Domestic theories certainly lost in parsimony, but they gained in a more real approach to IR problématiques. This was the primary rationale behind the turn here discussed, and in this limited sense, the shift was appropriate. (17)4-. It would be nice to unambiguously assert that the fall of systemic theories made IR a coherent and progressive discipline. This, unfortunately, is not the case. The past two decades have seen the formation of a different ethos of theory building and discipline development that may end up doing more harm than good to our broader understanding of international politics. Something not mentioned up to now is the ascent of quantitative and strategic-choice approaches in the discipline. Quantitative approaches gained prominence by the same time that, and related to, domestic theories were supplanting systemic theories. (18) Strategic choice and game theory, following developments in other academic areas -especially economics-, also gained importance in the 1990s under the idea of formalizing theories and going beyond the "isms." There is nothing wrong with these approaches per se. Quantitative work has been very important in the empirical development of IR -maybe too neglected in the past. Formal theory, on the other hand, is a powerful and clear tool to build and evaluate theories while avoiding problems of underspecification all too common in the discipline –though, this is only true if one can get through its assumptions. (19)The problems of this new "methodological bets" are to be found in the costs for the general development of the discipline. The most pressing are the ones related to the idea that theory construction should be a bottom to top affair, and the implicit notion that by building the parts individually we will eventually end up in a progressive accumulation of theoretical knowledge. However, this epistemological decision may well result in the proliferation of particularistic theories of problems ever more sophisticatedly studied, increasingly particular and micro, and in crescendo uninteresting. (20) By depending on a kind of magical automatic accumulation of theoretical knowledge we are risking to end up with an even more chaotic and incoherent discipline (more on this in the conclusion). 5-. As said in the introduction, the fall of grace of systemic theories cannot be taken as an irreversible given; it is possible to devise some scenarios in which systemic approaches could make a comeback.The first one is linked to the relationship between theory and History discussed earlier. The post Cold War world, particularly the 1990s, was a strange period for the discipline. The study of IR has historically dealt with great power politics as its core. The "curious" 1990s came with a certain absence of great power politics, especially due to the overwhelming power position of the US. This goes a long way in explaining the growing emphasis on domestic politics, civil wars, international organizations, inter alia, during those years. A partial return of classical great power politics (or the perception of it) -for example under the banner of the rise of China and some other middle powers- might motivate a recasting of systemic theories -particularly for those wanting to study polarity (a passé topic in the unipolar 1990s), (21) systemic change and its consequences, etc. (22)Another plausible scenario would be the success of some of the ongoing projects to make systemic theories more sophisticated and comprehensive by, for example, incorporating domestic variables. A good example is "Neo-classical Realism" (see fn. 16). This research project proceeds from a systemic assumption of the influences of the system (that is, a neorealist basis) but incorporates domestic politics as an intervening variable between systemic pressures and decision-making. Though a rather interesting proto-school, Neoclassical Realism is still in its infant stages and has yet to produce work of remarkable characteristics. Lastly, domestic politics, as should have been expected, were not the panacea for the development of IR theory. There might well be a social exhaustion with the results of domestic and micro-theory –a Kuhnian crisis analogous to the one that discredited systemic theories. This may eventually take IR on unexpected paths. Nevertheless, if measured by academic output and Geist, predicting a comeback of systemic approaches seems a risky bet. The discipline appears to be quite comfortable with increasing its empirical production, formalizing theories towards an Icarian "scientism", and avoiding, at its own peril, a "wholist" view of international politics. 6-. Going beyond systemic theories –not in the sense of vanishing them, but of relaxing some of their strictures, increasing their sophistication, and trying new approaches- was the necessary thing to do for a methodology that was unable to cope with many of the relevant problems in IR. The turn to domestic and particularistic perspectives brought much needed renovation, indeed. However, the excesses incurred by systemic theorists as a result of an obsession with parsimony and structural effects may now seem analogous (although for the opposite reasons) to a fixation with the particular and micro-level studies in contemporary IR theory. A blind push to obtain ever more data of increasingly micro phenomena puts at risk what we can say about international relations in general. We may, for example, be more much prepared to sophisticatedly answer why a specific insurgent group responded in a specific way to the level of aggression of a specific state, (23) but we may also be losing our interest and capacity to think about the nature of conflict in its most elemental condition. The stakes are too high for the IR community to avoid an honest discussion on how far we are willing to continue on this path. (1) This essay works with the assumption of a relative decline of systemic apporaches. To argue that they have vanished would be utterly incorrect. For a convincing argument on the inevitability of structural constraints see Jervis'sSystem Effects.