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This monograph which focuses on ecological politics in Basse Normandie from 1968 to 2012, tackles the topic question, the development of the ecological movement, its structure, and finally its electoral representation in this region. In other words, we are going to ask ourselves if the Basse Normandie region, despite its right-wing domination, is a land in favor of political ecology? By the end of the 1960s, Basse Normandie was characterized by the emergence of environmental and ecological associations which were decisive in the development of this movement. Moreover, in a time when a part of the population was challenging authoritarianism, centralism consumer society, Nord Cotentin was the scene of an important antinuclear mobilization which paved the way to political ecology at the regional level. This struggle epitomized the different strands of the movement and the deep differences between its members. Like Alsace, Basse Normandie became a pioneer of political ecology. However, given their deeply-rooted rejection of founding party, ecologists postponed the creation of that structure. After many crises, the movement underwent deep regional changes. Thus, after a few electoral successes, the region Basse Normandie became a land of conquest during the 2000's. Despite their anti-system essence, ecologists professionalized themselves and took part in voting alliance to obtain position of responsibility in spite of their complex relationships with left-wings parties, and more particularly with the Socialist Party, about nuclear power plants implementation in the Manche. However, despite electoral successes in local elections, they failed to build their own political territories. ; Cette monographie porte sur l'écologie politique en Basse Normandie de 1968 à 2012. En effet, elle nous invite à nous interroger sur le développement du mouvement écologiste, puis sur sa structuration et enfin sur son poids électoral dans cette région. En d'autres termes, nous allons nous demander si la région bas-normande, dominée par ...

Thirty-one years ago, in 1985, Manuel Sacristán died in Barcelona at the age of 59. After the publication in 2014 of a volume with some of his writings translated into English (Llorente 2014), it is time to help non-Spanish-speaking readers to know more about him. Yet it is not easy to explain to generations born after the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989 that Manuel Sacristán was a most important Marxist philosopher and at the same time one of the few pioneers introducing political ecology and antinuclear peace movement during the last quarter of the 20th century in Spain. Many people believe that Marxism, environmentalism and pacifism are views that exclude each other. Most of what has been said and done on behalf of Marxism since Stalin took over the leadership of the Communist Party of the USSR in the 1930s, up to its dissolution in 1991, contributes to sustaining this belief. The fast industrialization of the Old Russian Empire undertaken by the Soviet State was nowhere near taking into account ecological sustainability. Its socio-environmental impact turned out to be comparable or even worse than the ones caused by capitalist industrialization.

Cover -- Half Title -- Title Page -- Copyright Page -- Dedication -- Table of Contents -- List of illustrations -- List of contributors -- Acknowledgments -- Introduction Disciplines in dispute-history, peace studies, and the pursuit of peace -- Part I Paradigms of peace -- 1 Philosophies of peace, 1750-1865 -- 2 Peace in an age of modernity, 1865-1914 -- 3 Liberal internationalism and the search for international peace -- 4 Structural conflict, systemic violence, and peace: A guided reading -- Part II Icons of peace -- 5 Three apostles of non-violence: An introduction to the religious thinking of Tolstoy, Gandhi, and Abdul Ghaffar Khan -- 6 The evolution of Tolstoyan pacifism in the Russian Empire and the Soviet Union, 1900-1937 -- 7 One man's peace: Influences on Martin Luther King, Jr.'s non-violent philosophy -- 8 "Sane ideas which may yet save the world from further conflict": Bertrand Russell's and Julian Huxley's lecture tours in early Cold War Australia -- 9 Black Power and the anti-Vietnam War movement -- 10 Ibrahim Rugova and his peaceful resistance for independence of Kosovo -- 11 Nelson Mandela and the decolonial paradigm of peace -- Part III Religious and cultural dimensions of peace -- 12 Losing my religion: The effects of World War I on pacifism in the Stone-Campbell Movement -- 13 From Father Berrigan to Black Lives Matter: Literary representations of peace activism since 1945 -- 14 Film depictions of children as modern anti-war crusaders -- 15 Apocalyptic dissenters: Seventh-day Adventists and peace activism in the nineteenth century -- 16 Improvisatory peace activism? Graffiti during and after Egypt's most recent revolution -- Part IV Antinuclear peace activism -- 17 The nuclear freeze: Transnational pursuit of positive peace -- 18 Pacific concerns: Nuclear weapons and the peace movement in Australia, 1960-1967

