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BY VICTORIA PARDINIIn late 1979, at the height of the Brezhnev era, a small group of radical feminists emerged in the Soviet Union, publishing a critique of gender inequality in the samizdat journal Women and Russia.The editors—Tatiana Mamonova, Tatiana Goricheva, Natalia Malakhovskaya, and Julia Voznesenskaya—addressed issues relating to the double burden women carried between raising a family while working, maternal health, and the psychological impact of gender inequality. After the first issue of the journal was published in late fall 1979, they were exiled from the Soviet Union. In Europe, they caught the attention of the women's liberation movement. The attention paid to the women, and in particular to Tatiana Mamonova, who held a view of feminism most similar to that of the West, offers an interesting glimpse into an ideological battle ever present during the Cold War and the agency of a dissident's narrative once it is introduced to a Western audience.The journal was the brainchild of Mamonova, who had studied nineteenth-century feminist philosophers, including Anna Filosofova, as well as thinkers from the 1920s, such as the early feminist Alexandra Kollontai and the poet Marina Tsvetaeva. Mamonova's perspective was further shaped by observing the unequal treatment of women in a nominally equal society in terms of their unique psychological burdens, low wages, and family responsibilities.The first issue of the journal included poetry, illustrations, and articles criticizing the state of affairs in the Soviet Union for women. In particular, the editors launched an attack on the broader dissident community for its own "feudal conditions," which persisted even among intellectual families and forced women to act in a more masculine manner, thereby opening a rift in those social circles. The contributors also wrote on the substandard health care for women in the Soviet Union and the pressure of balancing work and motherhood, and challenged the male-dominated dissident community at the time on its resistance to a feminist journal.The editors were required to appear before the KGB and were formally exiled from the Soviet Union in July 1980. Mamonova continued to work on a second issue of Women and Russia while the remaining women started a religious feminist publication called Mariya, which offered a spiritual perspective on Soviet feminism.The four women came to the attention of the West when Robin Morgan, an American feminist and activist, interviewed them in Vienna for a Ms. magazine article titled "The First Feminist Exiles from the U.S.S.R." The cover story focused on the women's perspective on issues such as pornography and motherhood, but noted that "in the USSR—and in the West, too—a woman is educated in the spirit of hatred against women." In adopting this tactic, Morgan tried to bring these Soviet feminists into the larger fight against what they viewed as a patriarchal state.After the Ms. article was published, Mamonova personally was showered with fan mail, with one letter proclaiming, "Now I see the lies they [Soviet Union] would like us to believe [about gender equality]." She became a symbol of the larger social oppression of the Soviet state as viewed through a Western lens.Mamonova's Rebranding as Victim Morgan invited Mamonova to the United States to discuss her experiences in the Soviet Union in October 1980, with support from the Ford Foundation. As part of a speaking tour, Mamonova visited twenty college campuses to discuss the magazine article and what she saw as the plight of Soviet women.However, as mainstream news outlets began to take up her story, the narrative shifted, and Mamonova began to be cast as an archetypal Soviet victim rather than as an activist in the women's liberation movement. Some news outlets emphasized the "Orwellian" system she had escaped. Others incorrectly attributed the rise of the new Soviet feminists to the increasing influence of the West, portraying Mamonova and her contemporaries through the lens of victimhood.Ultimately, the story of late Soviet feminists offers a narrative familiar from US-Soviet rhetoric during the Cold War. Although Mamonova was taken seriously by her contemporaries in the women's liberation movement, the general media shared her story only to the extent that it could be read as a cautionary tale on the evils of the Soviet system.This was especially the case when Mamonova and other late-Soviet feminists lost much of their following after the Soviet Union fell. While some continued their activism to a degree, their stories read against a new geopolitical context did not achieve the same sort of traction as had the stories of some of their contemporaries in the dissident movement.The Usefulness of the Dissident Mamonova was much more than a useful token victim for the West's consumption, however. Her philosophy and her work were primarily informed by Soviet Russian feminism rather than by the feminism that emerged following contact with the West. Her views aligned with those of such radical Western feminists as Robin Morgan, but she represented a uniquely Russian and Soviet brand of feminism, and her pen was wielded against the problems specific to that system.Nonetheless, her story is representative of the broader tokenization of dissidents in the late Soviet period, a pattern that continues today in critiques of Putin and the Kremlin. While there was much to criticize about the Soviet system, the stories of some dissidents were publicized by the West not out of a genuine interest in the agenda of these activists but instrumentally, to showcase the West's stark opposition to an adversarial government.This pattern is still in play today. In 2012, the protest performance group Pussy Riot burst into the public consciousness of Western media consumers as a symbol of political repression. However, some argued that the media attention focused on the group detracted from the cause of other, more serious repressions in the country. The narrative promulgated by Western media also simplified Pussy Riot's agenda, wrapping up the whole experience tidily as yet another example of oppression by the Kremlin rather than considering more deeply the message of the activists on behalf of free speech and human rights.Mamonova similarly was portrayed in the mainstream media less as a radical activist and thinker and more as a victim of the socialist system because of the forced exile of her and her colleagues. Her story became an easy device with which to take aim at a political system rather than a serious voice advocating for a social cause.These feminist dissidents represent a moment in time when the United States was seemingly winning the ideological battle against the Soviet Union. Convenient figures of dissent, they were absorbed into the Western narrative of an oppressed socialist people.The fortieth anniversary of the movement is a helpful reminder of the use of dissidents by the West, and of how foreign governments can use the stories of activists, especially exiled ones, to pursue their own geopolitical aims. We may also pause for a moment to reflect on the social causes these feminist activists fought for and which remain germane today.The opinions expressed in this article are those solely of the author and do not reflect the views of the Kennan Institute.
Грандіозні події ХХ ст., такі як Перша та Друга Світові війни зруйнували великі ілюзії правової думки Просвітництва. Однією з таких ілюзій було класичне природне право та права людини. Злочини нацистського та сталінського режимів чітко показали, що природне право та права людини є лишень раціональним припущенням без онтологічної бази. Однак і теоретичний опонент зазначених вчень, правовий позитивізм, як нібито найбільш реалістична та раціональна правова доктрина, втратив власну репутацію внаслідок численних злочинів, вчинених тоталітарними режимами згідно норм діючого законодавства. Тому філософи і теоретики права після Другої світової війни спробували відродити ідею природного права і прав людини шляхом їх узгодження з положеннями новітніх філософських доктрин. Такі філософські напрями як феноменологія, екзистенціалізм, герменевтика стали новим методологічним підґрунтям правової філософії. Однією з таких спроб – помислити право новим чином, як екзистенційно-онтологічний феномен – стала робота видатного німецького правознавця Вернера Майхофера під назвою «Природне право як екзистенційне право». На відміну від класичної правової думки, коли природне право розумілося як чисто деонтологічна ідея, Вернер Майхофер намагається мислити право як онтологічний феномен, який вкорінено не в ідеальному вимірі Належного, але у нашому спільному бутті-з-Іншими у світі. Подібним чином права людини з чисто раціональної конструкції перетворюються на екзистенційні можливості людської істоти. Джерелом подібного, екзистенційного права є не офіційна правова норма, видана державною владою, і не певні «природні» закономірності. Лише відповідальна людська істота у межовій ситуації вільного вибору здатна вирішити, чим є природне право як право екзистенційне. Відтак на місце абсолютного законодавця, такого як Бог, Природа чи Держава приходить сама людина, яка є вільною подібно до Бога-батька номіналізму, однак на відміну від нього є відповідальною за наслідки свого вибору. У подібному випадку, у правовій ситуації людина є приреченою на свободу, коли призначенням людини є здійснити себе і одночасно право. У даному випадку екзистенційні можливості буття-з-Іншими є не трансцендентальними умовами нашого буття-у-світі, але постають як живе природне право – екзистенційне право. ; The great events of the XX-th century, such as the I-st and the II-nd World War, have destroyed the great illusions of the Enlightment's legal thought. One of these great illusions was the classic natural law and human rights. The crimes of the Nazi's and Stalinist's powers have shown us evident, that the named phenomena were only rational presuppositions without any ontological core. But the opposite trend, the legal positivism as the most realistic and rational doctrine also has loose its reputation due to the outnumbered crimes, which were committed by the totalitarian power in accordance with the current legislation. In its turn, the legal theorists and legal philosophers after the II-nd World War tried to restore the ideas of natural law and the human rights by the way of its reconciliation with the new philosophical doctrines. The philosophical trends of phenomenology, existentialism and hermeneutics became the new methodological grounds of the legal philosophy. One of the such attempt – to think the law in the new way, as the existential-ontological phenomenon – is the work of the famous German legal philosopher Werner Maihofer. The work "Natural law as Existential law" is dedicated to the new reasoning of the natural law. In contrast with the classical legal thought, when the natural law was understood as the pure deontological idea, Werner Maihofer tries to think law as the ontological phenomenon, which is rooted not in the ideal dimension of Ought, but in our Being-with-Others in the common world. In the similar way, human rights from the pure rational construction turn into the existential possibilities of the human Being. The origin of the similar – existential – law is not the official legal norm, which is issued by the state power. Also, the existential natural law is not derived from the laws of the Nature. Only responsible Human Being in the border situation of the free choice is able to decide, what the natural law as existential law is. So, on the place of the absolute legislator – God, Nature, State or something else arrives the Human Being as such, which is free as the Nominalist`s God Father. But in contrast to the God Father he is also responsible for the consequences of its choice. In this case, in the similar legal situation the human Being is "destined" for the freedom. And the destination of the human Being is to realize itself and at the same time to realize law. In the other words, the self-realization of the human Being is closely connected with the realization of the law. In this case, the existential possibilities of the common Being-with-Others are not just the transcendental conditions of our Being-in-the world, but present itself as the living natural law – existential law. ; Грандиозные события ХХ века, такие как Первая и Вторая мировые войны, разрушили великие иллюзии правовой мысли Просвещения. Одной из таких иллюзий было классическое естественное право и права человека. Преступления нацистского и сталинского режимов четко показали, что естественное право и права человека являются лишь рациональными допущениями, не имеющими онтологической основы. Однако и теоретический оппонент подобных учений, правовой позитивизм, казавшийся наиболее реалистичной и рациональной правовой доктриной, утратил свою репутацию вследствие многочисленных преступлений, совершенных тоталитарными режимами на основе норм действующего законодательства. Поэтому философы и теоретики права после Второй мировой войны пробовали возродить идею естественного права и прав человека путем их согласования с положениями новейших философских доктрин. Такие новые философские направления как феноменология, экзистенциализм, герменевтика стали новой методологической основой для философии права. Одной из подобных попыток помыслить право по-новому, как экзистенциально-онтологический феномен – стала работа выдающегося немецкого правоведа Вернера Майхофера под названием «Естественное право как экзистенциальное право». В отличие от классической правовой мысли, когда естественное право понималось как чисто деонтологическая идея, Вернер Майхофер пытается мыслить право как онтологический феномен, который укоренен не в идеальном измерении Должного, но в нашем совместном бытии-с-Другими в мире. Подобным образом права человека из чисто рациональной конструкции превращаются в экзистенциальные возможности человека. Источником подобного, экзистенциального права является не официальная правовая норма, изданная государственной властью, и не некие «естественные» закономерности. Лишь ответственное человеческое существо в пограничной ситуации свободного выбора способна решить, чем является естественное право как право экзистенциальное. Тем самым на место абсолютного законодателя, такого как Бог, Природа либо Государство приходит сам человек, который свободен как номиналистский Бог-отец, однако в отличие от него является ответственным за последствия своего выбора. В подобном случае в правовой ситуации человек обречен на свободу, когда его предназначением является не только самоосуществление, но и осуществление права. В данном случае экзистенциальные возможности бытия-с-Другими не являются трансцендентальными условиями нашего бытия-в-мире, но выявляются как живое естественное право – экзистенциальное право.
Грандіозні події ХХ ст., такі як Перша та Друга Світові війни зруйнували великі ілюзії правової думки Просвітництва. Однією з таких ілюзій було класичне природне право та права людини. Злочини нацистського та сталінського режимів чітко показали, що природне право та права людини є лишень раціональним припущенням без онтологічної бази. Однак і теоретичний опонент зазначених вчень, правовий позитивізм, як нібито найбільш реалістична та раціональна правова доктрина, втратив власну репутацію внаслідок численних злочинів, вчинених тоталітарними режимами згідно норм діючого законодавства. Тому філософи і теоретики права після Другої світової війни спробували відродити ідею природного права і прав людини шляхом їх узгодження з положеннями новітніх філософських доктрин. Такі філософські напрями як феноменологія, екзистенціалізм, герменевтика стали новим методологічним підґрунтям правової філософії. Однією з таких спроб – помислити право новим чином, як екзистенційно-онтологічний феномен – стала робота видатного німецького правознавця Вернера Майхофера під назвою «Природне право як екзистенційне право». На відміну від класичної правової думки, коли природне право розумілося як чисто деонтологічна ідея, Вернер Майхофер намагається мислити право як онтологічний феномен, який вкорінено не в ідеальному вимірі Належного, але у нашому спільному бутті-з-Іншими у світі. Подібним чином права людини з чисто раціональної конструкції перетворюються на екзистенційні можливості людської істоти. Джерелом подібного, екзистенційного права є не офіційна правова норма, видана державною владою, і не певні «природні» закономірності. Лише відповідальна людська істота у межовій ситуації вільного вибору здатна вирішити, чим є природне право як право екзистенційне. Відтак на місце абсолютного законодавця, такого як Бог, Природа чи Держава приходить сама людина, яка є вільною подібно до Бога-батька номіналізму, однак на відміну від нього є відповідальною за наслідки свого вибору. У подібному випадку, у правовій ситуації людина є приреченою на свободу, коли призначенням людини є здійснити себе і одночасно право. У даному випадку екзистенційні можливості буття-з-Іншими є не трансцендентальними умовами нашого буття-у-світі, але постають як живе природне право – екзистенційне право. ; The great events of the XX-th century, such as the I-st and the II-nd World War, have destroyed the great illusions of the Enlightment's legal thought. One of these great illusions was the classic natural law and human rights. The crimes of the Nazi's and Stalinist's powers have shown us evident, that the named phenomena were only rational presuppositions without any ontological core. But the opposite trend, the legal positivism as the most realistic and rational doctrine also has loose its reputation due to the outnumbered crimes, which were committed by the totalitarian power in accordance with the current legislation. In its turn, the legal theorists and legal philosophers after the II-nd World War tried to restore the ideas of natural law and the human rights by the way of its reconciliation with the new philosophical doctrines. The philosophical trends of phenomenology, existentialism and hermeneutics became the new methodological grounds of the legal philosophy. One of the such attempt – to think the law in the new way, as the existential-ontological phenomenon – is the work of the famous German legal philosopher Werner Maihofer. The work "Natural law as Existential law" is dedicated to the new reasoning of the natural law. In contrast with the classical legal thought, when the natural law was understood as the pure deontological idea, Werner Maihofer tries to think law as the ontological phenomenon, which is rooted not in the ideal dimension of Ought, but in our Being-with-Others in the common world. In the similar way, human rights from the pure rational construction turn into the existential possibilities of the human Being. The origin of the similar – existential – law is not the official legal norm, which is issued by the state power. Also, the existential natural law is not derived from the laws of the Nature. Only responsible Human Being in the border situation of the free choice is able to decide, what the natural law as existential law is. So, on the place of the absolute legislator – God, Nature, State or something else arrives the Human Being as such, which is free as the Nominalist`s God Father. But in contrast to the God Father he is also responsible for the consequences of its choice. In this case, in the similar legal situation the human Being is "destined" for the freedom. And the destination of the human Being is to realize itself and at the same time to realize law. In the other words, the self-realization of the human Being is closely connected with the realization of the law. In this case, the existential possibilities of the common Being-with-Others are not just the transcendental conditions of our Being-in-the world, but present itself as the living natural law – existential law. ; Грандиозные события ХХ века, такие как Первая и Вторая мировые войны, разрушили великие иллюзии правовой мысли Просвещения. Одной из таких иллюзий было классическое естественное право и права человека. Преступления нацистского и сталинского режимов четко показали, что естественное право и права человека являются лишь рациональными допущениями, не имеющими онтологической основы. Однако и теоретический оппонент подобных учений, правовой позитивизм, казавшийся наиболее реалистичной и рациональной правовой доктриной, утратил свою репутацию вследствие многочисленных преступлений, совершенных тоталитарными режимами на основе норм действующего законодательства. Поэтому философы и теоретики права после Второй мировой войны пробовали возродить идею естественного права и прав человека путем их согласования с положениями новейших философских доктрин. Такие новые философские направления как феноменология, экзистенциализм, герменевтика стали новой методологической основой для философии права. Одной из подобных попыток помыслить право по-новому, как экзистенциально-онтологический феномен – стала работа выдающегося немецкого правоведа Вернера Майхофера под названием «Естественное право как экзистенциальное право». В отличие от классической правовой мысли, когда естественное право понималось как чисто деонтологическая идея, Вернер Майхофер пытается мыслить право как онтологический феномен, который укоренен не в идеальном измерении Должного, но в нашем совместном бытии-с-Другими в мире. Подобным образом права человека из чисто рациональной конструкции превращаются в экзистенциальные возможности человека. Источником подобного, экзистенциального права является не официальная правовая норма, изданная государственной властью, и не некие «естественные» закономерности. Лишь ответственное человеческое существо в пограничной ситуации свободного выбора способна решить, чем является естественное право как право экзистенциальное. Тем самым на место абсолютного законодателя, такого как Бог, Природа либо Государство приходит сам человек, который свободен как номиналистский Бог-отец, однако в отличие от него является ответственным за последствия своего выбора. В подобном случае в правовой ситуации человек обречен на свободу, когда его предназначением является не только самоосуществление, но и осуществление права. В данном случае экзистенциальные возможности бытия-с-Другими не являются трансцендентальными условиями нашего бытия-в-мире, но выявляются как живое естественное право – экзистенциальное право.
