Abstract. Tanzania is currently experiencing the rapid increase of the proportion of older people in its population. It is not yet an ageing populous country but the proportions of its ageing population is fast growing towards the direction of the most ageing populous countries of Sub-Saharan Africa such as Mauritius, Seychelles, South Africa and Botswana. In the next twenty years the proportions of older people in Tanzanian will grow from 5.5 percent to 7 percent. Older people in rural areas especially are ageing in the midst of complex social and economic problems, which seriously affect their wellbeing. The main challenges which affect them are related to income security, generalized poverty, dwindling traditional support systems, health and social exclusion. In spite of these challenges, many older people in Tanzania still play a critical role in economic life and in provision of social services such as care of orphaned grandchildren. Problems related to livelihood of older people in Tanzania present key challenges to the government to develop social policies which can adequately address social protection needs of present and future older generations. The complexity of ageing in rural areas also points to the vital need to engage in research on intergenerational relations in order to inform policy development as well as to enable the government to apportion generous old age entitlements in the form of social pension to deserving older persons. This study is a response to the above mentioned need by focusing on the efficacy of social pensions on intergenerational family solidarity. Much research work on ageing and social pensions in Tanzania has focused on overcoming poverty, vulnerability and elder abuse. Yet the issue of relationship between social pension and intergenerational family solidarity has remained mostly untouched. This study responds to this issue by addressing the questions: How will family solidarity be affected by the introduction of universal social pensions? Can different patterns of welfare affect intergenerational relations? How does intergenerational solidarity exist today? What do older people expect to happen in case social pensions are introduced? And what might be the outcomes of social pensions for future development of Tanzania? To respond to these questions, a single point in time cross-sectional survey method was used to collect data (n=968) from research participants aged 60 years and above in two districts of Mwanza region. Data was collected through face-to-face interviews from individual participants. Descriptive statistics, mainly frequencies and simple cross tabulation were conducted on both univariate and bivariate variables to describe the data. The key findings indicates that both older males and females are characterized by high levels of informality – older females in particular being more affected than older males. Older females are widowed that old males who can relatively maintain stable marital partnerships into old age. These social inequalities in education and marital status affect older people's capacity to reciprocate and give social support. It is also found that the extended family system is the prevalent family model in which older people live. Families are fairly large and co-residence is very high with adult children and grandchildren. Co-residence is a strong sign of intergenerational solidarity and family support. A family member exhibits strong association in the form of the frequency of contacts and also maintains social support exchanges – particularly instrumental support. In spite of the support offered in the family, older people are expecting state cash transfers in the form of universal social pension to support them with many aspects of their livelihood: daily needs, health needs, and family cohesion. This aspiration for the state intervention on the support of older people is probably the indication that older people have recognized the reduced support from their families. In addition, as Tanzania is heading towards the decline of birth rates, these changes points to the possibilities of further decline of the functions of extended family systems in the near future. Therefore, public pension in the form of universal social pension is expected to boost welfare of older people by crowding-in the functions of the extended family. Therefore, these findings prompts us to speculate that cash transfers in the form of old age social pension is probably the relevant approach not only for old age welfare in family meeting broader national developmental objectives in Tanzania solidarity but also for meeting broader national developmental objectives in Tanzania by promoting economic growth, health, rural development, reducing income poverty and social inequalities, strengthening communitybased care, and increasing social contract between citizens and their government.