Nuclear power plants require cooling water. When numerous nuclear plants were built in the 1970s, they were thus placed at major rivers. This caused cross-border problems, since in Europe, many rivers crossed or constituted borders. As awareness for thermal and radioactive pollution grew, border areas became hotbeds of European anti-nuclear protest. Advocates of European integration suggested that the European Communities (EC) were best positioned to resolve this issue. This article analyses the EC rulemaking attempts regarding the siting of nuclear power plants and explains why they failed. It argues that while the cross-border nature of the problem of nuclear installations at borders justified EC-level legal solutions, the geography of nuclear plants militated against supranational solutions - at a time of national vetoes and when energy security was considered a national sovereignty concern. The article is based on the analysis of primary sources from European Union and national archives. By taking the physical and political geography of nuclear energy into account, this article offers new perspectives on the role of borders and border studies, on the history of nuclear energy and society, and on the history of European integration.

"Auf die Frage nach Mechanismen umzustellen, ist nützlich für jede Soziologie, die Prozesse erklären will; es hilft dabei, weder ins schiere Geschichtenerzählen zu verfallen noch in jene Übervereinfachung, zu der Theorien struktureller Selektion neigen. Die Möglichkeiten, die diese Umstellung bietet, bleiben jedoch unausgeschöpft, solange unter dem Stichwort 'Mechanismen' meist nur für Rational-Choice-Erklärungen plädiert wird. Die Frage nach den Mechanismen zielt darauf, die typische Wirkungsweise spezifischer Handlungsregeln innerhalb spezifischer sozialer Konfigurationen zu erfassen und für Erklärungen zu nutzen. Dabei immer schon einen bestimmten Typ von Handlungsregeln vorauszusetzen, wäre eine inkonsequente Selbstbeschränkung. Es lassen sich auch soziale Mechanismen identifizieren, die essentiell auf Sinnstrukturen basieren, die nicht mit einem RC-Konzept zu erfassen sind; erst wenn man das berücksichtigt, ist die Suche nach Mechanismen wirklich nützlich. Deutlich wird das etwa bei der Untersuchung von Protestdynamiken (einem typischen Beispiel schwer zu erklärender sozialer Prozesse). Der Vortrag illustriert dies anhand jener plötzlichen Ausweitung des Anti-AKW-Protests, die in Westdeutschland 1976-1977 trotz massiver staatlicher Repressionsdrohungen stattfand. Wesentlich für diesen Verlauf ist, dass zwei (aus der klassischen Religionssoziologie bekannte) Mechanismen ineinandergreifen, die auf einer basalen Ebene von kulturellen Mustern geprägt sind, die von RC-Erwartungen abweichen: 1. ein Mechanismus der Sektenkonkurrenz (den man zwar als Variante eines allgemeineren Konkurrenzmechanismus sehen könnte, der aber Prozesse in Gang bringt, deren Ablauf sich von dem einer Konkurrenz um materielle Ressourcen so stark untersche'det, dass der Verweis auf diesen allgemeineren Mechanismus wenig informativ wäre); 2. der von Durkheim beschriebene Mechanismus der 'kollektiven Efferveszenz' (zu dem kein Äquivalent existiert, das ohne ein entsprechendes kulturelles Muster auskommt). Hier lässt sich auch zeigen, dass mit dieser Aufwertung der kulturellen Dimension durchaus nicht der soziologische Anspruch auf Verallgemeinerbarkeit aufgegeben wird zugunsten des bloß Idiographischen." (Autorenreferat)