(2) Although a change may be welcomed, the results are not always as encouraging as expected (more on this qualification of "appropriate" later).(3) This does not mean, of course, that there is an exclusive focus on policy or immediacy, It means that in its most basic essence, the idea of the discipline is to be able to provide some answers to the pressing problems in the international system. To give an example, few people would be interested in studying the prospects of war between France and Germany in the 21st century per se –though it surely is studied as a historical case that can shed light on other issues-, while this was one of the main topics in the nascent IR discipline.(4) Social science does not progress only by exogenous shocks, but also for endogenous reasons that cannot be explained by what happens outside theoretical disscusions.(5) Understood simply as those that privilege the influence of the structure over the behavior of the units.(6) This type of theories certainly were not born with Waltz; systemic is a much broader category than Neorealism. The important point is that Waltz devised the more convincing type of systemic theory. For simplicity, Waltz' Neorelism will be used here as the epitome and a kind of proxy for systemic theory. (7) It must be said that the rise of systemic theories also responded to changes in the social sciences in general; for example, the influence of structuralist anthorpoligist Levi-Strauss' work, which Waltz knew well.(8) Theories of IR before Waltz hosted a diverse group of analysts: Classical realism from the hand of a Hans Morgenthau, Geroge Kennan and Raymond Aron; liberal approaches from a Stanley Hoffman, Robert Keohane and Joseph Nye; Bureacratic Organization and foreign policy from a Graham Allison; and a long et cetera.(9) See R. N. Lebow, "The Long Peace, the End of the Cold War and the Failure of Realism."(10) See I. Oren's Our Enemies and US: America´s Rivalries and the Making of Political Science.(11) As with its rise the decline of systemic theories was also linked to broader transformations in the world of ideas, to which IR seems to always be a latecomer. From a broad perspective, this phenomenon had started in the 1960s with the work of Foucault, Derrida, Geertz and others.(12) The end of the immediate preoccupation with bipolarity also gave the opportunity to rethink some long-term historical problems of Neorealism (see Schroeder 1994).(13) Some of the scholars engaged in this deabate were: Keohane, Grieco, Axelrod, and Mastanduno; cf. Milner (1992).(14) In another article in International Organization (1987) she argues that to understand the way in which states make decisions in the international economy it is not enough to look at anarchy. Her model studies the type of economic links between countries (high or low interdependence) and the influence of interests groups that may pressure the state to make particular decisions; these policy outcomes would have been incomprehensible from a systemic/anarchic stance. According to Milner, there is an important dynamic of preference construction and strategies adopted that are to be found in domestic politics.(15) See also Putnam (1988) for an interesting effort to move beyond lists of domestic factors and towards a coherent two level theory.(16) This line of research has been given the title of Neoclassical Realism (see G. Rose 1998). See the work of R. Schweller, J. Taliaferro, A. Friedberg, and T. Christensen.(17) Systemic theories were also attached to what has been discussed as the "paradigm wars" between realism, liberalism, constructivism, etc. The turn away from them can also be given credit for helping to discredit this unproductive way of theorizing.(18) This trend was tied to the notoriety of the "democratic peace" project that was, and still is, an empirical enterprise at its core. See Russett and Oneal (1999); cf. Gartzke (2007).(19) See Wagner, War and the State, and Lake and Powell Strategic Choice and International Relations.(20) This is not the nature of all the work in this approach, of course, but just a possible trend of the school as a whole. See Walt's "Rigor or Rigor Mortis" for a sharp, but not always convincing, critique.(21) For an exception see the work by N. Monteiro on unipolarity. This does not mean that polarity disappeared from the IR map, but it was certainly shrinked as a research question.(22) Some young scholars on this line of research are: P. MacDonald, J. Parent, D. Kliman and M. Beckley.(23) See Jason Lyall's "Does Indiscriminate Violence Incite Insurgent Attacks? Evidence from Chechnya" To be fair, Lyall's work attempts to generalize from this specific case –how convincing he is not very clear, however. *Ph.D. StudentDepartment of Political ScienceUniversity of Pennsylvania.E-mail: gcastro@sas.upenn.edu