Motivation: Proper management of fecal sludge has significant positive health and environmental externalities. Most research on managing onsite sanitation so far either simulates the costs of, or the welfare effects from, managing sludge in situ in pit latrines. Thus, designing management strategies for onsite rural sanitation is challenging, because the actual costs of transporting sludge for treatment, and sources for financing these transport costs, are not well understood. Methods: In this paper we calculate the actual cost of sludge management from onsite latrines, and identify the contributions that latrine owners are willing to make to finance the costs. A spreadsheet-based model is used to identify a cost-effective transport option, and to calculate the cost per household. Then a double-bound contingent valuation method is used to elicit from pit-latrine owners their willingness-to-pay to have sludge transported away. This methodology is employed for the case of a rural subdistrict in Bangladesh called Bhaluka, a unit of administration at which sludge management services are being piloted by the Government of Bangladesh. Results: The typical sludge accumulation rate in Bhaluka is calculated at 0.11 liters/person/day and a typical latrine will need to be emptied approximately once every 3 to 4 years. The costs of emptying and transport are high; approximately USD 13 per emptying event (circa 14% of average monthly income); household contributions could cover around 47% of this cost. However, if costs were spread over time, the service would cost USD 4 per year per household, or USD 0.31 per month per household—comparable to current expenditures of rural households on telecommunications. Conclusion: This is one of few research papers that brings the costs of waste management together with financing of that cost, to provide evidence for an implementable solution. This framework can be used to identify cost effective sludge management options and private contributions towards that cost in other (context-specific) administrative areas where onsite sanitation is widespread.
The climate crisis and loss of biodiversity, two closely related threats to human and planetary health, meet the criteria for the World Health Organization (WHO) to declare an international public health emergency, as occurred with COVID-19 (1), and urged by numerous scientific journals (2). Attaining decent work, understood as "opportunities for women and men to work in conditions of freedom, equity, security and human dignity" (3), in the context of the climate emergency, creates a paradox for worker health. Outdoor workers (notably those in agriculture and construction), many of them informal workers, are among the populations most vulnerable to climate-related hazards. Simultaneously, they are inevitably at risk of exposure due to their role in maintaining the economy and functioning of society. A similar situation happened during the pandemic with essential workers (4). The WHO declaration of a public health emergency helped manage that global crisis. A consequence of the industrial revolution The current climate crisis is a direct consequence of the Industrial Revolution where key processes emerged to explain the current situation: the appearance of wage labor and the working class, with consumerism as a basic economic driver, and the exploitation of natural resources – especially fossil fuels – in their own territories and in the colonies. The extension of this capitalist model of society to virtually the entire planet is a reality. Now, we see how this economic system has brought both great harm and significant benefits. Since its beginning, capitalism has wrought great suffering for people, masterfully described, among others, by Fredrich Engels in the Manchester of 1845 (5) or the London of 1838 in Charles Dickens` Oliver Twist (6). Although working conditions have since improved in many countries, there are still unbearable examples worldwide of worker exploitation and suffering. Among them, child labor, where 70% are working in agriculture (7) or some underregulated platform work (8), in a context of ever-increasing social inequalities (9). On the other hand, due to improved working and life conditions, there has also been an extraordinary increase in the world population, from one billion at the beginning of the 19th century to approximately eight billion today, leading to a linear increase in life expectancy at birth, which doubled globally between the beginning of the 20th century and the present. In 2015, the Lancet Commission on Planetary Health (10) pointed out that never before has humanity faced such an unintended paradox. While human well-being has been improving, the planet has been degrading. A contradiction that can no longer be sustained. We have lived as if our planet`s resources are unlimited. Based on comparisons to average temperature readings of the planet between 1850 and 1900, the United Nations International Panel on Climate Change estimated in its latest report that temperatures increased by 1.1° C between 2011 and 2020. This increase is very close to the 1.5° C established by the 2015 Paris Agreement as the limit