The actuality of research paper is the integration of Ukraine into the European Union and the achievement of victory over Russia in the "hybrid war" of the XXIst century, the need to unite Ukrainian people around common goals based on national pride. The Ukrainians study two important concepts - the Ukrainian the national idea (UNI) and the national identity, the means of their evaluation and development. The aim of the research is a critical analysis of common and distinctive concepts of the UNI and national identity. The purpose of the research is to define the main difficulties for spreading the victorious UNI in present conditions; to research the practice of studying and measuring the numerous characteristics of national identification by sociologists and the other Ukrainian scholars (in the first place - the language theme). The research methodology has a modern system and multidisciplinary character. The method of dialectical analysis is taken from philosophy, evolutionary approach - from historical sciences, comparative analysis - from linguistics and pedagogics, etc. We will be constantly turning to the latest scientific discoveries in ethology, cognitive science, noohistory and the other "young" sciences, that is necessary for predictions in the topic of "national identification". Particularly we are going to borrow foreign experience in the protection of the national language and in effective teaching of foreign languages. The main result of the research is the need to create and apply the UNI as a strategic means on consolidation of Ukraine. UNI-21 should rely on a combination of noohistory as the sum of exact dates of archaeological findings and the decoding of the DNA of their organic part. The facts about the Great Trypillya and the other ancestors' achievements of Ukrainians for over 15,000 years have already raised national pride and created a scientific outlook. The noohistorians have created a new theory on the of the Indo-European languages' family origin. Besides they confirmed the hypothesis of German linguists of the XIXth century about the extension of Indo-European languages' family from Ukraine's forest steppes. These and other facts are forming a high national pride, which greatly facilitates the solution of language problems. Conclusion: We have proved that the experience of Ireland on the language issues has special significance for modern Ukraine. It is known that Ireland has been colonized by the United Kingdom for 800 years. The Irish were suffered from a linguistic split and separation of a part of the nation, but they did not lose their native language. And even after the "economic victory" over the colonialists in circumstances of a very high standard living they started to restore the Irish language position of the main state language ; Актуальність теми дослідження полягає в тому, що для інтеграції України в Європейський Союз і досягнення перемоги над Росією в розв'язаній нею «гібридній війні» зразка ХХІ ст. необхідне згуртування українців навколо спільних цілей на основі національної гордості. Українські представники гуманітарних наук вивчають два важливі поняття - українську національну ідею (УНІ) і національну ідентичність, засоби їх вимірювання й розвитку.Мета дослідження – критичний аналіз спільного та відмінностей понять УНІ та національна ідентичність.Ціль дослідження - виявити головні труднощі створення і поширення всепереможної УНІ в умовах сьогодення; дослідити практику вивчення і вимірювання численних характеристик національної ідентифікації соціологами та іншими українськими науковцями (у першу чергу - мовної теми).Методологія дослідження має сучасний системний та мультидисциплінарний характер. Метод діалектичного аналізу запозичений філософії, еволюційний підхід - з історичних наук, порівняльного аналізу - з лінгвістики і педагогіки та ін. Ми будемо постійно звертатися до найновіших наукових відкриттів з етології, когнітології, нооісторії й інших молодих наук, необхідних для прогнозів у темі «національна ідентифікація», зокрема, стосовно запозичення зарубіжного досвіду в захисті національної мови й розумному викладанні іноземних мов.Головним результатом дослідження є доведення необхідності створення і застосування УНУ як стратегічного засобу зміцнення України. УНУ-21 має спиратися на поєднання нооісторії як суми точних датувань археологічних знахідок і розшифровки ДНК їх органічної частини. Факти про Велике Трипілля та інші досягнення пращурів українців за 15 000 років уже підвищують національну гордість і створюють науковий світогляд. Нооісторики створили нову теорію походження сім'ї індоєвропейських мов і підтвердили гіпотезу німецьких лінгвістів з ХІХ ст. про поширення цієї сім'ї з лісостепів України. Ці й інші факти формують високу національну гордість, яка значно полегшить вирішення мовних проблем.Висновок: нами доведено, що для України-2018 у мовній темі особливо високе значення має досвід Ірландії. Цю країну на 800 років колонізувала Велика Британія. Ірландці зазнали мовного розколу і відділення частини нації, але не втратили рідну мову й після економічної перемоги над колонізаторами в умовах дуже високого рівня життя розпочали урівноважено відновлювати ірландську мову на позиції головної державної мови ; Актуальность темы исследования заключается в том, что для интеграции Украины в Европейский Союз и достижения победы над Россией в развязанной ею «гибридной войне» образца XXI века необходимо сплочение украинцев вокруг общих целей на основе национальной гордости. Украинские представители гуманитарных наук изучают два важных понятия - украинскую национальную идею (УНИ) и национальную идентичность, средства их измерения и развития. Цель исследования - критический анализ общего и различий понятий УНИ и национальная идентичность.Задача исследования - обнаружить основные преграды для распространения всепобеждающей УНИ в сегодняшних условиях; исследовать практику изучения и измерения многочисленных характеристик национальной идентификации социологами и другими украинскими учеными (в первую очередь - языковой темы).Методология исследования имеет современный системный и мультидисциплинарный характер. Метод диалектического анализа заимствован из философии, эволюционный подход - из исторических наук, сравнительного анализа - из лингвистики и педагогики и др. Мы будем постоянно обращаться к новейшим научным открытиям в этологии, когнитологии, нооистории и других молодых науках, необходимых для прогнозов в теме «национальная идентификация», в частности, относительно заимствования зарубежного опыта в защите национального языка и разумном преподавании иностранных языков.Главным результатом исследования является доказательство необходимости создания и применения УНИ как стратегического средства укрепления Украины. УНИ-21 должна опираться на сочетание нооистории как суммы точных датировок археологических находок и расшифровки ДНК их органической части. Факты о Большом Триполье и других достижениях предков украинцев за 15 000 лет уже повышают национальную гордость и создают научное мировоззрение. Нооисторики создали новую теорию происхождения семьи индоевропейских языков и подтвердили гипотезу немецких лингвистов XIX в. о распространении этой семьи из лесостепей Украины. Эти и другие факты формируют высокую национальную гордость, которая значительно облегчит решение языковых проблем.Вывод: нами доказано, что для Украины-2018 в языковой теме особенно высокое значение имеет опыт Ирландии. Эту страну на 800 лет колонизировала Великобритания. Ирландцы испытали языковый раскол и отделение части нации, но не утратили родной язык и после экономической победы над колонизаторами в условиях очень высокого уровня жизни начали уравновешенно восстанавливать ирландский язык на позиции главного государственного языка
From the introduction: 'Brazil is rich: rich in natural resources, rich in fertile soil, and rich in people". Although the country still shows deficits in different areas, the Brazilian market has attracted large investors and companies especially in the past decade. The country's potential has been the focus of many analysts and researchers by renowned economic institutes. After years of high inflation and slow growth – especially in the eighties and early nineties – Brazil was able to recover and get back into game with the other global players. From a historic perspective it is to say that the country has gone through large transition periods in the last century. Emerging from being a major coffee exporter until the early 20th century, Brazil now belongs to one of the most industrialized countries in Latin America. Although it is the largest country in the region in terms of population figures and geographical size, its GDP share in Latin America or annual growth rate offer a different conclusion. Nevertheless, the consulting market in Brazil has been growing, in particular during the last ten years. Many European and North American consulting companies have invested into the country, built branch offices and bought local firms. Although the market is still very young, its future potential has clearly been discovered. When thinking of Brazil, the words that tend to enter people's minds are positive sounding ones such as Samba, Carneval and beautiful beaches which radiate joy and energy. On the other side issues like criminality, poverty and high social inequality are often associated with Brazil as well. Either way, it is almost certain that one will have heard of Brazil. The country manifested itself in the mind of people and has made front page news more than once. Objective, relevance and research questions: The objective of the thesis is neither to conduct a market evaluation nor to point out the importance and future relevance of Brazil in the world economy. In fact this work is an empirical study on a market entry strategy which can serve as a reference for management consulting companies that want to enter the Brazilian consulting market. Furthermore, the work attempts to deliver a comprehensive picture of this market, with the intention of elaborating on whether it is wise to invest in Brazil, or whether there may be another – more suitable – Latin American country. Yet, the focus lies on the framework for strategy formulation and the proposals that will be made thereupon. In order to accomplish this, both a classical and an empirical approach were chosen whose outcomes will be compared to one another in the last chapter. LEAN Management is a booming term in the consulting business. Everybody wants to learn the 'LEAN-Thinking" and apply the method to his/her own company. Since the late 1990s LEAN Management is experiencing an upward trend and the word has spread all over the globe to reach Brazil. Consequently, there is a growing demand for LEAN in this country, as evidenced by the number of consulting companies already present in the market and the excellent prospects it shows. The aim of the thesis is to propose which geographical regions and economic sectors in Brazil may yield attractive prospects for management consulting companies. The information is then used to formulate a market entry strategy for LEAN Consulting in the Brazilian market. In addition, proposals will be made and future scenarios presented to the reader which are augmented by emprircal findings. Based on the introduction and the objective of the topic – giving a perspective of the situation in Brazil – the following two research questions are being raised. Is the LEAN market in Brazil a suitable market for a LEAN consulting company to invest in? Which recommendations for an entry strategy can be given when entering the Brazilian LEAN market? Out of these research questions, a sub-question is derived. Can Brazil serve as an entry port to Latin America for LEAN consulting businesses? The analysis of these questions will be conducted through a theoretical as well as an empirical approach. Structure of the topic: After having presented the objective and relevance of the topic as well as the research questions, the author will introduce the structure of the thesis. Accordingly, to strengthen the arguments that will be highlighted in the conclusion, the thesis is divided into three parts. The first part consists of theoretical results selected from secondary research. Based on the theory, an empirical study is conducted, involving a group of experts who will elaborate on their personal experiences and opinions with regards to the topic. The empirical findings deduced from the study are compared with the theoretical results in order to verify, if there exist a consensus among theory and empiricism. This comparison is then used to build up the third part of the thesis – the conclusion. Methodology: In order to create a solid basis for the strategy formulation chapters two and three provide a brief overview of the economic situation in Brazil – in a Latin American context – from the earliest settlement in the 14th century until today. Furthermore, an evaluation of the market, its productivity and its growth potential, completes the picture. Recent political changes have brought an upwind into the descending system. Since the implementation of the Real Plan in 1994 the country has experienced low inflation, trade liberalization, substantial privatization, increases in import penetration and the expansion of FDI. Thus, Brazil has reason to hope for future in prosperity. The information drawn for this section consists of secondary research, covering literature as well as various online resources and online libraries, to provide an adequate framework. The literature is primarily in English and partly in German or Portuguese language. The term LEAN Consulting is explained in detail in chapter four, in order to understand the impact and relevance of the term in this context. The literature for this part is provided by a consulting company that is working according to the LEAN principles. It consists entirely of secondary research with books and magazines as main sources. The LEAN Consulting market in Brazil has a special importance for the topic and the sources are given by the same consulting company. After having applied the theoretical framework of the thesis, chapter five provides the framework for the strategy formulation. The basis to this approach is the Five-Forces-Model by Michael E. Porter. Since the topic – market entry strategy – is a rather practical issue, the main part consists of empirical findings deducted from a Delphi Study. It is based on expert interviews that were held with a group of initially nine experts from the consulting business in two stages. In the first stage, these experts were confronted with two questionnaires – consisting of open and closed questions – which they had to answer based on their personal experience and opinion. The questionnaire in the second round was based on the summarized answers of the first one, raising new thoughts to the topic. The questionnaires were submitted in German, since all of the participants were either native German speakers or had sufficient knowledge of the German language to understand the questions. The aim of this Delphi Study was to gain opinions and experiences that can neither be found in books nor in any other relevant literature. Usually, Delphi Studies are used for business forecasting. The author receives new viewpoints that are based on personal experience of the experts by living in Brazil and working in the consulting business during the last decades. The last part of the thesis draws the conclusion, comparing the classical market entry approach to the empirical findings of the Delphi Study. This then gives a profound basis for constructing strategic recommendations and provides a future outlook. It is interesting to see how the experts of the Delphi Study view the future prospect of the consulting business in the country and what should be done to boost economic growth in this area. The thesis concludes by summarizing all important findings under consideration of the background layed out in the first part of the thesis.Inhaltsverzeichnis:Table of Contents: ABSTRACT IN ENGLISH LANGUAGEIII ABSTRACT AUF DEUTSCHIV 1.INTRODUCTION1 1.1OBJECTIVE, RELEVANCE AND RESEARCH QUESTIONS1 1.2STRUCTURE OF THE TOPIC2 1.3METHODOLOGY5 2.ECONOMIC OVERVIEW AND BACKGROUND OF BRAZIL7 2.1MERCOSUR7 2.1.1History8 2.1.2Foundation8 2.1.3Economic role of the Mercosur9 2.2THE COUNTRY BRAZIL10 2.2.1Political and economic history11 2.2.2Economic environment13 2.2.3Political environment14 2.2.4Macroeconomic data15 2.2.5Social inequality17 2.2.6Level of corruption and governance indicators19 3.MARKET EVALUATION22 3.1THE 'THREE-SECTOR-THEORY' OF BRAZIL22 3.2PRODUCTIVITY24 3.3POTENTIAL MARKETS FOR MANAGEMENT CONSULTING COMPANIES25 3.3.1Major Brazilian companies26 3.3.2Strongest regions in Brazil31 3.3.3Most promising branches34 3.4CONCLUSION35 4.LEAN CONSULTING37 4.1DEFINITION AND PHILOSOPHY OF LEAN37 4.2TYPICAL PRACTICES APPLIED39 4.3DIFFERENCES OF LEAN MANAGEMENT TOWARDS OTHER METHODS42 4.4MANAGEMENT CONSULTING COMPANIES IN BRAZIL44 4.4.1LEAN consulting companies in Brazil45 4.4.2The IBCO47 4.5REASONS TO CHOOSE AN EXTERNAL CONSULTANCY47 4.5.1Criteria to choose consulting services48 4.5.2Average consulting fees48 4.6CONCLUSION49 5.MARKET ENTRY STRATEGY51 5.1OVERVIEW OF THE CLASSICAL MARKET ENTRY STRATEGY51 5.1.1Methods for market entry52 5.1.1.1Contractual agreements53 5.1.1.2Sole Venture54 5.1.2Influencing factors for the entry mode decision55 5.1.3Special characteristics of services56 5.2MARKET ENTRY STRATEGY INTO THE LEAN CONSULTING MARKET57 5.2.1Competition57 5.2.2Opportunities and threats62 5.2.3Framework for strategy formulation64 5.2.3.1Business communication65 5.2.3.2Starting the business66 5.2.3.3Employing foreign workers67 5.2.3.4Obtaining a credit69 5.2.3.5Legal constraints70 5.2.4The Delphi Study71 5.2.4.1Reasons to choose the Delphi method73 5.2.4.2Limits to the Delphi method74 5.2.4.3Experts75 5.2.4.4First round76 5.2.4.5Second round78 5.2.4.6Short summary of most important findings81 6.CONCLUSION83 6.1FINAL RESULTS AND RECOMMENDATIONS83 6.2DIRECT COMPARISON OF THEORY AND EMPIRICISM86 6.3FUTURE OUTLOOK88 6.4PROSPECT FOR FURTHER RESEARCH90 7.BIBLIOGRAPHY91 7.1BOOKS91 7.2ARTICLES/PUBLICATIONS92 7.3WEBSOURCES94 7.4FURTHER READING AND EXPERTS97 8.APPENDIX98 8.1DELPHI STUDY - SUMMARY OF FIRST ROUND98 8.2DELPHI STUDY - SUMMARY OF SECOND ROUND101 8.3CONCRETE STEPS FOR STARTING A BUSINESS IN BRAZIL105 8.4PAYING TAXES IN BRAZIL107Textprobe:Text Sample: Chapter 3, Market Evaluation: Today's marketplace is very competitive. In order to successfully place a company or a product in a new market its potential needs to be assessed first. The market evaluation uses information given about the market and helps to determine feasibility of a potential market and the competitive landscape. The aim is to compare different regions and sectors to find the strongest opportunities. This will reveal a strategic roadmap to the market entry. The Brazilian market has an enormous potential and growth is foreseen in the country for the next years. This chapter will provide an overview of the regions and branches in Brazil, pointing out the ones with the highest capability to be the future market for a management consulting company. The industrial sector is the most important one in this country and the focus of the strategy will lie on the branches present in this sector. A market segmentation presenting the biggest companies – measured by revenue – will provide the benchmark for potential growth and allows us to focus on prospective customers. The 'three-sector-theory" of Brazil: According to the 