International audience ; This chapter shows how the forms and dynamics of collective antinuclear action contribute to the social construction and simultaneously shed light on the complex and changing relationships between social movements and the institutional political sphere. The aim is to return to the trajectory of anti‐nuclear mobilizations and the production within them of public nuclear problem frameworks over time in terms of interlinked environmental health. The chapter analyzes the participation of the anti‐nuclear movement in constructing this "nuclear risk, health, and environment" problem rather than re‐establishing this problem in the public space and the ways in which it is dealt with by public institutions. The problematization of the public nuclear problem was shifting toward the defense of democracy and, increasingly, toward the defense of the territory, a new unifying theme of social criticism. ; Ce chapitre se propose de montrer en quoi les formes et les dynamiques de l'action collective antinucléaire participent de la construction sociale du problème public de la santé environnementale, en même temps qu'elles éclairent les relations complexes et changeantes entre les mouvements sociaux et la sphère politique institutionnelle. Les mouvements sociaux sont ainsi ici envisagés comme un des multiples espaces discrets où se définissent les problèmes hors de l'attention publique et où sont stabilisés des compromis entre acteurs après des temps de confrontation, de négociation et de transaction. Marqués par une intensité fluctuante, ces processus définitionnels sont parfois silencieux en ce que la controverse publique peut être quasi-inexistante, la médiatisation faible et les actions visibles très limitées. Certes peu visibles de prime abord, ils n'en sont pas pour autant inexistants. Ce chapitre s'attache précisément à analyser cette participation de la mouvance antinucléaire au processus de construction de cette problématisation « risque nucléaire, santé et environnement » plutôt qu'à restituer la carrière de ce problème dans l'espace public et les modalités de sa prise en charge par les institutions publiques.

International audience ; This chapter shows how the forms and dynamics of collective antinuclear action contribute to the social construction and simultaneously shed light on the complex and changing relationships between social movements and the institutional political sphere. The aim is to return to the trajectory of anti‐nuclear mobilizations and the production within them of public nuclear problem frameworks over time in terms of interlinked environmental health. The chapter analyzes the participation of the anti‐nuclear movement in constructing this "nuclear risk, health, and environment" problem rather than re‐establishing this problem in the public space and the ways in which it is dealt with by public institutions. The problematization of the public nuclear problem was shifting toward the defense of democracy and, increasingly, toward the defense of the territory, a new unifying theme of social criticism. ; Ce chapitre se propose de montrer en quoi les formes et les dynamiques de l'action collective antinucléaire participent de la construction sociale du problème public de la santé environnementale, en même temps qu'elles éclairent les relations complexes et changeantes entre les mouvements sociaux et la sphère politique institutionnelle. Les mouvements sociaux sont ainsi ici envisagés comme un des multiples espaces discrets où se définissent les problèmes hors de l'attention publique et où sont stabilisés des compromis entre acteurs après des temps de confrontation, de négociation et de transaction. Marqués par une intensité fluctuante, ces processus définitionnels sont parfois silencieux en ce que la controverse publique peut être quasi-inexistante, la médiatisation faible et les actions visibles très limitées. Certes peu visibles de prime abord, ils n'en sont pas pour autant inexistants. Ce chapitre s'attache précisément à analyser cette participation de la mouvance antinucléaire au processus de construction de cette problématisation « risque nucléaire, santé et environnement » plutôt qu'à restituer ...