beyond which climate impacts may become irreversible. Beyond any reasonable doubt, this is mostly attributable to the greenhouse effect produced by CO2 emissions, a consequence mainly of human activity and our way of living initiated by the Industrial Revolution. This global increase in temperature, with heat waves, floods and other extreme temperature events as its most obvious manifestations, is already having effects on worker health (12, 13). Climate change is also having effects on the economy and the labor market, both in the primary (agriculture and fishing) and services (tourism) sectors, with reductions in productivity and employment. Estimates from the European Commission reveal an average loss of 3% of GDP among EU countries between 1980 and 2020 (14). Simultaneously, we should not forget that the capitalist society that emerged from the Industrial Revolution is based, among other pillars, on full or near full employment. As such, wages represent the main economic resource for the majority of people, in addition to being the primary source of wealth generation for society, on whose income and taxes the welfare state was built. Of course, employment means much more than wage earning, as it plays a fundamental role in the social processes that sustain human dignity and social cohesion (15). However, only approximately 50% of the employed population, mainly in high-income countries, enjoy decent employment with a living wage and social rights (16). The resulting Gordian knot before us is enormous, with humanity facing the climate emergency and trying to move from fossil fuels to renewable energy sources, while simultaneously seeking to maintain and increase decent employment for all Earth`s inhabitants, boosting the welfare states at the same time (17). Controlling climate-related hazards and just green transition The alternatives proposed to escape this crossroads vary between those that propose a new paradigm, which radically changes the current economic model, betting on measures that break drastically from the capitalist economy (18), versus a gradual process, supported by mitigation, adaptation, and compensation policies (19). Favoring this second alternative, but without ruling out the need to profoundly change human consumption patterns with important repercussions on the productive system (energy, transportation, food, etc.), gradualist policies will also directly or indirectly impact employment and working conditions during the transition from carbon emission energy to green energy. To cope with this urgent situation, specific control measures have been proposed over the last few decades. Schulte and colleagues have systematically reviewed the literature (20, 21, 22), identifying new and exacerbated old climate-related hazards such as extreme temperatures, air pollution, ultraviolet radiation, natural disasters, biological hazards, indoor air quality, etc., and they also assessed the impact of employment transition and economic burden on occupational health equity and mental health. On this basis, the US National Institute for Occupational Safety and Health has elaborated recommendations to mitigate and control the impact of several climate-related hazards on worker health and well-being (23). Similarly, the EU Agency for Safety and Health at Work has published guidelines for heat at work (24). Going further, some governments, such as Spain, have begun regulating and enforcing specific measures (25). Implementation of these workplace preventive measures to mitigate the impact of climate change is the responsibility of employers, with full participation of workers. Devoting resources to hazard recognition; performing risk assessments to identify which workers are most vulnerable to climate change-related hazards; and implementing a control strategy with policies, procedures, equipment, and work organization changes aiming to eliminate or minimize the impact of these hazards can improve employer preparedness (26). Adaptation policies to reduce emissions of CO2 and other gases that are driving the greenhouse effect, still with limited results, could mean a loss of six million jobs worldwide, according to estimates of the International Labor Organization (ILO) (27). This same estimation predicts a promising creation of 24 million jobs, mainly in economies emphasizing recycling and reutilization of manufactured products (the so-called "circular economy"), infrastructure construction, development of renewables and energy efficiency. Also, during this transition, new forms of work will emerge (e.g., human-robot interfaces and artificial intelligence), and with them the need to train workers, both new and existing, to adapt to those new forms of work. While waiting for positive results from mitigation and adaptation policies, a just transition to a green economy must simultaneously incorporate compensation policies. To achieve this, it is essential to strengthen social protection systems, a cornerstone of decent employment. For example, there were measures adopted during the pandemic, such as temporary employment regulation for employees or benefits covering the cessation of activity of the self-employed. Similar