Suchergebnisse

Als erstes Parlament der Welt hat der Deutsche Bundestag eine Kommission eingerichtet, die sich systematisch mit den Fragen der Globalisierung beschäftigt. Aufgabe der Kommission war es, nach Gründen für die Globalisierung der Weltwirtschaft zu suchen, die Auswirkungen der Globalisierung in wirtschaftlichen, gesellschaftlichen und politischen Bereichen zu beschreiben und Handlungsoptionen für die nationale und internationale Gemeinschaft vorzuschlagen. Die vorliegende Dokumentation präsentiert Auszüge aus dem Kommissionsbericht zu folgenden Bereichen: (1) Stabilisierung der globalen Finanzmärkte; (2) globale Waren- und Dienstleistungsmärkte; (3) globale Arbeitsmärkte; (4) Bereitstellung von Wissen und Informationen; (5) Geschlechtergerechtigkeit; (6) Schutz der natürlichen Ressourcen; (7) nachhaltige Entwicklung; (8) Entwicklung der Weltbevölkerung; (9) Gestaltung der Globalisierung durch Global Governance. (ICE2)

Der Verfasser stellt in seinem Aufsatz gegenwärtige und zukünftige Konfliktpotentiale innerhalb der amerikanisch-europäischen Währungsbeziehungen heraus. In seiner Einleitung erläutert er in Stichworten die Einflußfaktoren für die amerikanisch-europäischen Währungsbeziehungen. Im Hauptteil erfolgt die Diskussion folgender Aspekte: (1) Der Wandel im internationalen Währungssystem seit Beginn der siebziger Jahre; (2) die Strukturmerkmale der amerikanisch-europäischen Währungsbeziehungen und ihrer Krisen seit Anfang der siebziger Jahre; (3) die Konfliktpotentiale in den Währungsbeziehungen, die sich aus der angestrebten Währungsintegration der EG-Staaten ergeben können; (4) denkbare Rückwirkungen auf die Währungsbeziehungen als Folge außen- und sicherheitspolitischer Wandlungen in Europa. Der Autor prognostiziert eine Zunahme der währungspolitischen Interdependenz und die Herausbildung eines zweiseitigen, symmetrischeren Kooperationsverhaltens. (ICC)

In diesem Beitrag wird der Frage nachgegangen, inwieweit Prozesse des Aufholens von gering industrialisierten Ländern möglich sind oder durch ökonomische und politische Elemente vereitelt werden. Es werden sowohl Differenzierungs- als auch Angleichungstendenzen beobachtet. Deshalb hat Wallerstein das Konzept einer Semiperipherie entwickelt. Sie kann aufholen aufgrund ihrer starken Stellung in der internationalen Arbeitsteilung und eines starken Staates, der die komperativen Kosten manipuliert, die nationale Kapitalakkumulation stützt und ein niedriges Lohnniveau durchsetzt. Wegen ihrer mittleren Stellung kann sie an der Ausbeutung der Peripherie teilnehmen und durch monopolistische Praktiken und ungleichen Tausch die eigene Akkumulation durch von der Peripherie übertragenen Mehrwert finanzieren. In diesem Aufsatz wird gezeigt, daß die These von der Notwendigkeit des starken Staates undifferenziert ist und die These von der Notwendigkeit niedriger Löhne, gemessen am Massenkonsum, falsch ist. (GF)

"This new Handbook is a comprehensive examination of the rich and complex issues of nuclear proliferation in the early 21st century. The future of the decades-long effort to prevent the further spread of weapons of mass destruction is at a crossroads today. If international nonproliferation efforts are to be successful, an integrated, multi-tiered response will almost certainly be necessary. But a serious, thorough, and clear-eyed examination of the range of threats, challenges, and opportunities facing the international community is a necessary first step. This Handbook, which presents the most up-to-date analysis and policy recommendations on these critical issues by recognized, leading scholars in the field, intends to provide this examination. The volume is divided into three major parts: - Part I presents detailed threat assessments of proliferation risks across the globe, including specific regions and countries. - Part II explains the various tools developed by the international community to address these proliferation threats. - Part III addresses the proliferation risks and political challenges arising from nuclear energy production, including potential proliferation by aspiring states and nonstate groups. This Handbook will be of great interest to students of nuclear proliferation, arms control, global governance, diplomacy, and global security and IR general"--