'three-sector-theory", developed by Jean Fourastié, the economy can be categorised into three different sectors of economic activity: the agricultural sector – the primary sector (commodity producing sector), the industry sector – the secondary sector (or goods-producing sector), and the service sector – the tertiary sector (or non-goods producing sector). The aim of this theory was to explain the transition from the agricultural to the industrial society and later on to the post-industrial service society in the 20th century. It is assumed that the three sectors have different opportunities to adapt to technological progress. Through the application of new technical procedures, the productivity in the primary and secondary sector increases while, at the same time, less manpower is needed and also the demand for these goods decreases with increased productivity. The excess manpower and demand, in turn, will be absorbed by the tertiary sector. The problem is that this theory assumes no influence by outside factors and therefore cannot be applied to any economy without precaution. In 2006, the agricultural sector accounted for 36% of the GDP worldwide, the industry sector for 22% and the service sector for 42%. In Brazil the distribution in the same year is considerably different, with the agricultural sector accounting for 5.5%, yielding coffee, soybeans, wheat and rice as the main products. The industry accounts for 28.7%, with its main products being textiles, shoes, chemicals, cement and iron ore. The services sector makes up 65.8% of total output. The GDP growth rate by sector in the years from 1997 to 2007 has been subject to fluctuation especially in the agricultural but also in the industry sector. The service sector has been rather stable during this period. The three-sector-theory is based on the assumption of above-average growth of demand and below-average growing productivity in the tertiary sector. The current situation in Brazil and in the global context shows a strong tertiary sector, followed by the secondary and the primary sector. This supports the three-sector-theory of the shift: agriculture > industry > service sector. Although the service sector is the strongest sector in the economy, both by total GDP and by year-over-year growth rate, it is a non-good producing sector, which makes it uninteresting for a management consulting company as they are concentrating on the industrial sector where production takes place. The theory does not explicitly state the distribution of the different branches among the three sectors. Therefore it can be assumed that some branches that are interesting for the strategy could be assigned to the service sector, although in the following this sector will not be elaborated on. The importance of the industrial sector has been fully recognized by the development studies all over the world. The industrial sector – through its linkages with other sectors – plays a very important role in achieving rapid growth and development. Most modern and rich countries have a well developed industrial sector through their early industrial revolution. It is the most important driver of the economy and apart from the service sector – the non-goods producing industry – it constitutes the biggest sector and generates the largest profit share out of all. During the last years the industrial production in Brazil was subject to many changes due to the slow growth of the economy. The country has set up an agenda to become a competitive economy that is able to provide qualified goods in sufficient quantity and to create a greater number of high skilled jobs. Brazil is on its way to transform into an economy that is included in the knowledge society and recognized as one of the main platforms for the industry worldwide. Productivity: The level of productivity is a crucial part in the context of this thesis. It indicates the general market growth and its potential for the future. Since management consulting companies will focus on the industry it is important to know, if there is a need to enhance productivity. If so, then this need would likely translate into higher investments in this area and a greater demand for support services from the consulting industry. The level of labour productivity is the primary determinant on the nation's GDP per capita growth. Brazil's weak economic growth is due to the relatively slow increase of labour productivity. The latest performance study, conducted by the Conference Board, shows a labour productivity growth rate of 1.9% in 2007. Compared to the other BRIC countries, this is the poorest rate. Russia, India and China showed a much better performance with 6.3%, 6.7% and 9.8%, respectively. This can be ascribed to transitional reallocations of employees by large companies into emerging markets that consequently foster productivity growth in the respective country. Especially India and China play a determining role in this context, since wages in these countries are notably lower than in Brazil and also in Russia, hence companies are more likely to turn to the Asian countries to make new investments that lead to job creation. According to a study on barriers to growth in the Brazilian economy, conducted by McKinsey's São Paulo office in 2005, there are two major root causes that lead to the relatively slower productivity growth. The first one refers to the modest per capita income, which promotes consumption of the lower-priced products and services. An example is the automotive industry, which produces primarily small and inexpensive cars. For the higher-priced vehicle section it relies on imports from other countries. The second cause is related to the first one – labour is cheaper than capital – which inhibits investment in new machinery that, in turn, would improve productivity levels. These barriers, however, will naturally fade once the government is able to resolve the social and economic problems by a policy shift. Labour and tax laws, price controls, product regulations, trade barriers and subsidies, among others, are present obstacles that limit productivity. Also, the unemployment rate, the level of inequality, the state of the educational system, are all factors that influence productivity levels and play a role in the performance studies. Potential markets for management consulting companies: After having identified the target sector and the level of productivity in the country, the next important step to defining a suitable market entry strategy is to determine specific markets in Brazil that yield the best prospects. Three different variables will influence the decision-making. These are the major Brazilian companies, the strongest regions and the most promising branches that are interesting for a management consulting company. Consequently, this will then lead to the establishment of the target branches as well as companies for LEAN business in Brazil and serve as a basis to formulate the entry strategy.
La tesis versa sobre la crítica romántica de la sociedad norteamericana en el período conocido como la "edad dorada del capitalismo". Si bien, en ese ciclo histórico, la participación victoriosa en la Segunda Guerra Mundial y la recuperación económica despertaron fantasías de disolución del conflicto, las tensiones sociales dividieron con intensidad creciente a la nueva potencia mundial. Mi hipótesis fundamental es que la sensibilidad romántica jugó un papel preponderante en la estructuración de las pugnas sociales. Para verificar esta presunción, analizo cómo los ejes de la impugnación romántica de la modernidad ocuparon un lugar protagónico tanto en los debates de la teoría social sobre Estados Unidos como en producciones literarias paradigmáticas de la época. De esta manera, investigo la actualización de la estructura de sentimiento romántica en un momento determinado de la historia norteamericana. En la estela del marxismo culturalista, se examina cómo la respuesta romántica a las disyuntivas históricas se expresa en géneros discursivos diversos, que van desde el discurso científico hasta la novelística, desde las manifestaciones culturales hasta las proclamas políticas. A su vez, se explora la importancia de la circulación internacional de las ideas para la difusión del romanticismo, inquiriendo a la tradición cultural norteamericana como un espacio simultáneo de recepción y emisión de ese legado. De Michael Löwy y Robert Sayre adopto la definición del romanticismo como una contracorriente de la modernidad capitalista que concentra sus críticas en cinco blancos: 1) desencantamiento del mundo; 2) cuantificación del mundo; 3) mecanización; 4) abstracción racionalista; 5) disolución de los lazos sociales. En concordancia con la interpretación de Isaiah Berlin y Rüdiger Safranski, ese marxismo cultural destaca la cualidad proteica del romanticismo, que desafía la separación entre las esferas del arte, la filosofía y la política. Además, retomo de estos aportes clásicos la idea de que el romanticismo trasciende las fronteras nacionales. Más allá de las discusiones acerca del origen de esta sensibilidad, los autores coinciden en su alcance internacional, la multiplicidad de géneros discursivos que abarca y su transmisión intergeneracional. En el primer capítulo, muestro que la dinámica de la sociedad norteamericana desafió la hipótesis de orden de la sociología de Talcott Parsons. En ese marco, pesquiso el surgimiento del concepto de "contracultura" como categoría de las ciencias sociales, luego adoptada por los actores sociales. En la obra de Theodore Roszak, observo cómo el neologismo se liga a los cinco ejes de la crítica romántica. A su vez, señalo de qué manera el Parsons adoptó la categoría de "contracultura" para dar cuenta de una revolución expresiva en la sociedad norteamericana, remitida de forma explícita a una reaparición de la sensibilidad rousseauniana. El segundo capítulo se dedica a la teoría crítica. Como Parsons, los referentes de la Escuela de Frankfurt analizaron a la sociedad estadounidense con la esperanza de detectar las tendencias predominantes del mundo moderno. Su diagnóstico inicial difería en la dimensión deontológica, pero no en la hipótesis de una estabilidad creciente. Desde una perspectiva informada por el romanticismo alemán, Theodor W. Adorno y Herbert Marcuse impugnaron la lógica totalitaria de la industria cultural. El paso de los años, sin embargo, reveló fuentes de conflicto inesperadas. Este capítulo de la tesis estudia los modos diversos en que Marcuse y Adorno abrevan en el romanticismo para criticar a Estados Unidos y las respuestas divergentes de estos autores ante el ascenso de la Nueva Izquierda. En última instancia, la frialdad de Adorno se explica por su afinidad con las variantes solitarias del romanticismo, al tiempo que el entusiasmo de Marcuse se anuda a sus vertientes comunitarias. La ambigüedad constitutiva del romanticismo se revela, así, como la clave de su distanciamiento tardío. El tercer capítulo de la tesis está dedicado a la obra de Jack Kerouac. En este capítulo, investigo cómo su literatura prolonga una tradición norteamericana que une el motivo literario de la huida del mundo al registro autobiográfico. En esa línea, rastreo cómo los motivos románticos se ligan, en Kerouac, con una impugnación de la sociedad convencional, sus normas, sus ritmos y sus vínculos dominantes (v. gr. familia, trabajo). Asimismo, me detengo en la presencia de referencias al marxismo en la obra de Kerouac. De esta manera, muestro proximidades y diferencias entre el imaginario de la huida del mundo y el lenguaje revolucionario. En el marco de las preocupaciones generales de la tesis, esto permite reflexionar acerca de la distancia entre el clima contestatario norteamericano y los modelos marxistas de conflicto social, hiato ya identificado en la teoría social del período. La última sección investiga la relación de dos viajeros de argentinos con el romanticismo norteamericano. En primer lugar, examino los trabajos de Ezequiel Martínez Estrada sobre Estados Unidos, redactados en ocasión de su visita en 1942. Interesado en la tradición romántica de ese país, Estrada activa los tópicos de esa corriente para expresar su desagrado con el panorama norteamericano. La tesis muestra cómo su "método somático" se asemeja al ideal romántico de ciencia subjetiva y traza paralelismos con la filosofía de Adorno. En el quinto capítulo, analizo el viaje de Osvaldo Baigorria hacia comunidades hippies de Estados Unidos. Para este capítulo, retomo las reflexiones de Ricardo Piglia sobre la afinidad entre la literatura romántica norteamericana y la táctica revolucionaria de Ernesto Guevara. A través de una investigación del influjo de esta corriente sobre la trayectoria vital e intelectual de Baigorria, la tesis muestra las tensiones entre el romanticismo norteamericano y los esquemas revolucionarios nacidos del marxismo. ; This thesis deals with the romantic critique of American society during the "golden age of capitalism". Even though, in that historical cycle, the victory in the Second World War and the economic recovery incited fantasies of the end of conflict, social tensions divided the new world leader with increasing force. My main hypothesis is that the romantic sensibility played an important part in the structure acquired by those struggles. To verify this, I analyze how the axes of romantic critique where placed at the heart both of the debates carried by social theorist on the realities of the United States and of literary works of paradigmatic value. In this way, I research the presence of the romantic structure of feeling in a specific moment of American history. In line with cultural Marxism, I examine how the romantic response to historical dilemmas manifests itself in a wide range of discursive genres, from scientific discourse to fiction, from cultural expressions to political declamations. Furthermore, I explore the relevance of the international circulation of ideas for the diffusion of romanticism, inquiring America's cultural tradition as a point of reception and emission of this legacy. From Michael Löwy and Robert Sayre, I draw a definition of romanticism as a countercurrent of capitalist modernity that places its criticism on five main features: 1) disenchantment of the world; 2) quantification of the world; 3) mechanization; 4) rationalist abstraction; 5) dissolution of social bonds. In agreement with the interpretations of Isaiah Berlin and Rüdiger Safranski, cultural Marxism highlights the protean qualities of romanticism, which defy the separation of art, philosophy and politics into different spheres. At the same time, I adopt from these classics the idea that romanticism transcends national barriers. Notwithstanding the disagreements on the origins of this sensibility, all these authors coincide on its international reach, its hold on a wide number of discursive genres, and its transmission from generation to generation. In the first chapter, I show that the dynamics of American society called into question the hypothesis of order presented by Talcott Parsons' sociology. In that context, I examine the emergence of the concept of counterculture as a category of the social sciences, later appropriated by social agents. In the work of Theodore Roszak, I observe how that neologism is linked to the five axes of the romantic critique. Furthermore, I break down how Parsons applied the category in his analysis of an American expressive revolution explicitly attributed to a reappearance of rousseaunian sensibility. The second chapter is dedicated to critical theory. Just like Parsons, the members of the Frankfurt School scrutinized American society in the hope of finding the main trends of the modern world. Their initial diagnosis differed in the deontological dimension, but not on the hypothesis of a growing stability. From a point of view deeply influenced by German Romanticism, Theodor W. Adorno and Herbert Marcuse impugned the totalitarian logic of the culture industry. As years went by, however, unexpected sources of conflict manifested themselves. This chapter of the thesis reviews the different ways in which Adorno and Marcuse utilized romanticism to challenge the United States, and their contrasting responses to the rise of the New Left. In the end, Adorno's coolness is explained by his affinity with the lonely branches of romanticism, while Marcuse's enthusiasm is sympathetic to its communal currents. The ambiguities of romanticism are shown to be at the core of their late estrangement. The third chapter is dedicated to the works of Jack Kerouac. Here, I delve into the relationship between Kerouac and an American tradition that brings together the literary escape motif with the autobiographical register. With that in mind, I trace how Kerouac links romantic motifs to the scorn of conventional society, its norms, rhythms and fundamental affiliations (family, work). Additionally, I stress the mentions to Marxism in Kerouac's novels. In this way, I show similarities and differences between America's rebel scene and Marxist schemes of social conflict, already identified in the social theory of the period. The last section of the thesis investigates the relationship of two Argentinean travelers with American romanticism. Firstly, I examine the books written by Ezequiel Martínez Estrada on the United States, a country he visited in 1942. Knowledgeable about the romantic tradition of that nation, Estrada borrows its concepts and images to express his dislike with the American landscape. The thesis shows how his 'somatic method' resembles the romantic ideal of a subjective science, and compares it with Adorno's philosophy. In the fifth chapter, I consider the trip taken by Osvaldo Baigorria towards hippie communities in the United Sates. For this chapter, I take into consideration Ricardo Piglia's study on the affinity between American romantic literature and the revolutionary tactics of Ernesto Guevara. Through the analysis of the influx that such current had on the vital and intellectual itinerary of Baigorria, I show the tensions between American romanticism and revolutionary schemes stemmed from Marxism. ; Fil: Molina y Vedia, Agustín. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas; Argentina