compensation measures may help workers affected by mitigation and adaptation policies during a transition phase, possibly to a lesser degree than in the pandemic, but lasting longer. In summary, as was the case in the most recent public health emergency, the COVID-19 pandemic, declaring the climate emergency as an international public health emergency by the WHO could play a critical role in managing this new global health crisis. Research programs, supported by global occupational health surveillance systems, to monitor the effectiveness of mitigation, adaptation and compensation measures are urgent. Conflict of interest statement The authors report no conflicts of interest. References 1. WHO. International Health Regulations, 3rd edition. Geneva: WHO; 2016. Available on: https://www.who.int/publications/i/item/9789241580496. Accessed 4 February 2024. 2. Zielinski C. Time to treat the climate and nature crisis as one indivisible global health emergency. BMJ Open. 2023;13(10):e080907. https://doi.org/10.1136/bmjopen-2023-080907 3. International Labour Organization. Report of the Director-General: decent work. Paper presented at the 87th Annual International Labour Conference, Geneva, 1999. Available at: https://www.ilo.org/public/english/standards/relm/ilc/ilc87/rep-i.htm [Accessed March 9 2024]. 4. Burdorf A, Porru F, Rugulies R. The COVID-19 (Coronavirus) pandemic: consequences for occupational health. Scand J Work Environ Health. 2020; 46(3):229-230. https://doi.org/10.5271/sjweh.3893 5. Engels, F. The condition of the working class in England (D. McLellan, Ed.). 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Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC). Synthesis report (SYR) of the IPCC sixth assessment report (AR6). Available on: https://www.ipcc.ch/report/sixth-assessment-report-cycle. Accessed 4 February 2024. 12. Martínez-Solanas È, López-Ruiz M, Wellenius GA, Gasparrini A et. Evaluation of the impact of ambient temperatures on occupational injuries in Spain. Environ Health Perspect. 2018;126(6):067002. https://doi.org/10.1289/EHP2590 13. Johnson RJ, Wesseling C, Newman LS. Chronic kidney disease of unknown cause in agricultural communities. N Engl J Med. 2019;380(19):1843-1852. https://doi.org/10.1056/NEJMra1813869 14. European Environment Agency. Economic losses and fatalities from weather and climate-related events in Europe. Available on: https://www.eea.europa.eu/publications/economic-losses-and-fatalities-from#:~:text=Between%201980%20%20and%202020%2C%20total,of%20these%20losses%20were%20insured. Accessed 4 February 2024. 15. Budd JW. The thought of work. 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Climate change and occupational safety andhealth: establishing a preliminary framework. J Occup Environ Hyg. 2009; 6:9, 542-554. https://doi.org/10.1080/15459620903066008 21. Schulte PA, Bhattacharya A, Butler CR et al. Advancing the framework for considering the effects of climate change on worker safety and health. J Occup Environ Hyg. 2016;13(11):847-65. https://doi.org/10.1080/15459624.2016.1179388 22. Schulte PA, Jacklitsch LB, Bhattacharya A et al. Updated assessment of occupational safety and health hazards of climate change. J Occup Environ Hyg. 2023;20(5-6):183-206, https://doi.org/10.1080/15459624.2023.2205468 23. US Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. National Institute for Occupational Safety and Health (NIOSH). Occupational safety and health and climate. Available on: https://www.cdc.gov/niosh/topics/climate/default.html. Accessed 6 February 2024. 24. European Agency for Safety and Health at Work. Heat at work - Guidance for workplaces. 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This paper analyzes in a two-country model the impact of students' mobility on the country-specific level of higher educational quality. Individuals decide whether and where to study based on their individual ability and the implemented quality of education. We show that the mobility of students affects educational quality in countries and welfare in a very different way depending on the degree of return migration. With a low return probability, countries choose suboptimally differentiated levels of educational quality, or even no differentiation at all. ; Nous nous intéressons à l'impact que la mobilité des étudiants, promue par le processus de Bologne, peut avoir sur les niveaux de qualité de l'enseignement supérieur. L'analyse est effectuée dans un modèle à deux pays, où les étudiants et les travailleurs éduqués sont parfaitement mobiles et les gouvernements décident du niveau de qualité dans leur pays. La mobilité des étudiants, de capacité différente à bénéficier de l'éducation, exerce des incitations de sens variée les choix de qualité : force vers la différentiation afin de capter une certaine catégorie des étudiants, force vers l'uniformisation afin de capter les étudiants les plus profitables pour le pays. Nous montrons que ces forces résultent dans des équilibres très différents suivant le taux de retour des étudiants dans leur pays de naissance. Lorsque ce retour est faible, l'issue est très inefficace, sans différentiation et avec un niveau de qualité trop élevé.