Chapter 1: Joost Augusteijn, Constant Hijzen, and Mark Leon de Vries - Introduction: Democracy, the Nation State, and their adversaries -- Section 1: learning to deal with anti-democratic groupings, 1870-1933 -- Section 1 Introduction -- Chapter 2: Mark Leon de Vries - "… a Wretched, Down Trodden and Impoverished People." The Louisiana White League and the Propaganda of Democratic Legitimacy -- Chapter 3: Kristian M. Mennen - Nazis, Violence and the State: Social Democratic Repertoire Discussions in Germany and the Netherlands around 1930 -- Chapter 4: Joris Gijsenbergh - Democracy's Various Defenders: The Struggle Against Political Extremism in the Netherlands, 1917-1940 -- Section 2: New Forms of Mobilisation in the age of civil resistance, 1960-1997 -- Section 2 Introduction -- Chapter 5: Joost Augusteijn and Jacco Pekelder - Terrorist Constituencies in Terrorist-State Conflicts. The debate on the use of violence among Irish nationalists and West Germany's Radical Left in the Mid 1970s -- Chapter 6: Constant Hijzen - The seeds of danger. The security service and its 'enemy image' of 'the movement' in the 1980s -- Chapter 7: Yavuz Yildirim - (In)effectiveness of Social Movements in Turkish Democracy: institutional and non-constitutional cases -- Chapter 8: Miina Kaarkoski - Parliamentary democracy versus direct democracy? Challenging liberal, representative democracy in the German Bundestag during the antinuclear demonstrations of 1995-1997 -- Section 3: Dealing with opposition in the post-Cold War period, 1998-2018 -- Section 3 Introduction -- Chapter 9: Henrik Vigh - Displaced without Moving. Loyalism and democratic haunting in Northern Ireland -- Chapter 10: Ana Maria Albulescu - Towards an understanding of incomplete secession in the Moldovan-Transnistrian case; between democracy and autocracy -- Chapter 11: Arianna Piacentini - Fragmented Democracy in Dayton's Bosnia Herzegovina. Institutions, Political Elite and Youth -- Conclusions -- Chapter 12: Joost Augusteijn, Constant Hijzen, and Mark Leon de Vries - Concluding Remarks --

A longtime agitator against war and social injustice, Lawrence Wittner has been tear-gassed, threatened by police with drawn guns, charged by soldiers with fixed bayonets, spied upon by the U.S. government, arrested, and purged from his job for political -reasons. To say that this teacher-historian-activist has led an interesting life is a considerable understatement. In this absorbing memoir, Wittner traces the dramatic course of a life and career that took him from a Brooklyn boyhood in the 1940s and '50s to an education at Columbia University and the University of Wisconsin to the front lines of peace activism, the fight for racial equality, and the struggles of the labor movement. He details his family background, which included the bloody anti-Semitic pogroms of late-nineteenth-century Eastern Europe, and chronicles his long teaching career, which comprised positions at a small black college in Virginia, an elite women's liberal arts college north of New York City, and finally a permanent home at the Albany campus of the State University of New York. Throughout, he packs the narrative with colorful vignettes describing such activities as fighting racism in Louisiana and Mississippi during the early 1960s, collaborating with peace-oriented intellectuals in Gorbachev's Soviet Union, and leading thousands of antinuclear demonstrators through the streets of Hiroshima. As the book also reveals, Wittner's work as an activist was matched by scholarly achievements that made him one of the world's foremost authorities on the history of the peace and nuclear disarmament movements-a research specialty that led to revealing encounters with such diverse figures as Norman Thomas, the Unabomber, Zbigniew Brzezinski, Caspar Weinberger, and David Horowitz. A tenured professor and renowned author who has nevertheless lived in tension with the broader