Die neue GATT-Runde muß sich im Rahmen der Liberalisierung des Welthandels auch mit den handelbaren Dienstleistungen befassen, die in der Kommunikations- und Informationstechnologie ihren Niederschlag finden. Die europäischen Postmonopole zeigen, daß es auf der Ebene der Industrieländer noch ein großes Potential für Deregulierung gibt; dabei soll nicht übersehen werden, daß im Rahmen der nationalen Sicherheit "reasonable regulations" ("vernünftige Regulierungen") notwendig sein können. Gleichzeitig müssen die Entwicklungsländer gleichberechtigt in die neue Ordnung integriert werden, um einen insgesamt positiven Beitrag zur internationalen Wirtschaftsordnung zu erreichen. - Grewlich, K. W.: Auswärtiges Amt. (SWP-Tth)

This contribution considers how the values of transparency and efficiency are realised in the context of "EU negotiations" both in the internal and the external sphere. Legislating comes with a presumption of openness in the EU, while international negotiations have traditionally been assumed to require secrecy. However, irrespective of the basic paradigms, the institutions often appear to follow a rather simple rationale that secrecy makes better decisions, both in internal and external affairs. Similar efficiency concerns seem to relate to protecting the procedure of decision-making from external influence. Therefore, the fundamental trade-off between democratic accountability and efficiency in the external and internal fields might not be all that different: efficiency is linked with secrecy, and comes at a cost for participation and openness. I explain how the two paradigms—openness and transparency in legislative work and secrecy in international negotiations have recently developed, and how the values of openness and efficiency have been addressed by the Court of Justice of the European Union in its recent jurisprudence. This discussion witnesses to a possibility that the old secrecy paradigm might be about to break in international relations while a new transparency paradigm in EU legislative work is struggling to emerge. ; published version ; peerReviewed

This contribution considers how the values of transparency and efficiency are realised in the context of "EU negotiations" both in the internal and the external sphere. Legislating comes with a presumption of openness in the EU, while international negotiations have traditionally been assumed to require secrecy. However, irrespective of the basic paradigms, the institutions often appear to follow a rather simple rationale that secrecy makes better decisions, both in internal and external affairs. Similar efficiency concerns seem to relate to protecting the procedure of decision-making from external influence. Therefore, the fundamental trade-off between democratic accountability and efficiency in the external and internal fields might not be all that different: efficiency is linked with secrecy, and comes at a cost for participation and openness. I explain how the two paradigms—openness and transparency in legislative work and secrecy in international negotiations have recently developed, and how the values of openness and efficiency have been addressed by the Court of Justice of the European Union in its recent jurisprudence. This discussion witnesses to a possibility that the old secrecy paradigm might be about to break in international relations while a new transparency paradigm in EU legislative work is struggling to emerge.

Attracting international businesses and enterprises to transfer both resources and capabilities into post conflict economies is a must for sustaining long term stability, economic growth and success of recovery process. Recently, international business organizations operating in post-conflict countries became more integrated with recovery and transition process of post conflict economies. In this study, the opportunities and threats for international firms operating in post conflicted economies have been evaluated based on literature review. This study also demonstrates that (1) investment opportunities in transition economies are attractive for short and mid-term, (2) capturing undervalued firms, accessing unique marketplace, benefiting incentives, accessing IMF's and the World Bank's low cost credit resources and having a good reputation via contributing into stability and peace are just some of the major advantage (3) the loss of control and capital attached to the risk of unstable political conditions, the possibility of high ethnic tensions and violent riots, the lack effective corporate culture and high burden of inside conflicts, the lack of sustainable economic growth and the risk of new tax packages have negative impacts on long term success for the firms (4) the conflict risk itself is major problem dissolving investment conditions.