This paper analyzes in a two-country model the impact of students' mobility on the country-specific level of higher educational quality. Individuals decide whether and where to study based on their individual ability and the implemented quality of education. We show that the mobility of students affects educational quality in countries and welfare in a very different way depending on the degree of return migration. With a low return probability, countries choose suboptimally differentiated levels of educational quality, or even no differentiation at all. ; Nous nous intéressons à l'impact que la mobilité des étudiants, promue par le processus de Bologne, peut avoir sur les niveaux de qualité de l'enseignement supérieur. L'analyse est effectuée dans un modèle à deux pays, où les étudiants et les travailleurs éduqués sont parfaitement mobiles et les gouvernements décident du niveau de qualité dans leur pays. La mobilité des étudiants, de capacité différente à bénéficier de l'éducation, exerce des incitations de sens variée les choix de qualité : force vers la différentiation afin de capter une certaine catégorie des étudiants, force vers l'uniformisation afin de capter les étudiants les plus profitables pour le pays. Nous montrons que ces forces résultent dans des équilibres très différents suivant le taux de retour des étudiants dans leur pays de naissance. Lorsque ce retour est faible, l'issue est très inefficace, sans différentiation et avec un niveau de qualité trop élevé.
This paper analyzes in a two-country model the impact of students' mobility on the country-specific level of higher educational quality. Individuals decide whether and where to study based on their individual ability and the implemented quality of education. We show that the mobility of students affects educational quality in countries and welfare in a very different way depending on the degree of return migration. With a low return probability, countries choose suboptimally differentiated levels of educational quality, or even no differentiation at all. ; Nous nous intéressons à l'impact que la mobilité des étudiants, promue par le processus de Bologne, peut avoir sur les niveaux de qualité de l'enseignement supérieur. L'analyse est effectuée dans un modèle à deux pays, où les étudiants et les travailleurs éduqués sont parfaitement mobiles et les gouvernements décident du niveau de qualité dans leur pays. La mobilité des étudiants, de capacité différente à bénéficier de l'éducation, exerce des incitations de sens variée les choix de qualité : force vers la différentiation afin de capter une certaine catégorie des étudiants, force vers l'uniformisation afin de capter les étudiants les plus profitables pour le pays. Nous montrons que ces forces résultent dans des équilibres très différents suivant le taux de retour des étudiants dans leur pays de naissance. Lorsque ce retour est faible, l'issue est très inefficace, sans différentiation et avec un niveau de qualité trop élevé.
This paper analyzes in a two-country model the impact of students' mobility on the country-specific level of higher educational quality. Individuals decide whether and where to study based on their individual ability and the implemented quality of education. We show that the mobility of students affects educational quality in countries and welfare in a very different way depending on the degree of return migration. With a low return probability, countries choose suboptimally differentiated levels of educational quality, or even no differentiation at all. ; Nous nous intéressons à l'impact que la mobilité des étudiants, promue par le processus de Bologne, peut avoir sur les niveaux de qualité de l'enseignement supérieur. L'analyse est effectuée dans un modèle à deux pays, où les étudiants et les travailleurs éduqués sont parfaitement mobiles et les gouvernements décident du niveau de qualité dans leur pays. La mobilité des étudiants, de capacité différente à bénéficier de l'éducation, exerce des incitations de sens variée les choix de qualité : force vers la différentiation afin de capter une certaine catégorie des étudiants, force vers l'uniformisation afin de capter les étudiants les plus profitables pour le pays. Nous montrons que ces forces résultent dans des équilibres très différents suivant le taux de retour des étudiants dans leur pays de naissance. Lorsque ce retour est faible, l'issue est très inefficace, sans différentiation et avec un niveau de qualité trop élevé.