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I believe that England would claim the moon, if there were a way to rcn-n that celestial body, and if diamonds and gold were discovered on it And if she had no other rea-sons for her claims, she would say, "we have looked on it for so Jong." But Shoedanviia. the king of Zulaland, was not willing that the British should have their own way for he knew that this would end his rule and bring ruin to his people, and so he ■went to war with Engi-.nd. ' England was worsted in this war. Their army, after having received several defeat , was finally surrounded by the Zulus and would have been annihilated, had not the Boers interfered. Gen-eral Lewis Mover wa; sent from Pretoria with 5,000 Boers to aid the English. He siu.eeded in breaking through the lines, of IO THE MERCURY the Zulu- and relieved the English army. As soon as the Eng-lish gem al realized that he was no longer m danger, lie took matters into his own. hards and invited the Zulu king to visit the British camp under a flag of truce and make tei as soon as lie arrived lie was arrested and e> :>f peace; but on a small island off the western ooast of Africa. England thought that this would end the triibe with the Zulus, but the son of the exiled ruler proclaimed himself king and made preparations to continue the war, but England had enough, and secretly with-drew her arm}' into. Natal. The English Government was chagrined by this defeat at the hands of a savage nation, and the loss of men and money, with-out any corresponding gain of territory, consequently she de-cided to steal the Orange Free State and part of Transvaal. But the Boer Government watched them closely and made pre-parations to meet the invasion. In 18S1 the English army marched into Boer territory, but they were entrapped by an army of Boers numbering 600 men, who defeated the British army of 7,000 men. They killed about half of them and cap-tured the others. When Gladstone, the premier of England, received news of the battle, he said: "I can,not send soldiers to South Africa as fast as the Boers kill them. We ought to make peace with those people who know how to fight for their rights and liberty." A term of trust was agreed upon during which time hostilities should cease, and President Krueger was invit-ed to come to London to make definite terms of peace. Accord-ingly, in 1883, President Krueger, .Taubert, Dr. Reitz and mv-self, went to London where we were treated witli the greatest re-spect by the English. Oom Paul was regarded as a hero With the help of Mr Gladstone, a man of honor, who was friendly toward the Boers, a treaty was signed which favored the Boers. The Tinted States had already recognized the South African Republics as independent governments. In this treaty, Eng-land did likewise, and soon many other powers followed. We went on our way'rejoicing. First to Holland and from there to Germany, where Bismarck gave a dinner in honor of Krueger and hi;-, party. It was on this occasion that Bismarck said: "Krueger is the greatest statesman living, for he got the best of that political fox, Gladstone, and England will dig the grave of her wprld's power in South Africa."- THE MERCURY II The treatj' made in London in 1884 would probably never bave been broken, had not gold been discovered in Jobannsburg, Transvaal during the same year; and if Gladstone., Bismarck and James Blam had lived in 1899, the war would not have broken out. When it became known in England that plenty of gold could be found at Johannsburg. the English people at once began to flock thcTe. Cecil Rhodes, a heartless man without conscience, was one of the first arrivals, who at once made prep-arations to mine the gold. He realized that it would not do to bluff Krueger as he had done before, therefore, he began to treat with Krueger and .he Government in Pretoria. He offered to organize a company to dig the gold and give a certain percent-age to the Boer Government. This company was organized, and it was agreed that the Boer Government should receive 25 per cent, of all the gold mined. All went well for a time; but in the year 1891 the English capitalists began to complain about this percentage, claiming that it was too high. Cecil Rhodes, Barno Banato and Alfred Beit, as the heads of the company, forced the working people to strik.v This strike broke out in 1894 and was at once put down by the Government. In order to lower the wages of the working-men, the company brought in prisoners to work in the mines, but the Government would not allow them to remain. After this failure, the. company imported coolies from Japan, China and India, but these the Government also sent away. Then the company bought control of many Eng-lish newspapers and the newspapers of other countries and these papers slandered the Boers as being opposed to prosperity and progress. Joe Chamberlain, Secretary of the Colonies in Lon-don, now took up the matter and commanded the Boers to per-mit the importation of foreign laborers, and, furthermore, to give all British subjects the right to vote and to hold office. The Government was willing to grant this privilege providing these subjects should swear allegiance to the Transvaal Republic. This the British refused to do. Cecil Rhodes and his friends hired Dr. Jamison and a civil engineer from the United States to organize a mob, invade Jo-hannsburg and take the mines from the Boers; and if possible, to overthrow the Government in Pretoria. The two men organ-ized a mob of 3,000 men who marched up from Capetown and openly boasted that they would soon have the Boers under con- 12 THE MERCURY trol. But the Boers made preparations to meet the mob and were ready to interfere when the time came. Jamison and his men came on toward Johannsburg and expected to arrive there in the evening; hut 'he Boers intercepted them and made an at-tack about nine miles from Johannsburi;. Jamison and his men after a short fight, were captured and taken to Johannsburg. Dr. Jamison and nineteen other leaders were taken to Pretoria and there imprisoned, -while the remainder were condemned to be shot for high treason. The British Government claimed to have no knowledge of the matter, but declared that they would punish these men, if the Boers would turn them over to them. President Krueger obeyed their request and handed over the captives. They were taken to London, given a mock trial, sen-tenced to six months imprisonment, but were soon afterwards pardoned by the Queen. Chamberlain and Rhodes determined to bring on a war be-tween the two nations and, therefore, troops were constantly being brought into cur country. When we inquired as to the meaning of this, we were put off or received no answer at all. It was a kind of "cat and mouse" philosophy wdiich England wished to practice on the Boers; England being the cat and the Boers the mouse. England said, "I am a cat and am satisfied, while you ought to be willing to become a part of a cat." "Come," she said, "let me devour you that you may become a part of a cat as so many other mice have done before." But the Boers failed to see the wisdom of this kind of philosophy and refused the invitation to be eaten. m THE MERCURY , 13 WHAT THE TURKEY DID. ■ A Christmas Story. H. A. CHAMBERLIU, '08. KTHUK CLARKS01SF ceased his labors and, buried in thought, rested for a moment leaning upon his axe. Truly his life was a hard one. .Why should he be compelled to remain here on this farm to cut wood while his companions were enjoying themselves with their friends and relatives at their respective homes? When his chums had all left college he had turned sorrow-fully away and had gone slowly out to the nearby farm where he was to work during the Christmas vacation to pay his college expenses for the ensuing term. It is true he had found a pleas-ant place. Mr. Northwood, the farmer, and his wife had been very kind to him. He had also found Gladys, their only daugh-ter, a girl of seventeen, very interesting and friendly during the long evenings when he had rested before the open fire-place in the comfortable sitting room. But with all this—it was not his home. Often he had felt lonesome. But with that determination which had characterized his col-lege course and had won for him the latin prize in his Freshman year, he went to work again with renewed vigor. Higher and higher grew his pile of kindling wood—fewer and fewer became the number of pine blocks. Suddenly his attention was at-tracted to a figure coming slowly clown the walk which lead to the woodshed. It was Gladys. "I thought I'd come to watch you work a little," she said. "We have been so busy in the kitchen getting ready for Christmas." He would much rather have stopped his work and talked to her but he kept on plying the axe. She continued to chatter and he endeavored to listen as best he could, but it was hard to work and talk at the same time. All at once without the slightest warning the axe slipped, cut-ting a long gash in Irs hand. He felt a sharp pain but did-not cry out. He looked at the girl who had become deathly white. With a little cry she Ihrew up her hands and fell senseless upon the carpet of chips which covered the ground. He carried her tenderly to the house almost forgetting the ac- H THE MERCURY ciclent, which had caused her insensibility, in his efforts to bring her back to consciousness. Mrs. Northwood, at first, in her excitement did not know what to do. After a little work, however, Gladys opened her eyes, and the flow of biood from his hand had been stopped. That evening as they sat before the fire discussing the events of the day, Mrs. Northwood said: "Gladys, why don't you ever wear-that ring which your uncle sent you from Mexico ? The stone alone must be worth fifty dol-lars. I am afraid yon do not appreciate the gift." A bewildered look came over the girl's fa-^e and she exclaimed : "1 was wearing that ring this afternoon when I fainted." Mrs. ISTorthwood shot a sudden glance at Arthur which he did not fail to notice, but said nothing. They then separated for the night. The next morning as Arthur was about to begin his usual work in the shed, the old farmer came out to him with a stern expression on his face. "You need not woi-k any more for me," ho said slowly. "Gladys could hardly have lost the ring for we have all searched every-where for it, and you were the only one with her at the time she was unconscious. I will keep the affair quiet but you must go today. Go back to your college and try to learn that a college education consists of more than that which we get from the books." "Why"— Clarkson began but was checked by the farmer:— "No explanations are necessary, sir—go." Clarkson climbed the stairs to the little room they had given him and gathered together the few articles of clothing which he had brought with him. If he had ever been sad before he was doubly so now. A shadow fell across the floor. He looked up and saw Gladys standing in the doorway— her eyes red with crying. •'•'Oh, Mr. Clarkson,"' she began, "I am so sorry. I know that you would not take the ring but my mother—" With this she threw her apron over her head, and, in a flood of tears, left the room. As he went back to college where he must now spend a miser-able Christmas alone, h? bemoaned his fate. His good name bad been ruined. His tuition could not be paid. He was a vie- THE MERCURY 15 tim of circumstances. And yet she had said that he was inno-cent— that was one consolation. The next day he sauntered up to the postoffiee to see if he would receive a letter from home. Sure enough, the postmas-ter handed it through the bars, hut as he looked at it he noticed that the address was m a strange hand. He opened it and read: "My dear Mr. Clarkson:— Come out to the farm at once. I was too hasty You are innocent. Yours • very sincerely, Jacob Northwood." The note was very brief, but how it thrilled the heart of the youth. He lost no lime in getting to the farm where Gladys met him at the gate and said: "Oh. Mr. Clarkson, we have found the ring. When we killed the Christmas turkey we found it in its craw. The selfish old gobbler- had picked it up from the place where I must have lost it. Come into the house." It is not necessary to' relate all the pleasant things which fol-lowed. There was no more wood cutting and—such a Christ-inas! The Xorthwoods tried in every way to make amends for the wrong they had done him. AVhen he returned to college a week later he was the happiest boy to arrive, for he had not only had a delightful time, and found new friends, but best of all in his coat pocket was a cheque on Mr. aSTorthwood's account which would more than pay the expenses of the term. 16 THE MERCURY THREE GREAT PHILOSOPHERS. Plato—Part I. CHARLES W. HEATHCOTE, '05. LATO was born in Athens about 42' B C. He was the son of Aristo and Perictione, a noble family. His mother traced kinship to Solon, the great legislate-of Athens, and Solon was a desce. dant of Noleus the i?on of Poseidon. Aristo, his father, was a descendant of Codrns the last great Athenian king, and he traced kinship to the god Poseidon Tradition claims that the god Apollo especially foless-id fti.p marriage of Aristo and Perictione and endowed Plato with special divine qualities. At an early age he received instruction • rom alle teacher Dionysius taught him literature; Ariston, the Argiane,.,gym-nastics and Megillus of Arigentamj music. With the other youths he took part in the Pythian and Is hmian games. He also, probably, took part in the military expeditions to Tanagra, Corinth and Del him. ♦ In his youth he was actively engaged in writing poems. He look part in many literary contests and reveaied much power and ability. He was about to enter a contest with a poem upon which he had worked faithfully and careful'y, when he became acquainted with Socrates. He destroyed hi' poem and most of his other poetical writings. However, some fragments have come down to us and they reveal beauty, thought and simplicity in style. From the time he met Socrates, he began to devote ail of his time to philosophy Plato was a student. He was acquainted with the past history of Greece and the sy terns of the earlier philosophers. His poetic nature and temperament revolted against the course and flippant reasonings of many of the phi-losophers of his day. They sounded as it were the minor chord entirely in their reasonings and to this the nature of Plato re-fused to respond. Thu.-:, when he understood the teachings of Socrates and the truths he taught, it seemed as if he had touch-ed the inajoi chord, tha: beautiful melodious bell-like tone, in his heart, for at once his whole nature became attuned to the THK MERCURY 17 1 ruths of Socrates and Plato bee;■1 me his enthusiastic and power-ful disciple. Plato was.about twenty years of age w'jen ne came under 1 he influence of Socrates. He was yet in hie creative process of life. His master's power over him was absolute. Since Socrates' work was noble, inspiring and uplifting, he was able to make Plato a mighty power for good in the world. Plato remained faithful and true to his old teacher and mas-ter, lie was a true disciple. He followed his teacher through his varied caieer and after his death which had been inflicted by '.he Athenian people he became the leader oC the Socratic school •md taught and promulgated anew the immcital Socratic truth. His truth was ideal. Sometime after Socrates' death Plato went to Egypt and made himself acquainted with the religious thought of that land.Trad-i tion says that he also went to Persia, and the^e he was taught the Zorathushtrian doctrines. But this cannot oe definitely deter-mined. He also visited Italy and studied the organization of the Pythagorean schools. Plato very likely visited Euclid at Megara, as Megara was not very far from Athens. How much influence Euclid had over P'ato in the formation and the deeper '.evelopment of his philosophic system can not be definitely 1 nown On his return to Athens he was threatened with punishment and even death. He stood firm in his determination to carry nit his master's work and would not be swerved from his course. Plato look 1-0 active part in governmental affairs. He was not ?n orator. ' He had returned to Athens to open a philosophic school. He opened his academy in the grove of Aeschemus. Over the great philosophic sehoo! he presided until his death. There with his pupils he analyzed and developed the germs of ethics, psychology and logic as found in the Socratij teachings. It is said that Plato made several voyages to Sicily in the in-terests of his academy. ■ At the invitation of Dionysius, the Svracusan ruler, Plato discussed with him on the subjects of happiness, virtue, government and justice. Plutarch (610) rays, "Justice was the next topic; and when Plato asserted the happiness of the just, and the wretched condition of the unjust, 'he tyrant was stung: and being unable to answer his arguments, i8 THE MERCURY he expressed his resentment against those>uo seemed to listen -o him with pleasure. At last he was extremely exasperated, r.nd asked the philosopher what business he hsd rrr Sicily. Plato answered, 'that he came to seek an honest man.' 'And so, then/ replied the tyrant, 'it seems that you have lost your labor/' Dionysius had resolved to slay Plato but through the plead-ing of Piato's friends his life was spared and he was sold into flavery to the Aeginetans. He was finally ransomed and re-turned to his academy. When D-'onysius the younger ascended the throne Plato again visited Sicily, but he was unable to accomplish anything. Of Plato's family less is known then of Socrates' Ye: y likely ne was married although it is not known to whom. Neither ran he be called an ascetic as some writers of recent times have been accustomed to call him. A man of hi, social, intellectual and moral position could not live an ascetic life and do the work he did. Thus it has been mentioned that his power as a writer was revealed in his early youth. It was evidently in the prime of ' ife that he established his academy at Athms. It was there ".hat he was busily engaged in teaching philosophy and writing •:nd rewriting his lectures and "there at the ripe age of eighty-pne he died." Marshall rays, "Prom the scene of his labors bis philosophy las ever since been known as the Academic philosophy. Unlike .'Socrates, he was not content to leave only -i memory of himself and his conversations. Re was unwearied in bis reduction and correction of his written dialogues, altering them here and there both iu c;.; ression and in structure. It is impossible, there-fore, to be absolutely certain as to the historical order of compo-sition 01 publication among his numerous dialogues, but a cer-tain np proximate order may be fixed." A very large number of works have been attributed to Plato. Some ha -c ' een proved spurious Most historians of philosophy accept thi ivy-six compositions as written by Plato'. Most au-thors aeocy the works of P.'ato as follows: Charmides; Lvsis• Laches; Ion; Meno; Euthyphro; Apology; Crito; Phaedo; Pro-tagoras, ihithydemus; Cral.lus; Gorgias; Hippias Alcibiades: TIUC MKKCUKY 19 Meneseus; Symposinus; Phaedrus; The Republic; Timaeus; Philebus; Parinenides; Theoetetus and The Laws. Acccrdirg to TJeberueg (104), "Schleiermacher divides the-works into three groups. Elementary, mediatory or prepara-tory and constructive dialogues. As Plato's first composition he names the Phaderus; as his latest writings, the Republic. Li-malus, and the Laws." In all bis waitings the poetic nature and style predominates. Although he is a waiter of urose, he is a poet at heart. Some-one ha-5 called him, "the Shakespeare of Gre k philosophy on ac-count of hif fertility, variety, humor, imagination and poetic grace. The philosophy of Plato is the philosophy of Socrates. This philosophical reasoning is prevalent throughout Plato's works. His thoughts and principles are built upon a Socratic basis. As Plato analyzes the deep thoughts of Socrates, he, here and there, adds a finishing touch and makes it more complete. It must not bo thought that Plato was a mere imitator, he was to) great a genius for that. Plato had been trained in the true Soc aric school of hard reasoning ana logical thinking. His kn Avlcdge of philosophy in the largest sense was marvelous. His knocedge of the various systems of the wo-ld gave him power to produce a careful and logical system, of reasoning with the Socratic truths as basic philosophical principles. Zeller says, "In Plato's scientific method also, we recognize the deepeinng, the purification and the progress of the Socratic philosophy. Prom the principles of conceptual knowledge arises, as its inunediate consequence, that dialectic of which Socrates must bi considered the author. While Socrates in forming con-cepts, stiV.es from the contingencies of the given case, and never ■ goes b3.T!id the particular, Plato requires by continued analysis from the phenomenon to the idea, from particular ideas to the highest and most universal.' The Socratic form of discussion 111 the character and manner of the dialogue is prominent in Plato's writings. If there is an idea that Plato desires to have understood and- made clear, it is brought out in his writings by the manner if speech. Though in some places his logic may be distributed, yet taken on the whole it is not the case. He sets forth his philosophy with 20 THE MERCURY (.learner and in a scientific way. The dialogue enabled his readers to grasp his ideas more readily. There is another striking characteristic in his dialogues; that is, Sociites is the central figure. He not on;y xeads in the con-versation, , 'le best listener, but he is also the most acute reasoner and thinker. Though Plato in some instanc s may represent an idealized Socrates, nevertheless be remembers how great a debt of gratitude he owes his master. From Socrates he received his spiritual and tbeistic beliefs. In th'i Banquet by Plato (M. Ed. T. 81) we quote the follow-ing pan; of a dialogue in which Socrates is discussing with Agathon Jhe philosophical conception of Love. "Come," said SocratT-., 'let us review your concessions. Is Love anything else th:n die love first of something; and secondly, of those things of which it has need?"—"Nothing."—"Now, remember x-f these things jrou said in your discourse, thai Love was the love —if you wish I will remind \ou. I think you said something of this kin.i, 'hat all the affairs of the gods were admirably disposed through the love of the things which are beautiful for there was no love of ^hings deformed, did you not say so?"—"I confess that I did."—'You said th.pt what was most likely to be true, my frLnd: and if the matter be so, the lovs of beauty must be one thing, and the love of deformity another. '■—"Certainly." So eo'n],rehensive is Plalo's philosophical system that much is emh-ived in it. To divide it into distinct divisions is diffi-cult. KIP philosophical system may be divided into three parts: logic, physics and ethics. Whe., the dialogues are examined carefully it is found though the though! may seem to relaps too much in the following state-ments, nevertheless, every thought looks up to the idea that Plato wishes to unfold. There is no confusion. One idea explains another idea, one thought leads up to another thought and so on in true progressive and logical order. THE MERCURY THE BELLS. JOSEPH ARNOLD, '09. 