Do military alliances lead to peace or to war? Research has suggested that defensive alliances to potential targets deter dispute initiation (Leeds 2003b:427). This would seem to suggest that forming defensive alliances is a good policy prescription for those seeking to encourage peace. Yet, some argue that even if defense pacts have a deterrence effect, defense pacts may also have other effects that increase militarized conflict in the international system. Specifically, defense pacts may encourage member states to initiate and/or escalate disputes. In an analysis covering the period from 1816 to 2000, we evaluate these three potential effects of defense pacts-deterrence, initiation, and escalation. We find support for the hypothesis that defensive alliances deter the initiation of disputes but no evidence in support of the claims that states with defensive allies are more likely to initiate disputes in the international system or that targets with allies are more likely to respond to dispute initiation with further militarization. We conclude that defensive alliances lower the probability of international conflict and are thus a good policy option for states seeking to maintain peace in the world. Adapted from the source document.

In the early hours of April 22, 1914, American President Woodrow Wilson sent Marines to seize the port of Veracruz in an attempt to alter the course of the Mexican Revolution. As a result, the United States seemed on the brink of war with Mexico. An international uproar ensued. The governments of Argentina, Brazil, and Chile offered to mediate a peaceful resolution to the crisis. Surprisingly, both the United States and Mexico accepted their offer and all parties agreed to meet at an international peace conference in Niagara Falls, Ontario. For Canadians, the conference provided an unexpected spectacle on their doorstep, combining high diplomacy and low intrigue around the gardens and cataracts of Canada's most famous natural attraction. For the diplomats involved, it proved to be an ephemeral high point in the nascent pan-American movement. After it ended, the conference dropped out of historical memory. This is the first full account of the Niagara Falls Peace Conference to be published in North America since 1914. The author carefully reconstructs what happened at Niagara Falls, examining its historical significance for Canada's relationship with the Americas. From this almost forgotten event he draws important lessons on the conduct of international mediation and the perils of middle-power diplomacy.

Vor dem Hintergrund der aktuellen Diskussion über Ganztagsbildung befasst sich dieser Beitrag zunächst kritisch mit drei Mustern der Rezeption ausländischer Erfahrungen in Deutschland: der These von der "Singularität" der deutschen Halbtagsschule im internationalen Vergleich, der dichotomen Gegenüberstellung von Halbtags- und Ganztagsbildung und der Herstellung eines Kausalzusammenhangs zwischen hohen Schulleistungen und Ganztagsbildung. Im Anschluss daran werden einige Herausforderungen für das international vergleichende Studium ganztägiger Schulsysteme benannt. Zu ihnen zählt die Notwendigkeit, sich klarer Begriffe und Kategorien zu bedienen und die jeweiligen soziokulturellen und pädagogischen Bedingungen, strukturellen Designs sowie die aktuellen Entwicklungen ganztägiger Bildung in anderen Ländern zur Kenntnis zu nehmen. (DIPF/Autor).;;;The current discussion on all-day schooling in Germany makes reference in many ways to the practice of schooling in other countries. This paper starts with a critical discussion of three types of such perception: when the German half-day school is assumed as being a unique phenemenon in international comparison, when half-day and all-day schooling are put in contrast in a simplicistic and dichotomous way, and, lastly, when a causal link is made between the existence of an all-day school system and high average student performance. In addition, some challenges for the comparative study of all-day school systems are identified. Among them are the need to use clear terms and categories and to take into account the cultural and educational background, the structural design and the current development of all-day schooling in other countries. (DIPF/author).

During the last decade, the United Nations and other international organizations have been struggling with the issue of hazardous waste exportation to developing countries. At the same time, the United States has been grappling with environmental racism. However, critics of both hazardous waste exportation and environmental racism have overlooked their similarities, namely, that hazardous waste exportation and environmental racism place a disproportionate burden on the same classes of people, the poor and minorities. The exportation of hazardous waste to developing countries is essentially environmental racism on an international scale. This Note briefly explains the history and economic motivations behind hazardous waste exportation and environmental racism. Several key international agreements and current U.S. policy are analyzed to determine their effectiveness in reducing the export of hazardous waste to developing nations. In comparison, studies suggesting a link between race, income, and the location of hazardous waste facilities in the United States are outlined, along with current U.S. policy on environmental racism. The Note concludes that the similarities between the two problems should enable opponents of both to join forces to reduce hazardous waste generation and to advocate the equitable location of hazardous waste facilities.