This paper analyzes in a two-country model the impact of students' mobility on the country-specific level of higher educational quality. Individuals decide whether and where to study based on their individual ability and the implemented quality of education. We show that the mobility of students affects educational quality in countries and welfare in a very different way depending on the degree of return migration. With a low return probability, countries choose suboptimally differentiated levels of educational quality, or even no differentiation at all. ; Nous nous intéressons à l'impact que la mobilité des étudiants, promue par le processus de Bologne, peut avoir sur les niveaux de qualité de l'enseignement supérieur. L'analyse est effectuée dans un modèle à deux pays, où les étudiants et les travailleurs éduqués sont parfaitement mobiles et les gouvernements décident du niveau de qualité dans leur pays. La mobilité des étudiants, de capacité différente à bénéficier de l'éducation, exerce des incitations de sens variée les choix de qualité : force vers la différentiation afin de capter une certaine catégorie des étudiants, force vers l'uniformisation afin de capter les étudiants les plus profitables pour le pays. Nous montrons que ces forces résultent dans des équilibres très différents suivant le taux de retour des étudiants dans leur pays de naissance. Lorsque ce retour est faible, l'issue est très inefficace, sans différentiation et avec un niveau de qualité trop élevé.
Violence against women is a growing problem. With examples from Denmark, France, Poland, Switzerland, the United Kingdom, and the United States, the contributors to this volume explore how violence is framed through language and what this means for research and policy. They look at how metaphors in police homicide reports obscure domestic violence, how abstract language conveys stereotypes without anybody noticing, and how Western authorities have struggled to understand crimes in the name of honor. Language shapes responses to abuse and approaches to perpetrators and interfaces with national debates about gender, violence, and social change.
This Brief explores the potential effects of parent-child contact during incarceration on child and adult relationships, well-being, and parenting as well as corrections-related issues, such as institutional behavior and recidivism. It presents a literature review on what is currently known about parent-child contact during parental incarceration in addition to several empirical studies, followed by a summary, commentary, and briefing report. The empirical studies focus on contact in both jail and prison settings. Because jails in the United States handle more admissions per year than prisons? and studies of jailed parents and their children are not common in the literature? two of the three studies presented focus on jails. Following the empirical studies, a summary that includes recommendations for policy and intervention is presented, along with a commentary that explores what researchers need to do to make effective policy recommendations. This Brief is an essential resource for policy makers and related professionals, graduate students, and researchers in child and school psychology, family studies, public health, social work, law/criminal justice, and sociology.
International audience ; This article puts the current cooperative pattern of state-nonprofit relations in France into historical context against the country's statist past and suggests the implications this experience may have for other countries that share the statist background that France, perhaps in somewhat different form, also embodies. To do so, the discussion first reviews the current shape of the French nonprofit sector and the substantial scope and structure of government support of nonprofit human service delivery that exists. It then examines the unfavorable historical background out of which the current arrangements emerged and the set of changes that ultimately led to the existing pattern of extensive government–nonprofit cooperation. Against this background, a third section then looks more closely at the tools of action French governments are bringing to bear in their relations with nonprofits, the advantages and drawbacks of each, and the nonprofit role in the formulation of public policies. Finally, the article examines the key challenges in government–nonprofit cooperation in the provision of human services and the lessons the French experience might hold for Russia and other similar countries.
International audience ; This article puts the current cooperative pattern of state-nonprofit relations in France into historical context against the country's statist past and suggests the implications this experience may have for other countries that share the statist background that France, perhaps in somewhat different form, also embodies. To do so, the discussion first reviews the current shape of the French nonprofit sector and the substantial scope and structure of government support of nonprofit human service delivery that exists. It then examines the unfavorable historical background out of which the current arrangements emerged and the set of changes that ultimately led to the existing pattern of extensive government–nonprofit cooperation. Against this background, a third section then looks more closely at the tools of action French governments are bringing to bear in their relations with nonprofits, the advantages and drawbacks of each, and the nonprofit role in the formulation of public policies. Finally, the article examines the key challenges in government–nonprofit cooperation in the provision of human services and the lessons the French experience might hold for Russia and other similar countries.