21 "How soft the music of those village b'-Jie Falling at intervals upon the ear., In cadence tweet, now dying all away. Now pealing loud again and louder Btill Clear and sonorous as the gale comes on." —C'owper. Soft and SAveet, indeed, are the'tones as they set the calm quiet air on a Sunday morning vibrating. What a charm the strains of a familiar hymn have, as they reach the ear from some distant church! ' And yet the chimes and bells with all their pleasant memories of childhood days lingeringly attached to them, with all their melodious sweetness, have an interesting history. Almost at the very beginning of things, a certain Tubal Cain, sixth descendant from Adam, an artificer in all kinds of metals, probably discovered the sonorous qualities of metals. He may have manufactured some crude instrument, which, when struck gave forth a ringing sound These crude beginnings gradually were improved upon; for, in Exodus, we learn that bells of gold were attached to the robe of Aaron in order that his going in and coming out of the place of worship might "be made known to the people. Zechariah introduces us to another improvement; namely, the inscription, "HOLINESS UNTO THE LORD," upon the bells of the horses. Not only did, in those early times, the Children of Israel make use of the bells, hut also the Egyp-tians, Assyrians and Chaldeans. Those used by the Egyptians were as a means of announcing the feast of Osiris. In offering sacrifices the priests of Cyble of Assyria made use of the bells. So on down through the ages we come across the development of bells, some of gold and others of bronze. About bells were associated many superstitions, as records show us. Pliny and Juvenal, it is said, tell us of bells being rung during eclipses, which were, as it was believed, attended by evil spirits. The ringing of the bells would, according to their beliefs, drive these away. The belief can easily be evidenced 21 THE MERCURY by inscriptions upon the bells as follows: "Pesiem fugo" and "Dissipo veutos." During the early Christian era a number of such brief inscriptions were put into poetical form and became the common inscription upon bells. Laudo Deum verum, plebum voco, conjugu clerum Defunclus ploro, pesiem fugo, festa decoro. Funero pilango, fulgura frango, Sabaia pango Excito lentoSj dissipo ventos, paco crucntos." Bells, even at a very early period, were put to a practical pur-, pose, as may be gathered from the following records left by Aes-chylus and Euripedes: Greek warriors were accustomed to wear small bells-upon their shields so that they might when on guard duty inform the passing captain that they were awake. Even Plutarch is said to have mentioned in his record of the seige of Xanthus the fact that bells were attached to nets stretched acre-the river so that natives could not escape by way of the river without coming into contact with the bells thus attached. Thus far small bells only were referred to, since the large ones were not. in use for worship or alarm or to strike the hour, till some 400 A. D. The use of bells for churches doubtless gave rise to that feature of architecture, the bell tower. In the Middle Ages, bells played a prominent part. During that period whenever a bell was cast, before it was used in a church, it went through a form of consecration; for it was wash-ed with water, annoiuted with oil, and marked with the sign of the cross in the name of the Trinity, and, from what we can gather, archbishops officiated and persons of high rank, with great pomp, attended the ceremony of christening. As time went on nearly every form of worship had its bell. There was the Sanctus bell, tho Angelus or Ave Marie bell, the Vesper bell, the Complin bell, and the Passing bell. The Sanctus bell of today is a small bell and it is rung before the elevating of the Host by the priest. During the Middle Ages, this was a large bell and rung just when the "Sancte, sancte, sanete Deum Sab-baoth" was sung or chanted. All who heard bowed their heads in reverence and adoration. The Angelus was rung at fixed hours and called the mind from worldly duties toward a mo-ment's meditation and the blessed Virgin. It further marked THE MEKCURY 23 the time of beginning and cessation of labor. There still lingers with ns a sweet echo, as it were, of that beautiful 'custom in the famous painting, "The Angelus." The artist seems to have caught the charm and in the moment of God-given inspiration placed upon canvas the halo of bygone days. The Yesper bell was the call to evening prayer and the Complin bell closed the clay. Finally the most impressive was the solemn tolling of the Passing bell; it called for the prayers of the faithful in behalf of the passing of a soul from life. A little of the spirit of the Middle Ages still clings to us; for we still adhere to some of the customs of those times. The toll-ing of the bell during the passing of a funeral in a "God's acre" comes directly from the custom of the Passing bell. One rite or ceremony peculiar to the Dark Ages was t. pe tolling of a bell to summon an audience in order that a priest might read in their hearing an anathema; to blow out in their presence the candle and in that manner excommunicate a poor unfortunate from "bell, book and candle." The use of the curfew is familiar to all. It was probably in-troduced into. England from France by William the Conqueror. Alarm bells were a,so used at an early date. Is it not Shakes-peare who makes Macbeth say when Birnam wood was moving on the castle in which he had shut himself, "Eing the alarm bell!" ? Of course, in modern times, since the discovery of electricity, the use of bells for alarm has become more or less systematized. The composition of material which enters into bell making can readily be gathered from various sources. There are in the world some very large bells, marvelous and unique, arousing much wonder and creating great interest. It may be that the longing for display was accountable for sucli huge sizes. May we not likewise infer that their immensity in the eyes of the ignorant and semi-civilized made them more meritorious? Thus Russia, mostly in a state of semi-civiliza-tion, is noted for the largest bells. The large bell which espe-cially attracts universal attention is the "King of Bells," the hell of Moscow. Hs history may be read at a glance from one of the inscr (ions upon it. namelv ip- 24 THE MERCURY . This Bell :, was cast in 1733 by order of the Imperial Empress Anne, Daughter of John It was in the earth 103 years and by the will of the ■ r .: Imperial Emperor ^ Nicholas "' "'-■: :. was raised upon this pedestal in 1835, August 4th. It is not necessary here to enter into details concerning its history; the number of times it was recast, its enormous weight or colossal size or the stir it created among the nobility of Eu-rope. Sufficient to say, that it excells and stands alone. There is another very large bell of which mention should be made namely, the Assumption bell of Moscow, next in weight to the "King of Bells." Although it weighs one hundred and ten tons and its diameter is eighteen feet, it is hung and tolled once a year. A writer says, "When it sounds, a deep hollow murmur vibrates all over Moscow, like the fullest tones of a vast organ or the rolling of distant thunder/' One bell, though not a large one, is nevertheless dear to the heart of every loyal American. That bell announced to the peo-ple that the Declaration of Independence was signed; that free-dom was theirs. It bears the name of "Liberty Bell;" a name •deserved and a name *hat will last as long as time itself. Though iits life as a bell is but a brief one, there arfc gathered about it miemories saored to us. It still, as its inscription reads, "Pro-claims liberty throughout the land." Thus ends the stoiy of the bell imperfectly and briefly told ,ind yet let us not forget to mention the important part it plays in poetry. First upon the bells as we find them may be found couplets which run ns follows:— ■ »k and, also. "Jesus fulfil with thy good grace All that we beckon to this place." "I to the church the living call And to the grave do summon all." THE MERCURY "Be mec and loly To heare the word of God." 25 There are possibly as many quaint inscriptions on bells, as upon tombstones but space does not permit mentioning them. Most of the poets make mention of bells in connection with services. Longfellow says the Angelus called the Arcadian fanner from his work. Shiller in his remarkable "Lay of the Bell," portrays the life of a mortal. How clearly he associates the storms and calms of life in the tale of a belFs making. And who can, in such melodious rythmical splendor compare with Edgar Allen Poe, as he depicts the functions of the bells in that masterpiece of his? How it thrills one to hear that poem re-cited! One can almost hear the merry jingling of the sleigh bells o'er the icy fields, or the mellow wedding bell foretelling a world of happiness, or the banging and clanging of the loud alarm bells, or e'en the solemn tolling from the lips of the sombre iron bells of luckless destiny. What a world of thought is cre-ated in the reading of a poem such as that! How it carries us back, yea back to the days gone by! How we hear faintly the bells, sweetly echoing in our hearts some happy occurrence, or like a voice from heaven bringing us in close touch with a dear one gone before. Thus bells have played an important part in life from times immemorable to the present day. 26 THE MERCURY DO WE NEED POSTAL SAVINGS BANKS IN THIS COUNTRY? BY 1908. AST summer wtu'le spending some time in a rural dis-trict of a neighboring state, an instance of particular interest came to my notice. One day a resident of the small I village came into the postoffice and had a money order for a certain amount made out in his own name. The postmaster, being of an inquisitive nature, asked the man why it should be in his own name. The man said he didn't want to have the money in the house; that lie didn't have time to take it to the bank (for the nearest one was fifteen miles away); that it would cost him just as much to send it to the bank as to get a money order for it, besides the trouble of sending it: and that it would he safer in the hands of the Government than if it were in the bank. An instance of this nature to a person of ordinary intelligence would he very striking. Thoughts of the advantages of some people and the disadvantages of others naturally arise. This man evidently was'not in a position to enjoy the great privilege of. men in other districts of having a hank in which to deposit his money. Xext we would likely wonder how many men were in a similar circumstance hut who did not invest their money in money orders, having it hoarded up somewhere as cold cash. There are, no doubt, so great a number of them, even though their amounts of possession being small, that a vast sum of money is being held, hound up and kept from circulation. The man's last remark as to thfe safety of his money in the form of a money order, brings the fact to our notice that banks do not have the confidence of the people in general that the Government evidently has, for this man was willing to pay the Government to keep his money instead of receiving interest for the use of if from a bank. few people will deny that our present system of banks is a success considered in all its phases. But is it the best system that can be had? Does it efficiently meet all that is demanded of it? We think not. The present financial condition of our country leads us to this conclusion. The fact that banks in their present condition are subject to failure thereby causing the THE MERCURY .27 loss of the wealth of their depositors oftentimes inspires, more especially the small depositor, with fear and shatters all confi-dence in them. As a consequence great amounts are hoarded up in strong chests and other places and are practically a drag to the progress of our country where free circulation of money is such a necessary function in prosperity. The money strin-gency which necessitated the recent issue of Government bonds was largely due to the inadequacy of our banking institutions to supply the need. Ours is a country of gre"at natural wealth, so vast, indeed, in extent, that we can hardly get a definite conception of it. Though we are making rapid strides in developing these re-sources, we have not reached the greatest degree of efficiency. There are vast tracts of land that could be more efficiently cul-tivated; mines to be developed; products to be transported; and many other directions for progress, but no means of bettering this state of affairs. Why have we not reached the highest, de-gree of efficiency? This question is easily• answered by saying that the circulation of money is too small. Thus we see the great need of getting all money possible into circulation. Since there is such a great need for the circulation of all the money in the United States, we need to consider reasons why this circulation is hindered. Probably the most striking of these reasons is the lack of confidence that some people have in our banks. Circulation is not hindered by the lack of confi-dence of our people alone. There are vast numbers of foreigners in our country who. doubting the stability of our banks, and having explicit confidence in their own government banks, send their earnings home and deposit them there. In this way great sums of money are kept from circulating in our land and for this reason some industries must suffer because of being unable to secure sufficient funds for their-further development. The issue of bonds recently made shows the great need of money for circulation and, above all things, shows that the money will most likely he obtained from the-people who are afraid of investing money in other enterprises, but, because of their confidence in the Government, are willing to take her bonds at a lower rate of interest than could be gotten otherwise. We have been considering the fact that there are conditions in our country which are not as they should be for its better de- 28 THE ME.RCURY velopment and prosperity. To set forth these deficiencies with-out suggesting a means of correction would be foolish exertion. Anything that will right these conditions we may regard as the very thing needed by our country. Our suggestion for the cure of these conditions is a system of postal savings banks. Such a system would reach all conditions of people as the banking places would be the postoffices and postoffices are found scattered everywhere in the states. Then the great amount of money that is hoarded up, because there is no bank near enough, would be put.into circulation. Then tun, very many of our citi-zens who now hide their earnings and the foreign element who send their money abroad for deposit in their own government banks, because of their confidence in an institution with govern-ment backing, and not in our banks as they now are, would de-posit in the postal banks and thus by increasing the circulation of currency, help to remedy existing conditions. One with a different idea might wonder what would become oi our present banking institutions which are run by individuals who necessarily reap the benefits not only of their own money, hut also that of the Government which they get at a low rate of interest. He might ask, Shall we harm a fairly well working system for one that we only imagine Avould work? That a sys-tem of postal savings banks would harm our other banks is not likely, for it would obtain greater amounts of money for distri-bution to these banks at a lower rate of interest. With this view of the matter, the private banks would themselves be benefitted as Avell as the country at large. Then as to the working of the proposed banks we have no serious doubts. They are working-well in other countries and could easily be successful here. But someone may object; think of the great expense ami trouble the Government would have to undergo. It is true there would be some expense and labor connected with the en-terprise but the benefits derived would be so much'greater in proportion to the money formerly expended as most clearly to justify such a course. If our manufacturers today would re-fuse to increase their business because of more cost to them, we would have a pitiable state of affairs existing. Industries would be at a standstill. But they do not conduct business on this principle. They make a great sacrifice of monev and labor to THE MERCURY 29 a certain degree and in return make a greater proportional amount of gain. It is therefore an easy matter to see that the system would pay for itself and that is all we demand of it, since it is a gen-eral public undertaking and is not supposed to be run in order to make money. It would be for the welfare of the individual citizens of our nation. The idea of labor is no argument against it. We may rather consider it as a point in its favor. The extra labor would furnish excellent, well salaried positions for a great number of people. That there is need of some way of keeping the currency of our Government in circulation is very evident. The present pros-perity and welfare of our country demand it. If the present demands it, the same will be true of the future, only then the demand will be more intense. To meet this increasing demand necessitates, some system that will reach the portions of the country in which money is hoarded; that will have the confi-dence of the public in its favor. Our present system of banks has been, and is doing a great deal towards a free circulation of money yet they are proving insufficient. A system of postal savings banks, as we have shown, would meet the above named requirements; would furnish greater circulation of money; and would therefore add very materially to our progress as a nation. T H E ERCQRV Entered at the Postoffice at Gettysburg as second-class Matter. VOL. XV GETTYSBURG, PA., DECEMBER 1907 No. 7 Editor-in-Chief EDMUND L. MANGES, .'08 Exchange. Editor ROBERT W. MICHAEL, '08 Business Manager HENRY M. BOWER, '08 Ass't Bus. Managers LESLIE L. TAYLOR, '09 CHARLES L. KOPP, '09 Assistant Editor MARKLEY C. ALBRIGHT, '08 Associate Editors PAUL F. BLOOMHARDT, '09 E. E. SNYDER, '09 Advisory Board PROF. J. A. HIMES, LITT.D PROP. G. D. STAHLEY, M.D. PROP. J. W. RICHARD, D.D. Published each month, from October to June inclusive, by the joint literary societies of Pennsylvania (Gettysburg) College. Subscription price, one dollar a year in advance : single copies 15 cents. Notice to discontinue sending THE MERCURY to any address must be accompanied by all arrearages. Students, Professors and Alumni are cordially invited to contri-bute. All subscriptions and business matter should be addressed to the Business Manager. Articles for publication should be addressed to the Editor. Address THE MERCURY, GETTYSBURG, PA. EDITORIALS. GEN. DE WALI_'S It is with a great ARTICLE deal of pleasure that we present this number of the MHUCURY to its readers par-ticularly because of its article on the Boers. Some few years ago, when war broke out between these people and the English, we all read of the movements and ac-tions that took place in the Tran-svaal and Orange Free State with great interest. The war from beginning to end is doubt- THE MERCURY 31 less familiar to 11s, but we know very little of the Boer history prim- to this time. This article' gives us a very distinct and clear cut epitome of that earlier period. A thing that lends a peculiar interest'to this article is the fact that it was written by one of the most prominent men of the people with whom it deals, so that we get the facts first hand, it is needless to waste time or space in telling those of our read-ers who met General Dc Wall about his personal experience or service, but it may be of some interest to those who did not have the extreme pleasure of seeing or hearing him. Fifteen years in German schools and universities, a period before the war as pres-ident of the Volksraat or Congress of the Transvaal Eepublic, and during the war as a general in the Boer army, are three major items of his life. We have been rather fortunate this fall in having the privilege of coming in contact with a number of distinguished men, but most striking, most unique among them all stands Gen. l)e Wall. .He is a very extraordinary type of man. a type that is very sel-dom 'found. In this man we see one who has had the great privilege of a liberal education; one who has been successful in life, having at one time been a wealthy man and holding a posi-tion in South Africa second only to that of the distinguished and well known Oom Paul Krueger; one who experienced war in all its phases; one who has suffered as few men have and sur-vived, having lost wealth, position and family, and is now even an exile because he lefused to swear allegiance to the country that deprived him of wealth and family, all that was dear to him. He did not come to us'in state, but as a very common, man, yet the impression that he made upon us is one that will last longer for that very reason. Is it any wonder that a man of such a' varied experience both in quantity and quality is interesting? Although he has been a child of fortune and has known the extremes of joy and sorrow, he has come through them safely, with principles and faith in his God unshaken. We again say that we consider ourselves fortunate in having this interesting and instructive article to give to our readers, not because of the worth of the article alone, but because of its distinguished author. 