On 12th August, 1999, peasant trade-unionists dismantled the construction site of a McDonald's restaurant in Millau, Aveyron. Among these activists, José Bové, organizer of the ewe milk producers' trade-union (SPLB) and of the Confederation paysanne, became one of the leaders of the emerging altermondialiste mobilization in France. Through this action, the Larzac came back to the political and social foreground, thirty years after a protest movement against the extension project of a military camp had been led by local peasants concerned by this governmental decision. In the south of France, the Larzac territory is a mountainous causse, a limestone plateau with a hostile climate. In the seventies, it was the melting pot of many protest actors engaged in antimilitarist, antinuclear, self-managing and regionalist struggles. The question is to know why the Larzac has generated such socio-territorial mobilizations, at various moments. Indeed, the Larzac can be regarded as the focal point of protest movements that still refer to this initial conflict, to such an extent that the Larzac may appear as a model. This work explains the forms and processes of mobilization - debates and converging causes - that have developed in this nodal and strategic place. From an inquiry on struggles in the Larzac, especially on their actualisation and organisational anchorage, as well as on special events, this work shows that the Larzac must be seen as an iterative protest site invested by activist experiences and specific values, such as authenticity. The analysis of the Larzac actors' discursive strategies underlines the double mechanism of physical and rhetorical appropriation of place. This process results in the constitution of the Larzac as a sacred place of contention and as a model for other mobilizations. The territorial dimension must therefore be considered through its identity and instrumental forms. Research on the motives for protest, on the repertoire of collective action and on the bridging strategies of these ...

International audience ; There is a widespread use of online videos by social movements. Protest is now broadcasted live from smartphones. However, marginalized activists groups' use of video needs more research. This article contributes to this field of research by analyzing radical antinuclear activism. Video is seen as a way to take part in the public debate. The study shows that mobilization through technology must be questioned. Indeed, video appears to play an important role in the social and political struggle. It also shows that there is a conflict between activists's objectives and the values of online video sharing platform's values, such as YouTube. Video highlights online activism limitations and its key role in connecting to offline practices. ; La vidéo en ligne est largement utilisée dans les mouvements de contestation. Les réseaux sociaux numériques permettent de diffuser les manifestations en direct depuis des smartphones. L'usage de la vidéo par des groupes militants marginalisés reste peu explorés. À partir du terrain de la contestation antinucléaire radicale, cet article entend contribuer à ce champ de recherche. La vidéo est considérée comme un moyen pour les militants marginalisés de participer au débat public. La réflexion montre que le potentiel mobilisateur des technologies doit être questionné. En effet, les militants envisagent la vidéo comme étant intégrée à la lutte sociale et politique. Ce faisant, ils se heurtent aux valeurs et aux normes de production de contenu des plateformes numériques de diffusion, notamment YouTube. La vidéo souligne alors les limites de l'engagement en ligne et son articulation nécessaire aux modes d'action traditionnels.

International audience ; There is a widespread use of online videos by social movements. Protest is now broadcasted live from smartphones. However, marginalized activists groups' use of video needs more research. This article contributes to this field of research by analyzing radical antinuclear activism. Video is seen as a way to take part in the public debate. The study shows that mobilization through technology must be questioned. Indeed, video appears to play an important role in the social and political struggle. It also shows that there is a conflict between activists's objectives and the values of online video sharing platform's values, such as YouTube. Video highlights online activism limitations and its key role in connecting to offline practices. ; La vidéo en ligne est largement utilisée dans les mouvements de contestation. Les réseaux sociaux numériques permettent de diffuser les manifestations en direct depuis des smartphones. L'usage de la vidéo par des groupes militants marginalisés reste peu explorés. À partir du terrain de la contestation antinucléaire radicale, cet article entend contribuer à ce champ de recherche. La vidéo est considérée comme un moyen pour les militants marginalisés de participer au débat public. La réflexion montre que le potentiel mobilisateur des technologies doit être questionné. En effet, les militants envisagent la vidéo comme étant intégrée à la lutte sociale et politique. Ce faisant, ils se heurtent aux valeurs et aux normes de production de contenu des plateformes numériques de diffusion, notamment YouTube. La vidéo souligne alors les limites de l'engagement en ligne et son articulation nécessaire aux modes d'action traditionnels.

Filmed over three tumultuous years in India, Pakistan, Japan and the United States, after the 1998 nuclear tests on the Indian subcontinent. This film documents the contemporary, epic journey of peace activism in the face of religious militarism and war