The analysis and comparison of successful experience of foreign countries on compensation of the damage caused by the subject of public administration to the private person is carried out, possibilities of its use in Ukraine are defined. It is pointed out that in order to achieve the effective functioning of the public administration system, which would respect all fundamental rights, freedoms and legitimate interests of individuals, Ukraine needs to pay attention to the state of affairs in this area in Western Europe and North America. Emphasis is placed on the fact that only a state that properly complies with the legislation related to the protection of individuals in the performance of public administration tasks and responsibilities of public administration, can create and maintain a high level of economic development and social welfare. In particular, this applies to the legal norms of national and international law, which in one way or another regulate the procedures for compensation (or compensation) to individuals by the state (its representative bodies) in the case when the first damage or damage from the state, related to public administration. The author's definitions of the terms "public administration", "compensation" and "methods of compensation" are offered. In addition, the systems of functioning of such a state and public institution as a mechanism of state compensation for damage caused to individuals are studied and compared, and the impact of the quality of functioning of such a mechanism on the overall efficiency of the state system is analyzed. ; Objetivo: El propósito de este artículo es estudiar la experiencia internacional de protección de personas en el campo de la administración pública y determinar las posibilidades de su aplicación en Ucrania. Para lo anterior, utilizamos el método analítico y el análisis documental para rastrear los antecedentes teóricos y comprender el estado actual de la protección de las personas en el ámbito de la administración pública. Los temas relevantes relacionados con la implementación de métodos legales de protección de personas en el campo de la administración pública han sido de gran importancia y reconocimiento en esta plataforma de investigación. Se ha estudiado la experiencia de países extranjeros en el campo de la protección de personas durante sus relaciones con las autoridades públicas; Se han determinado las posibilidades de su aplicación en Ucrania. Se ha enfatizado que la capacidad de cualquier persona para utilizar las herramientas de protección legal definidas legalmente es una de las características clave del estado de derecho. Se ha señalado que solo un país cuyo poder estatal ejerce sus funciones directas sobre la administración pública sin lesionar los derechos, libertades e intereses legítimos de las personas, puede ser verdaderamente considerado legal y democrático. Se han proporcionado y comparado puntos de vista científicos sobre la aplicación de procedimientos legalmente definidos para la protección de las personas en el ámbito de la administración pública. Se ha observado que la introducción de métodos y medios eficaces de protección de las personas es un aspecto extremadamente importante de la actividad de la autoridad estatal, y especialmente en el contexto del curso de integración europea de Ucrania.