32 THE MERCURY LITERARY It is with a feeling of pleasure that we write CONTEST. concerning the coming Inter-society Contest. We are pleased to announce that, after a lapse of two years, the two Literary Societies have settled their petty disagreements and have agreed to meet in a general literary contest and de-bate. The contest and debate were formerly leading features of the winter term; but in -recent years, as before stated, have not been held for various reasons. And now, inasmuch as all preliminary arrangements have been made and the contest is practically as-sured, it is our earnest wish that the.members of the societies realize the importance of the coming conflict. The individual members of both societies must know that without their interest the contest can not be a complete success. And, besides, honor, glory and renown, in no small measure, will be meted out to the participants, both th-5 victors and the vanquished. The contest and debate are bound to be interesting, and may the fickle Goddess of Victory smile upon the side best deserving her favors. j* I am a little country boy, I flunk ten times a week. But I guess few students know it, Cause for Muffing I'm a freak. It tickle? me to go to shows, But only when they're cheap. And when the Seniors turn me down, Then, Oh, how I do weep. I love to ride brown ]3onics, And wobble when I walk. I say I take the girls to shows, And I slobber when I talk. -Exchange. PATRONIZE OUR ADVERTISERS. THE BEST PEN FOR COLLEGE MEN There's no pen that gives such all-round satisfaction as Conklin's Self-Filling Fountain Pen. It's the best pen for College Men. When an ordinary fountain pen runs dry in the middle of a word, it means you've got to stop right there, hunt up a rubber squirt gun, fill your pen to overflowing, clean both pen and dropper, wash your hands, and then endeavor as best you can to collect your lost Crescent If train of thought It's different with Filler J. A. Kupp, L. E. Entei line. THE "R & E" STORE 36 Baltimore Street, Next Citizens' Trust Company, GETTYSBURG, PA. SUNDAY SCHOOL LESSON HELPS AND SUPPLIES, P. ANSTADT & SONS, Publishers, Book and Job Printing of all Kinds UJrUe for Prices. YOR K. PA, PATRONIZE OUR ADVERTISERS EMIL ZOTHE COLk^!EM3 ENGRAVER, DESIGNER, AND MANUFACTURING JEWELER 722 Chestnut St., Phila. SPECIALTIES : MASONIC MARKS, SOCIETY BADGES, COLLEGE BUTTONS, PINS, SCARF PINS, STICK PINS ANO ATHLETIC PRIZES. All Goods ordered through G. F. Kieffer, CHARLES S. MUMRER. UEJ1L.EU JJV TpTTTS TSTTTTTT? 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' % JUNE, 1900 ooThe0o Qettysbiir Mercury CONTENTS The Evolution of the Thinker, 103 In the Storm, . 110 The Dawn of Idealism, . . Ill The Voice of the Sea, . . 117 A Critique of the Doctrines of Heraclitus, . . . 118 The Noble Hero, . Women as Teachers, Spring, . Editor's Desk Otsego Lake, The Turk in Religion, 121 124 126 127 129 133 \sW-G'BURG C. US, DUPLICATE FAVOR THOSE WHO FAVOR US. For Fine. Printing go to Tk Jo Co Wile Frigiiii Howe CARLISLE ST. GETTYSBURG, PA. C. B. KitzmMer Dealer in Hats, Caps, Boots and . Douglas Shoes GETTYSBURG, PA. B. Dealer in Hats, Caps, Shoes and. Gents' Furnishing Goods Corner Center Square and Carlisle Street GETTYSBURG, PA. EDGAR S. MARTIN, ^CIGARS AND SMOKERS' ARTICLES. Q£T" t^T* t^* Chambersburg St., Gettysburg. Like to learn Spanish? An easy Jan guage to learn. A JlimfuhVs Spanish Method. Self-teaching. SiianUh-ICiKiHx^Engllsh-SpanUh Diction'y, Hossfeld's Italian Method. Self-teaching. I/nlian-ICinjlixh, English-Italian Dictionary, Hossfeld's German Method. SelJ'-teaehlng. . Qerman-English,Engli8h-German Dictionary, $2.00 lloxsfeld's French Method. Sell-teaching. $1.00 French-Fnr/iish, Enalish-Frenck Dictionary. $2.00 lirooks" 1st Latin Jiook. 50 eta. Latin-English, English-Latin Dictionary. $2.00 Jlrooks' \st Greek Lessons. 50 ct3. Greek-English, English-Greek Dictionary. $2.00 Literal Translations of the Classics—Latin, Greek, Germun, French. Eighty-flvc volumes, sold separately, 50 eta. each. Sendfor list. HINDS & HOBLE, Publishers 4-5-1S-14 Cooper Institute N. Y. City Schoolbooks ofall pub-lishers at one store. orsome other v////////// language? .THE. GETTYSBURG MERCURY. VOL. IX. GETTYSBURG, PA., JUNE, 1900. No. 4 THE EVOLUTION OP THE THINKER. PROF. OSCAR G. KLINGEK. (Address on Education before the Susciuehanna Synod, May 9,1900.) TT is my privilege to engage your attention for a little while in A some phase of the general subject of education. It is a sub-ject in which you are profoundly interested, and of the import-ance of which you have a keen appreciation. I take it for granted that you are accustomed to give this hour, not that you may be entertained by an elaborate discourse filled with educa-tional truisms and platitudes, but to hear from some member of your body the newest and best thought of which he is capable. I conceive, therefore, that from me you desire to hear this even-ing what ideal I have of education—what, in my judgment, should be the aim of every system of intellectual discipline. Without hesitation, and asking no favors of adverse criticism, I present for your consideration " The Evolution of the Thinker." Whatever is true in my presentation, I ask you to accept ; what-ever does not appeal to your judgment, I ask you to believe to be the honest expression of a growing conviction. The first voice of the Aryan race to utter its thought was the poet of the Vedic Hymns. In that remote past, when the migra-tion of nations from the old Iudo-Germanic home was peopling Europe and the western part of Asia, the Aryans that settled In-dia were resting for a brief spell in the mountains which form the northwestern boundary of that country. Their eye swept the valley of the Ganges and the valley of the Indus, and as that magnificent landscape lay before them like another Promised L,and, their bards sang of the future. I mention this because in this first voice there is the recognition of the three-fold mystery of existence which is yet but partly solved—the mystery of self, the mystery of the universe, and the mystery of God. It has been 104 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. peculiarly the problem of the Indo-Germanic peoples. They only, believing in the authority of the Reason, and being free from the paralysis of fatalism, have dared to pry into things to get, if possible, their inmost secrets. The effort to explain the mystery of self has resulted in all that is known as logic, psychology and ethics; the effort to solve the mystery of the universe has resulted in all that is known as science; and the effort to solve the mys-tery of God has resulted in metaphysics. I have said that the mystery of existence is peculiarly the problem of the Aryan mind, and this finds its proof in the fact that in all other races mythology takes the place of thinking. The nations listen to the voice of fancy, and accept her dreams as the explanation of reality. Hence the lack of progress in the non-Aryan races. One glance at the history of thought among Aryan peoples reveals the business of the thinker. It is to explain the universe as he experiences it. It is to construe in thought the facts as they are presented to his consciousness. In doing this he must be alive to the authority of the Reason; he must inexorably follow her leadings; he must accept her conclusions. Not only this, but his thinking must bear the marks of his own individuality. In process and conclusion it must be distinctly his own. To master another man's thought, to adopt it as his own, is a valuable ex-ercise; but at best it can be only a propaedeutic to his own think-ing. What I wish to emphasize is this, that a man's thought is always an abstract of his own psychic being. A brief survey of the philosophy of knowledge will show the truth of this assertion. Objective cognition involves, first, a world of reality, which can act upon the sensory nerves and furnish the materials of knowledge; secondly, a human mind which is capable of reacting upon the stimulus, and interpreting the presentation; thirdly, the postulate that the principles which are constitutive of intelligence shall at the same time be the principles of cosmic being. i. B3' sense-perception we recognize reality as actually exist-ing and objective, not on the testimony of one sense alone but of all the senses. Even if we mistrust the report of the senses, we still have an invincible proof of the reality of a thing in its power to resist our will. Our whole conscious life, too, is the proof that this world of reality does act continuously upon all the senses, whether we attend to all of them at the same time or not; THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. 105 and a single moment of reflection will discover to us that all the data of objective knowledge come in through the sensory nerves. Whatever truth there may be in idealism of the type of Berkeley, we are nevertheless certain that an external world does exist, and does act upon the nerves of sense. The first condition of ob-jective cognition, therefore, is met. 2. Again, self-consciousness reveals the existence of a human mind, which is our own true being. This mind exists as states of consciousness, each of which is a complex, and linked by laws of association with what goes before and what follows after. Every moment of our lives is a conscious reaction of this mind against the stimuli which reach it through the nerves of sense. In this reaction the presentation is interpreted by means of the principles which are constitutive of intelligence. Phenomena are brought under the category of substance; uniformities under that of law; persistence amid variety under that of identity; so in the interpretation of every single, definite presentation are used all the categories or ideas of the Reason, and used in the same way by every human intelligence the world over. For the Reason is not individualized but universal, the same for all intelligence. So far, then, all men must think alike. But the ideas of the Reason do not fill up the measure of the reacting mind. Beyond these primary elements which are univer-sal, the objective universe is a variable quantity, being for each mind the creation of its own endowment. As the endowment differs with the individual, it follows that no two persons can have precisely the same universe. Now, since all thinking is the explanation of experience, and as all experience is particularized, it follows that all thinking must be the abstract of the psychic being of the thinker. To this point we shall return a little later. 3. Our warrant for accepting the postulate that the principles constitutive of intelligence itself are also the principles of cosmic being, may find its illustration in the mathematical theory of the universe. Pure mathematics is a deduction from the Reason it-self, and wholly subjective. Its principles belong to the essence of spirit. And yet these mathematical principles are used in the interpretation of phenomena, and so precisely do they fit the sys-tem of things that prediction based upon calculation has become the mark of science. Knowledge is never scientific until it be-comes mathematical. io6 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. It was said above that a man's thought must be an abstract of his psychic being. This psychic being must be studied in order that all the elements which it supplies in the act of cognition may be definitely understood. It is never a chance product. What any man is at any moment is always the resultant of his reaction upon external stimulus under the bias of his inheritance and en-vironment. This statement recognizes three facts of human life —the fact of heredity, the fact of environment, and the fact of personality. Let us study their meaning as it relates to the thinker. i. By the term heredity we name that law according to which an organism tends to reproduce its kind. Its action in the biology of plants and animals is an every day fact, and needs no illustra-tion. Its action, too, in the human physical organism is well un-derstood. In the realm of psychology and ethics its meaning is only beginning to dawn even upon scholarship. There its sig-nificance is truly startling. For in human life it means that all life is an unbroken continuity; that each new life is but the last edition of a long line; that the babe which comes to you with all the appearance of sweet innocence—" fresh from the hand of God," as we are fond of saying—that your babe is but you and your ancestors making a new start in the old life—you and your ancestors, With sufficient marks of difference to constitute a distinct individuality." "He is a new product just because he represents a new combination of ancestral influences." Perhaps you are ready to doubt this teaching, and call for some higher authority than your speaker's. Listen, then, to Prof. Sully, one of England's most conservative and most prominent psycholo-gists : "The normal human brain, with its correlated psychical capacities, is, like the human organism as a whole, the result of the hereditary transmission of specific or typical characters from progenitor to offspring." "The child brings with it into the world an outfit of instinctive tendencies or dispositions constituting the natural basis of the civilized or uncivilized man." "In this way we all bring into the world, wrought into the very texture of our brain-centers, the physical basis ot our future individual charac-ter, mental and moral." " The child inherits from its series of ancestors, woven into the texture of its nervous system, a number of dispositions representing ages of ancestral experience." And Dr. G. Stanley Hall: " Heredity has freighted it (the THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. 107 body) with all the results of parental well and ill-doing, and filled it with reverberations from the past more vast than science can explore." You cannot fail to see the truly awful significance of this un-doubted law. It means that the whole life of the offspring is largely, though, thank God, not wholly, conditioned by the men-tal and moral character of its progenitors. The thoughts which the child thinks, the feelings which it loves best to entertain, the bias and disposition which manifest themselves at such a tender age, and generally continue throughout life, are not original with it, but have their roots back in the lives from which its life sprang. It is not what it would be, and for what it is it is not responsible. Its bias and tendencies, its instincts and impulses, are such as its ancestors have transmitted to it in brain and nerve substance. 2. "Men start out, then, in existence with a vital capital sup-plied by their ancestry, which is modified more or less by the law of diversity." But from the very moment when that individual life begins, another fact becomes of supreme importance—the fact of environment. By this term we designate "the sum of the influences and agencies which affect an organism from with-out." Soil and climate, food and work, and, above all, hu-man comradeship, constitute a man's environment. And all of this is individualized. A babe opens its eyes upon a specific set of visual phenomena; its ears are responsive to a particular set of sounds; its other senses are in due time recipient of definite sets of appropriate impressions. Its mind at first is but potential; but at once it reacts upon the incoming currents, at first feebly, but then with growing strength. Its only content at first is the bundle of dispositions and biases, mainly neural, which are ances-tral in their origin ; and the entire furnishing of its mind is that which comes to it through sense-perception. In other words, each individual mind depends for the character of its ideas upon the environment in which it lives. But the mere physical facts that lie about do not constitute its true environment. A selective process is carried on. Out of the whole number of actual pre-sentations to consciousness, it selects such only as are most con-genial to its native disposition. This process continues with the development of the psychic being of every man, his objects of io8 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. knowledge being mainly those phenomena which are most to his taste. 3. Heredity and environment form a large part of every human life, but they do not constitute the whole of it. Their binding power is great, but not entirely irresistible. Men do make choices which are in direct antagonism to both. Many a man whose heredity was all evil has conquered his bias, and lived a true life. This power to choose in opposition to all pre-natal and post-natal influences we call the Will. It is the essence of personality. It is not wholly free, can hardly be said to be free at all at the start; but it is every man's privilege to grow into freedom, and this, in the last analysis, is his chief business in the world. To grow into freedom, to develop into a perfect ethical being, this is his birthright from God—it is the mark of God upon his forehead. The psychic being of every man, then, contains elements which are ancestral in their origin, elements which belong to his early environment, and elements which belong to the constitu-tion of the mind itself. And this is the problem of the educator: Given a human mind, which must react upon and explain the external world, but is itself under the biasing power of ancestral and environmental influences, how shall it construe facts in har-mony with their actual nature ? how shall its thought be a true transcript of reality ? If I have made clear what has been said, then one great prin-ciple has become patent, viz.: Every system of intellectual discipline must have as its supreme aim the mental emancipation of the studejit. All other objects must be subordinated to this. The mind must be so developed that it can cognize a fact in its bleak objectivity. Every prejudice must be laid aside and set at naught. The power of opinion must be broken. The colored lights must be dissipated by the white light of reason. For the true thinker can state his problem only thus : Given the fact, how am I to con-strue it in strict accord with its occurrence ? Now, this freedom of mind is a possible achievement. On its physical side, education is a process of brain-building. It is the creation of new brain-cells. It is a deepening of the convolu-tions . It is no longer doubted by psychologists that thought power depends upon the number and integrity of the brain-cells. Mind and brain are exactly correlated, and every psychic function is accompanied by a corresponding neural process. Since education THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. 109 is thus on its one side the creation of new cells, may we not sup-pose that such cells lack, in large measure, at least, the bias which dominates the brain of the undisciplined man ? They will, I am sure, if the master-hand who guides the process be a true educator. But on its psychical side, too, education may lead to freedom. Whatever may be the elements of determinism, the will is yet free in the most of its choices. L,et a youth, dominated by the passion for pure thought, determine to conquer all the bias of his nature —determine to think the universe of his experience for himself— determine that facts shall be construed in harmony with their oc-currence, and then let him persevere in this determination, and the day will dawn which will mark his victory. The universe he thinks must still be his universe ; the facts he seeks to construe must be the facts which he experiences and as he experiences them. His thought, therefore, even when uncolored by sub-jective lights and shadows, must still be his own—must bear the marks of his own individuality. This, then, is the first step in the development of the thinker. The discipline through which he passes must have as its supreme aim his emancipation from every form of bias, gift or prejudice under which at the start he lies bound. This is the first step ; but there is a second of equal import-ance. If a man is to think truly he must have the privilege of thinking freely. His environment must be conducive to freedom of thought. I know of nothing which so paralyzes effort as the expectation of being misunderstood and persecuted. No scholar can object to his thought being brought to the test of reality. That is what he craves. Theories are worthless unless they ex-plain facts. All thinking, therefore, must at every point be brought to the test of things. And no true thinker ever shrinks from this test. What he must fear is that his thought will be brought to the test of opinion. Appeal in philosophy is so often an appeal to authority. Now, in some spheres of human interests authority may have its place, but the sphere of thought is not one of them. Each man's thought is valuable in the degree in which it is a true transcript of the cosmic processes, but upon you and me it can have no possible binding power whatever. From the beginnings of European thought to the present time the objective facts have been pretty much the same. Theories iib THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY have been offered for their explanation. The finest minds of each generation have grappled anew with the problem. Much has been achieved, but more still remains to be made rational. Never in its history has the world needed thinkers as in these days of ours. The world's necessity is the educator's opportunity, and more is being done than ever before to enable the student to de-velop into the thinker. But when his thought is laid before the world, and she sees upon it the stamp of his own personality, let her not scream "sceptic," and " infidel" and " atheist;" but let her humbly and gratefully sift his thought, and save the wheat for her granary. For the time has come when of the thinker we may demand that he accept facts as facts, and that he construe them in thought in harmony with the mind's own laws ; but not that he conform his thought to authority, either ancient or mod-ern. Opinion has no place in the test of thought. IN THE STO'RM. I Fast to the anchor on the shore The boat was rocking upon the deep, A cradle for the sleeping' child. The quick storm rose ; the old sea roar Riyalled the thunder ; jerk and sweep Of wave broke loose the boat, ere, wild, The father came. Though all was black, By the trembling- flash that split the east, He saw the child. Mad with alarms He neared the shore. The sea fell back To its vast heap—then rushing fast Swept safe his child into his arms. II Oh, Father, if the storms of sin Break my hold on the anchor of hope And cast me on the wild life sea, When on that shore the waves roll in, Thy everlasting arms then ope And save and clasp and pity me. I THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. til THE DAWN OF IDEALISM. LDIHES A. WEIGLE, '00. A STUDY in the earlier history of our race, or of some phase **■ of its multiform life and belief, is a task of great difficulty, but which possesses, at the same time, a singular charm. For though that distant world of beginnings is but imperfectly recorded in those of its products which have reached succeeding genera-tions ; though it costs the greatest effort to make real for us the conditions of life and modes of thought of its remote people; thoughstep afterstep in their development can be but conjectured— in these very facts, it seems, there lies a delight which the student alone can attain. There is something intensely attractive about his work as he gropes among the dim shadows of the past, catching here a gleam and here a glimpse of light, which become, to his sensitive soul, a realization, however imperfect, of the dawn of society, of religion, of reason. Among these beginnings, then, that which perhaps appeals most strongly to the mind of the scholar is the dawn of reason, the genesis of real thought. Not without justice, too, for the pre-eminence of humanity lies in the reason, and so may the first steps in the true development of its nascent capabilities be most fit objects of study. There is a peculiar fitness as well as a delight iu looking back at the pioneers of thought approaching the problems with which their successors have grappled likewise; in watching the unfolding of intellect as their conceptions ad-vanced. The proper study of mankind is man ; may we not say with equal truth that the proper study of a rational being is reason. It is significant that this awaking of thought did not take place till so late a date in history as 600 B. C.—the time that men have thought of the great problems of the universe has been centuries less than the former period of mental apathy. But perhaps we should not term it so; it was the period of prepara-tion. The time was ripe for thought; the intellect was keyed to the strain that was to be put upon it; for from Thales, with his turning from mythology to philosophy, but with his poor princi-ple of moisture as the ultimate cause, to Plato, with his turning philosophy into the direction it has since kept, with his doctrines almost Christ-like, and with his idealistic philosophy which has 112 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. only lately reached its fullest development, was a period of only two hundred years—absurdly small as compared with the centuries that had gone before and those that have followed. A study of any period of those two hundred years, in many respects the most fruitful in the history of thought, must necessarily be of the richest character. Our subject is concerned with the close of this period, with the laying down, by one man, of the foundation of true philosophy. For Plato, with his idealism, however imperfect, turned thought in the direction it has since followed, and to him must be ascribed our gratitude for the first overthrowal of sensationalism. True, Socrates was the master, the real pioneer ; but all the best that we have of Socrates is through Plato; and he went far beyond Socrates. He caught up the scattered threads of his master's thought; he carried each precious suggestion to its logical end, and added his own crystalline reasoning; and then he wove it all together into a clear system of philosophy which must yet command our respect. Not to say that Plato embodied his thought formally and logically as a system, for it is widely scattered throughout his dialogues, and nowhere arranged with that intent; but it stands clearly and boldly distinct amid the multitude of chaff, so that a student of his writings gains a definite understanding of his thought-concep-tion of the universe. Most of his teaching is put in the mouth of Socrates, a fact which leaves open much for discussion. Many have conceived this Platonic Socrates as a purely dramatic invention. "Plato himself," says Walter Pater, "but presented, with the reserve appropriate to his fastidious genius, in a kind of stage disguise." Just how far this is true, or, on the other hand, how far Plato recorded dialogues that really took place, and the true utterances of his master, we shall possibly never know. But there is no doubt that Plato was an independent thinker, and not a mere scribe, a Boswell before his time. Socrates prepared and suggested; Plato finished that work, and the" enlarged suggestion from its logical completion made it possible for him to transcend the task his master had set him. And Plato's task was by no means easy. From the time of his entering the field of philosophy he was plunged into a combat with the Sophists, who had firm possession of the public mind. Their brilliant show of rhetoric and self-satisfied claim of wisdom THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. 113 and ability to educate appealed to the minds of the Athenians, just awaking to their intellectual capabilities, far more trrau the modest claims of Socrates and his pupils, and their confessed search after truth. What the Athenian wanted was ability to help himself in the life of his day, and to defend himself before his numerous courts; and the quickest way to such an education was what he sought. There was a strong basis of fact in the Sophists' claim of superiority to Socrates and Plato—in point of popularity at least. There was no such glamour in the sincere quest of reality as in the Sophists7 wisdom—pyrites is sometimes more beautiful than gold. And it was not only in the common mind of the people that Plato had to overcome a presumption in favor of the Sophists. Their doctrines were dominant among the thinkers of the day, among those few pioneer minds who busied themselves with matters deeper than those called for by the exigencies of every day life. They taught what has been revived again and again by men after them, the doctrine of sensationalism ; and it is a mode of thought which appeals most strongly to our first reflection, an error into which it is the easiest thing in the world to fall. "Sensationalism," says Prof. Ferrier, "is supported by the natural sentiments of mankind; it is the scheme which suggests itself most readily to the untutored understanding; it is a product of ordinary thinking. When left to ourselves we are naturally of opinion that all our knowledge comes to us through the senses; that the senses are the main, indeed, the sole means and instru-ments ot cognition, and this opinion is nothing but the doctrine of sensationalism." When we remember, then, that this vulgar, natural error of common thought was supported and systematized by the Sophists, and upheld by their brilliant logic and showy pretensions, which appealed so strongly to the Athenian mind, we can understand in some degree what a force Plato was com-bating— the picture of Socrates drinking the hemlock "for cor-rupting the youth" is perhaps not so inexplicable. "Man is the measure of all things," said the Sophists, This reference of the universe to the individual not only relegated all knowledge to the realm of sense-perception, neglecting wholly the higher processes of thought, but wrought far greater mischief in the realm of ethics. Individual responsibility and individual judgment of the good without any abiding principle is nothing ii4 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. but moral chaos. Socrates saw this, and he brought all his magnificent powers of thought and speech to bear against it. He called vice, ignorance, and virtue, knowledge; the true life, to his mind, was the rational life. He taught the independent objective existence of the eternal principles, and that morality lay in the more or less perfect knowledge of these fundamentals. His first endeavor, therefore, was to find a correct theory of knowledge; his most particular aim was a logical definition of the concept. "At the basis of all thought, as Kant has clearly demonstrated, must be a critique of the mind's power to know." Such was the task, then, that Socrates gave over to Plato, and we can only understand Plato's work if we remember this as his aim. "His inquiry was—How to think the universe as given in experience." Plato did not undertake his work blindly, but with a full con-ception of all that it demanded of him. He has been called the creator of philosophy, and, indeed, his thought marks more than a mere step in the line of progress; but he did not make the mistake of attempting total originality. His thought bears the unmistakable marks of careful and thorough study in all that had gone before. Plato was a master of Pre-Platonism. His work was the outcome of a consideration of prior thought; he carefully weighed the previous systems, and took from each its principle of truth. From Heracleitus he derived the doctrine of the perpetual flux—itavra /kc ; from the Eleatics, the permanence of Being; from Pythagoras, the principle of number. For the realm of sense-perception the view of Heracleitus is correct. The senses present a succession of ever-changing phenomena. But Plato saw where Heracleitus failed—in affirming that there is no Being, but Becoming; that "the one thing permanent in a world of change is the law which governs the change." If this were true, knowledge would be impossible-—man would be no better than the brute. Consciousness recognizes-something other than this, for it reacts upon and interprets the phenomena of presenta-tion— there is interaction. And therefore, Plato rejected Becom-ing as the absolute principle of the universe, and adopted the Elea-tic notion of Being. There is Reality, he affirmed; but here again he modified the older doctrine, for the changing phenomena of the universe demand something other than the Eleatic Being, changeless, fixed, " a stony stare." And here came the last of the three prior systems to his help—the Pythagorean number; tafe THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. "5 mathematical relation mediates between pure being and the changing world. "Pythagoras brought back to Plato's recog-nition," says Walter Pater, "all that multiplicity in men's experience to which Heracleitus had borne such emphatic witness; but as rhythm and melody now, in movement truly, but moving as disciplined sound and with the reasonable soul of music in it." Thus was posited the foundation, not only of Platonic philosophy, but of future thought, in a blending of the guesses of those gropers in the shadows who had gone before. There is change, but not change alone; there is Being, but not changeless Being; there is the union of the two in an interaction of harmony and design. Why that, we say, is modern! Plato is not an ancient philosopher! But Plato's philosophy did not stop here; the most distinctive doctrine of his thought was yet to be developed from this. Socrates had recognized the reaction of the soul in interpreting the phe-nomena of sense; he had seen how the mind abstracts the resem-blances and recombines them in a class-notion, a concept, and, as has been said, one of his most particular aims was the logical definition of this universal. This general concept Plato received from Socrates, and from it he reached his doctrine of ideas, which, more than any other, gives distinction to his thought. In some points almost fantastic, as we now see it, it was a tremendous stride toward the apprehension of reality, and was the starting point of idealistic philosophy. Every human being in the simplest act of knowledge makes use of these concepts or ideas, but he is unconscious of their nature, even of their presence as such; he does not apprehend them as the necessary and essential instruments of thought. Plato saw this, and his conception of ideas became far different from that of Socrates. For Socrates they had been serviceable creations of the reason, essentially subjective in their existence. But Plato detached them from concrete things and gave them objective existence by themselves as real things, independent of the individual mind. Knowledge, he said, is in some sense not active, but passive; these ideas are not the instruments by which we think our experience, but the cause of our thought. Walter Pater puts it clearly : '' They are themselves rather the proper objects of all true knowledge, and a passage from all merely relative experience to the 'absolute.' In proportion as they blend n6 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. themselves to the individual, in his effort to think, they create reason in him; they reproduce the eternal reason for him." These ideas are necessary, then; and hence it easily follows that they are universal and co-extensive with reality. Plato also conceived them as innate, not conflicting in this sense with their objectivity and reality; but innate in that they are not the products of experience, but lend themselves to the mind, ready to be called forth by the sense-impressions of experience. In this lay the principle that the seeds of knowledge have a pre-existence in the mind and may be brought forth by growth and development from within, but not imparted to the mind from without. And herein was another point of difference from the Sophists, for they looked on the mind as a waxen tablet on which nothing was originally inscribed, and boasted that'they could impart any knowledge to the pupil; whereas Plato judged with Socrates that true educa-tion lay in drawing from the child's own mind the principles there innate by stimulating the reflective powers. These ideas were conceived also, not as the creative agency, but as prototypes for its use and patterns for reality as we gain it in experience. There is a world of ideas immeasurably higher and purer than this world of sense—our earth compares with it as the shadow with the substance. Plato himself draws this analogy in the "Republic." He supposes a cavern which opens to the day by a long passage before whose mouth is a great fire. Within the cavern are men bound in such manner that they can look only toward the inner wall of the cave, on which are the shadows of the men and animals passing in the outer world between the fire and the mouth of the cave. "These captives exactly represent the condition of us men who see nothing but the shadows of realities. And these captives in talking with one another would give names to the shadows as if they were realities. And if, further, this prison-house had an echo opposite to it, so that when the passers-by spoke the sound was reflected (from the same wall on which the shadows were seen) they would, of course, think that the shadows spoke. And, in short, in every way they would be led to think there were no realities except these shadows." He then imagines that one of these captives is loosed and dragged up into the outer world, and pictures first his pain and blindness in the presence of the true light and his disbelief in the reality of his impressions ; then how he is gradually enabled to see and to THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. 117 know the truth, and his unwillingness to take up again his former condition. "We must liken the visible world to the dark cavern and the fire which makes objects visible to the sun. The ascent upwards and the vision of the objects there is the advance of the mind into the intelligible world; at least such is my faith and hope. . . . God knows if my faith is well-founded. And, ac-cording to my view, the idea of the Supreme Good is seen last of all and with the greatest difficulty, and when seen is apprehended as the cause of all that is right and excellent. This idea produces in the visible world light and the sun the cause of light; in the intellectual world it is the cause of truth and the intuition of truth." And so these ideas are not co-ordinate, but at the head of all is the notion of the Good. Plato's philosophy has led us to the conception of the Infinite, as must every rational system. And so dawned idealistic philosophy, with its roots far back in the very first of the thinkers, and its plain development in the thought of one man. There is much that is chaff in the pages of Plato, but there is more that is truth. Scribens est mortuus, says Cicero—"he died pen in hand ;" and his work has lived ever after him. For we cannot get away from Plato; his thought is an anticipation of all that has followed. He is ever new and fresh ; his thought is always modern. THE VOICE OF THE SEA. C. M. A. STINE, '01. I sat by the shore of the heaving- sea As the darkness of night grew deeper, And the limitless ocean seemed to me Ivike the lace of a dreaming sleeper. So I listened to the deep-toned murmur, ' Watching the fog wreaths creep Slowly, treacherously nearer To the pallid sands at my feet. I questioned the gray old ocean Who is ever, yet never, the same, "Whereunto hath God created us ? Is't but to sorrow and pain ?" But the all knowing, fathomless sea, As it rolled vast, foam crested and dim, To the paling light of the horizon, Was gray, relentless and grim. n8 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. The billows sighed for the mystery And the sorrow of this mortal span ; For man's short life and the losses That come in "three score and ten." "Is this all of your fabled knowledge ?" Broke from me then in my pain, For I sought to find comfort and soothing In the voice of the tossing main. In agony of soul I gazed seaward, When softly over the deep Stole an imperceptible radiance, As the dawn lights on the mountains creep. The mystery of the tossing billows Was hushed, and the thunderous murmur One cadence breathed on the night wind,— "Forget not the love of the Father." Ah, the peace that then came stealing As deep called afar unto deep; The assurance "Thy Father loves thee" Soothed my spirit to dreamless sleep. A CRITIQUE OF THE DOCTRINES OF MERACLITUS. WILLIAM W. FREY, '00. T TERACLITUS. the last representative of the Ionian school of * *■ Greek philosophy, lived, according to Laertius, in Ephesus, about 500 B. C. He belonged to one of the first families of Ephesus, and this is very manifest in the tone of his writings, in his contempt for the masses. In character he was of a melancholy temperament, without political ambition, disliking social inter-course, but greatly inclined towards philosophical speculation. His style of writing, as revealed to us in fragments, was concise, abrupt and very obscure; this obscurity has been attributed to dif-ferent causes by the historians. Ritter supposes it to have been due to the early infancy of prose philosophical writing and to the inadequacy of words to express accurately the thoughts of the lofty range of speculation in which he indulged. Mallet, Descartes and others ascribe it to an intention of the author not to make his meaning accessible to the common people. As to the contents of his work, there is also much controversy. Some regard it as ethical, others political, others solely metaphysical. It seems THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. 