ABSTRACT The state is an organization that has a purpose. In the context of the State of Indonesia, the purpose of the State is set out in the fourth paragraph of the Opening of the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia which identifies the State of Indonesia as a State of law aimed at realizing public welfare. Every activity also must be oriented to the objectives to be achieved must also be based on the applicable law as a rule of state activities, government, and society. To achieve these national goals, a sustainable development effort is undertaken which is a series of comprehensive, directed, and integrated development, including health development. In matters of public health, the government is obliged to ensure that its citizens are not sick and also obliged to fulfill the rights of their people to a healthy life and the implementation of conditions that determine people's health because health has become part of the lives of citizens, and to carry out the mandate the State must fulfill the health development principle as written in Article 2 of Law Number 36 the year 2009 concerning Health. Poor health services will adversely affect the interests of the people who need medical services. Especially if the hospital does not provide proper services according to the procedures set out in the Criminal Code, which can cause patients to suffer losses that result in disability or death, then it is a criminal offense and can be criminalized according to Indonesian law. Based on the background description of the problem above, the problems in this paper are: (1) How is the legal protection of poor patients as consumers of services in health services in hospitals? (2) What legal actions can be taken by incapacitated patients for the patient's rejection actions carried out by the hospital? Based on the results of the study as stated above, the following conclusions can be drawn: (1) In an emergency, health care facilities, both government and private, are prohibited from rejecting patients and / or asking for advances. " besides, the act of refusing medical treatment is also a criminal act, so that it can be prosecuted criminally by following under Articles 304 and 531 of the Criminal Code. In the case of refusing hospital medical treatment, the hospital management responsible for violating the law, according to Article 190 paragraph (1) of Law Number 36 the Year 2009 concerning Health. (2) Civil legal action that can be taken by poor patients who are refused by the hospital in an emergency is by filing a breach of tort and unlawful actions. By rejecting poor patients in an emergency, the hospital has defaulted because it did not do what was agreed to do. In this case, the hospital does not do anything in the form of providing medical treatment to poor patients who are in an emergency of course require medical treatment as soon as possible. Provisions in Article 58 Paragraph (1) of the Health Law says that poor patients who are refused a hospital in an emergency can take legal action in the form of a civil claim by demanding compensation to the hospital that committed the refusal. Keywords: Patients, Services, Hospitals
Issues related to human rights and freedoms are relevant and discussed at all levels and at all times. This is due to the fact that the fact of their consolidation and implementation provides for the state, society and the individual the necessary balance that will contribute to the stable development of the state as a whole. The article considers the questions connected with restriction of the rights and freedoms of man and outside of their establishment. The constitutional proclamation of human rights and freedoms as the highest value, as well as the obligation of the state to recognize, respect and protect human rights and freedoms, does not exclude the possibility of establishing their lawful restriction, which is caused by the processes of development of the state and society. A person cannot be free from society, he is a part of it and his actions have consequences that affect other members of society. Accordingly, by imposing restrictions on human rights and freedoms, the aim is to achieve a compromise between state and public necessity and human interests. The legislator, carrying out legal regulation and introducing various kinds of restrictions, does not always see the limits, the transition of which can lead to irreversible processes in society and the loss of the authority of the state as a whole. The article draws attention to the need on the part of the legislature to approach the restrictions of human rights and freedoms in a more substantive and valuable way, to see reasonable limits of restrictions, as the constitutional Court of the Russian Federation also says in its legal position and to understand that the welfare of the state directly depends on the well-being of a particular person ; Вопросы, связанные с правами и свободами человека, являются актуальными и обсуждаемыми на всех уровнях и в любой временной период. Это связано с тем, что именно факт их закрепления и реализации обеспечивает для государства, общества и личности тот необходимый баланс, который будет способствовать стабильному развитию государства в целом. В статье рассматриваются вопросы, связанные с ограничением прав и свобод человека и пределами их установления. Конституционное провозглашение прав и свобод человека как высшей ценности, а также закрепление обязанности государства признавать, соблюдать и защищать права и свободы человека абсолютно не исключает возможности установления их правомерного ограничения, что вызвано процессами развития государства и общества. Человека не может быть свободен от общества, он является его частью и его действия имеют последствия, которые отражаются на других членах общества. Соответственно, устанавливая ограничения прав и свобод человека, тем самым, преследуется цель компромисса между государственной и общественной необходимостью и интересами человека. Законодатель, осуществляя правовое регулирование и вводя различного рода ограничения, не всегда видит пределы, переход которых может привести к необратимым процессам в обществе и потере авторитет государства в целом. В статье обращается внимание на необходимость со стороны законодательной власти более предметно и ценностно подходить к ограничениям прав и свобод человека, видеть разумные пределы ограничений, о чем также говорит и в своих правовых позиция Конституционный Суд РФ и понимать, что благополучие государства напрямую зависит от благополучия конкретного человека