119 likely, as Mallet says, that Heraclitus gave a wider range to phi-losophy in that he included physical, political, moral and mythical questions within his discussion. The problem he sought to solve—common to the Ionian school—was to discover the physical ground of all phenomena ; the principle which pervades and lies back of all natural phenom-ena. It was the "end of wisdom," Heraclitus held, to find this principle. He differed from the others, however, in assuming the position that Reality has necessarily its ground and principle in an "absolute, universal, illimitable, living, perfect essence," en-dued with vital energy or force, and, disregarding the hypothesis of the independent existence of individuals, he endeavored to grasp this notion. Furthermore, he attempted, too, to find out the law of development,—how all things came from this first principle. Let us now view more closely his philosophy, noting the falsity of some of his doctrines as we do so. The principle which seemed to him the most powerful, subtle and pervading of all elements was ''fire;" so he founded his system, according to Draper, upon the simple axiom "that all is convertible into fire and fire into all." By this fire, however, he means not a flame but a sort of dry vapor, using it symbolically to represent the principle of universal vital-ity,— something more than the "arche" of previous philosophy— a life pervading all. He held that from this one principle, all things proceed, and are again resolved into it by a perpetual flux. Nature resembles a river flowing incessantly. There is no Being but Becoming; the common character of all phenomena is a perpetual strife, but still a strife according to necessary, irresistible laws. By opposi-tion wehave harmony ; by rarefaction and condensation, all things, by contraries, all movement. So fire in producing all things; passes through a series of transformations—this is strife; and again, by assimilation all things die out—this is peace. Testing this thought by actual life experiences, one cannot help but notice how true it is. Life is a struggle; death is rest. In his adaptation of fire as a symbol, again we seethe appropriateness, for fire is rest-less, striving, longing to pass into other forms, continually active until extinguished. But when we consider further that he denies existence to everything except the Law of Change, fallacies are very apparent. I 120 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. For motion always implies something that moves; change sug-gests materials which are transformed. There can be no "real" phenomena thought of, except in connection with something ex-isting. One attribute is necessary to every substance, viz. Being; and, of course, we must have substance in order to conceive of any attribute at all, such as capability of motion, which is essen-tial to the phenomena of motion or change. Though there is con-tinual change, nevertheless we see more than the process, we see also the things themselves changing. At this place, we must con-sider another false doctrine of Heraclitus—shared later by other philosophers. His teaching that our senses are unreliable and practice deception when they give us certain impressions, is found in different forms and under various guises in the writings of Hamilton, J. S. Mill, Bain, Spencer and others. To discuss this subject,—"the relativity of knowledge," would require a greater expansion of our topic than would be proper. Suffice it to say, in Dr. Valentine's words, that "this theory in whatever form, would do away with the possibility of attaining truth of any kind." The best philosophy of centuries affirms the truth that the ''ratio cognoscendi is grounded in the ratio essendi.'' Of course, Heraclitus, not accepting the senses as giving us truth, and start-ing with the assumed basis of eternal motion, could easily deny Being. Another doctrine, palpably false, which reappeared again many years later, was the "universality of belief as the criterion of truth." He maintained that the universal or divine reason, that medium which surrounds us, which is common to all, only could be relied upon ; but the conceptions of the individual reason were not to be trusted. He says, "to think is common to all; and he that would speak rationally must abide by that which is main-tained by all in common." It must be borne in mind that all his doctrines concerning things both subjective and objective are wholly speculative, not empirical. In pursuing his "vital principle" he lost sight so entirely of the individual that he considered it only as purely phenomenal and delusive. "The only proper starting point is the individual.'' Having begun, as he did with the assumption of the reality only of the universal energy, and then, too, considering this as pure transition alone, it is no wonder that the individual drops out en-tirely as such, and is merged into the universal. THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. 121 As to his theory regarding the physical universe little need be said. If one bears in mind that it was all theory and not observa-tion, all a priori speculation and not science, his hypotheses will not appear so very unreasonable after all. He supposed the heavens to be basins or bowls, the concave part turned towards us; the stars and sun, flames from earthly evaporations; the size of the sun is just twelve inches ; it is kindled every morning and goes out every night; eclipses are caused by the turning around of the basins. His moral system is based upon the physical, the fundamental doctrine being the excellence of fire. Thus he accounted for a drunkard's acts, by his having a moist soul, and drew the infer-ence that a warm or dry soul is best. His doctrine of the soul of man was that it is a ray from the great fire that is in every phe-nomenon and throughout all nature. He did not approach the idea of a soul as we conceive it to-day,—it was not spiritual at all; in fact some of his writings seem so near later materialistic theories, that Cousin calls them, "Materialism in its infancy." Fatalism is very evident in Heraclitus ; movement is the essential. In Heraclitus as in almost all the better Greek writers, we can easily trace the strong national feeling. Political considerations enter frequently. Note the maxim : "A people ought to fight for their laws as for their walls." With such a system and viewing the conditions of his native country at that time, one is not surprised at his deprecatory esti-mation of humanity which finds expression in this : "The very birth of a man is a calamity—a birth unto death." THE NOBLE HERO. S. W. AHALT, '02. ABOUT two miles south-west of Keedysville, and a mile and a half from Sharpsburg there is a beautiful little cottage sur-rounded by a magnificent grove. In front of the house there is a small porch which is covered with ivy. Directly in front of the porch is a fountain, around which there is a gravel drive. For many years this place was owned by an old man named Hastings. He was a very rich old fellow, yet he spent his yearly income on his only daughter, Naomi. Naomi was a beautiful, fair-cheeked girl with golden hair and dark blue eyes. She was very fond of 122 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. fine clothes (as most girls are), and her father tried his utmost to please her in every way possible. Mr. Hastings gave many re-ceptions and dances for his daughter and her numerous friends. At these balls Naomi was looked upon more as a queen than an ordinary girl. Unlike most girls of her age, she did not have any particular gentleman friend, but she was of the opinion that all men are born equal and she treated them as such. One day a young man named Roberts, from N. Y., who was stopping at the Ross hotel in Sharpsburg, called to see Mr. Hastings. It being near the middle of the day, he was asked to stay and take dinner with them, which he did willingly. Mr. Hastings was very much pleased with the appearance and the manners of the gentleman, so he invited him to attend a dance to be given the following evening. Mr. Roberts thanked him very kindly for the invitation and promised him to be present. In the evening, Mr. Roberts was among the first to drive up to the house. He, being a stranger to all the guests, asked for Mr. Hastings, who introduced him to all present. It was a very short time until Roberts became acquainted with all. He was quite a graceful dancer, and of course all the girls were very anxious to dance with the fine-looking stranger. All the time he was dancing you could see that he kept his eye on Naomi and would give her a pleasant smile whenever a chance was given. He had asked her several times to be his partner, but it seemed that she always had an engagement. The dance continued far into the night and it was now time for the friends to say, "Au Re-voir." Roberts was slow in taking his departure, as he desired to speak a few words with Naomi before leaving. One by one the carriages passed through the gate of the yard, until but one re-mained. Naomi and Roberts stepped out on the porch and as soon as Naomi heard the trickling of the water from the fountain the thought struck her that she must have a drink, and in a few moments the two stood beside the beautiful fountain drinking the water from a silver cup. The moon shone brightly and the stars twinkled like diamonds in the azure sky. A few snow-white clouds were floating in the heavens, and a slight breeze, made fra-grant by the rose-buds and peach-blossoms, was moving the leaves of the trees. They watched the little fish swim in the moonlight, and talked about the enjoyable evening they had spent, and Roberts told her THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. 123 how anxious he had been to dance with her. Roberts now took his departure, but not until Naomi had invited him to call again to see her. After this his visits were very numerous, and at last they became engaged to be married. About this time the famous battle of Antietam was fought and on the 16th of July, '62, Roberts decided to go into the battle and fight for his country. He spent that evening at Hastings', and Naomi tried every way possible to induce him to stay out of the battle, but he was determined to help his struggling country and he did so. When he departed that night Naomi left these words with him: "Farewell! The sun no longer shines, The skies no more are blue Above this lonely life of mine ; The sunlight goes with you. But oh, whatever lot I see Thro' sunshine or thro' rain, My L,ove, I will be true to thee Until we meet again." Yes, the battle was fought and the victory won. The noble hero had done his part, although it cost his life. Naomi watched both day and night for her lover's return, but alas ! she watched in vain. He was among the many hundreds of soldiers who were lying dead upon the battlefield, covered with blood and dust. There was a letter in his pocket from Naomi, which was the only thing that kept him from being buried among the unknown. A few days afterwards, Naomi was walking past the graves of the soldiers and she saw her lover's name (A.M. Roberts) in her own hand-writing tacked upon a slab at the head of a grave. She burst into tears, but consoled herself by thanking God that she knew where he was buried. For many years Naomi kept flowers upon the hero's grave, and you can now see his name upon the headstone on the western slope of the National Cemetery at Sharpsburg. I24 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. WOMEN AS TEACHERS. GERTRUDE FREY, '00. HPHE higher education of women is a problem which has been * agitated for many years. Formerly woman's subjection to man was very nearly complete in all respects, whether considered from a social, a political or an intellectual point of view. But from being the property of man, she emerged, under civilization, from the sphere of drudgery to that of social power, and conse-quently to the liberty of cultivating her mental faculties. Some people profess to believe that the development of woman's mind is undesirable, because there is a tendency toward what is called "strong-minded" women. But the higher education, rightly pursued, does not make women cold, hard and semi-mas-culine, as many claim it does. Indeed, the more a woman knows of life, the better she understands the past and present of the world, and the experiences and conclusions of its greatest thinkers, the less likely she will be to confuse the masculine and feminine ideals, or to underrate the latter in comparison with the former. Experience has proved to us that women are capable of just as high intellectual development as men ; and many have taken ad-vantage of the opportunity given for the higher education, whether they expect to enter a profession or not. A study of the census statistics leads to the broad statement that there are but few lines of remunerative employment not now open to woman. She is found in nearly all departments of pro-fessional life—ministry, medicine, literature, art, music, the drama, education and science. Of the 128 occupations classified in the census of 1890, only one—military pursuits—had no femi-nine representative. There are some professions which I think are not desirable for women to enter. Generally when the college woman thinks of doing something as a means of livelihood, she thinks of teaching. There have been many objections made to this, because it cannot be assumed that 50 per cent, of all college women have special gifts in the same direction. Experience shows that the special gift for teaching is as rare as other talents, and as valuable when it finds its true expression. Kate Claghorn writes that the evil results to the teacher her-self of this overcrowding of her profession are many. First, ' 'she THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY 125 must accept a low rate of pay for her work ; next, she must be content with an inferior position; furthermore, she must lengthen her period of preparation, not always with advantage to the work that she wants to do." She also says, that the remedy for this is plain : That women who graduate from college with the inten-tion of earning a living, should look about for other occupations than that of teaching. " With lowered competition, not only would salaries be raised, but quality of service also." While it is admitted that there are many teachers who perhaps would do better work in other professions, yet it cannot be denied that teaching is one of the best and most suited professions for women. There are many more female teachers than male, yet there are many discriminations made against them. There is no longer a discrimination of position, because women hold just as high posi-tions as men. Women are holding the positions of State, City and County Superintendents. These are principally in the West. But there is a discrimination in salaries, except in the higher positions, where they are the same for all. Let me give a few of Mr. Wright's reasons why women receive less than men. First, "stepping out of industrial subjection, woman comes into the in-dustrial system as an entirely new economic factor. Secondly, woman occupies a lower standard, both in physical features and in mental demands. Thirdly, she receives low wages through an insufficient equipment for life's work, which is not the result of incapacity or lack of skill, but is due largely to the hope that the permanence of work will be interrupted by matrimony." This is in some cases true, and it has a tendency to lower the wages, so that those who do intend to make it a life-work, and do it because they feel that they can do better along this line, cannot receive the salary that they should have. There are many other reasons given why women are paid less than men; but it seems to me that there should be no discrimina-tion made in the payment of salaries if the work is equally well done. Agues Wright says : " The growing importance of woman's labor, her general equipment through technical education, her more positive dedication to the life-work she chooses—all these combined will place her on an equality with man. As she ap-proaches this equality her remuneration will be increased and her economic importance acknowledged." 126 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. While I am in favor of the higher education of woman which places her on an equal basis with man, I think she should net be given the right of suffrage. This would not elevate her. It would take her out of her proper sphere, and tend to destroy all the characteristic traits which are especially desirable in a true womanly character. SPRING. C. R. SHDLTZ, '03. As I hear the bluebird's song And the robin's sweet refrain, I know that Spring- has come again, With pleasures for weak and strong. O, the beautiful days of Spring, Of all the days the best! When Nature, renewed by rest, Again the flowers doth bring. The Earth has been quickened by rain, And hath donned her cloak of green; And leafless trees, by a hand unseen, Have been brought to life again. Hail, then, thou glorious Spring ! For we greet thee with good cheer; Hail, blessed season of the year! Thy praise we do gladly sing. _-L .'THE. GETTYSBURG MERCURY Entered at the Postoffice at Gettysburg as second-class matter. Voi,. IX. GETTYSBURG, PA., JUNE, 1900. No. 4 Editor-in- Chief, S. A. VAN ORMEH, '01. Assistant Editors, W. H. HETRICK, W. A. KOHLSE. Business Manager, H. C. HOFFMAN. Alumni Editor, REV. P. D. GARLAND. Assistant Business Manager, "WILLIAM C. NEY. Advisory Boards PROF. J. A. HIMES, LIT. D. PROF. G. D. STAHLEY, M.D. PROF. J. W. RICHARD, D. D. Published monthly by the students of Pennsylvania (Gettysburg-) College. Subscription price, One Dollar a year in advance; single copies Ten Cents. Notice to discontinue sending1 the MERCURY to any address must be accompanied by all arrearages. Students, Professors, and Alumni are cordially invited to contribute. All subscriptions and business matter should be addressed to the Business Manager. Articles for publication should be addressed to the Editor. Address THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY, GETTYSBURG, PA. EDITORS' DESK. ^~\N Saturday evening, May 12th, the Y. M. C. A. entertain- ^-"^ ment course was completed with a lecture on Literature as a Personal Resource, by Hamilton Wright Mabil, editor of The Outlook. None but words of appreciation were heard from those who are interested along the line of Mr. Mabil's lecture. The lecture was delivered in a conversational rather than in an oratorical manner. His smooth flow of plain language, to-gether with his great breadth and unusual discrimination, are the characteristics that captivate his audiences. He gave us the best thoughts that have accumulated from his broad experience in the field of literature. Mr. Mabil seems to have felt the pulsations of the hearts of the masters, and received their vitalizing in-fluences. ! 128 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURlt \V7E gratefully acknowledge the receipt of Commencement pro- ** grams and invitations from State College and Dickinson. J> 'THE cause advocated by the following letter merits recognition *■ in THE MERCURY, hence we publish it in full, hoping that by so doing we may lend some assistance to a worthy cause. The tireless efforts of President Passmore will, we hope, be rewarded in this meeting. ■To TEACHERS, DIRECTORS AND FRIENDS OF EDUCATION IN PENNSYL-VANIA : I desire to call your special attention to the next meeting of the Pennsylvania State Teachers' Association, which will be held this year in the city of Williamsport, Pa., July 3rd to 6th, inclusive. Every enrolled member of this Association will receive a copy of the addresses and other proceeding's, not only of the State Teachers' Association, but of the City, Borough and Township Superintendents' Association, and also of the State School Directors' Convention, thus getting1 the very best thought along these different lines in the State. I appeal to the friends of education in Pennsylvania to enroll in large numbers. There are over 26,000 teachers in the State in the pub-lic schools alone, and the number of superintendents, teachers, direc-tors and other friends of education enrolled should not be less than 10,000. The trip to Williamsport is a pleasant one. It is an ideal place to meet—fine hotels, its citizens noted for their hospitality, elegant drives; and the excursion to Eaglesmere will be a great attraction. The pro-gram is excellent. Turn out in large numbers, and show your interest in the great educational Association of your State. If you find it utterly impossible to attend the meeting, send your enrollment fee of $1.00 to Prof. David S. Keck, Treasurer, Kutztown, Pa., who will promptly send you a certificate of membership. Let me not plead in vain for our dear old Commonwealth to make this meeting a record-breaker. JOHN A. M. PASSMORE, President. A S this is the last issue of THE MERCURY this college year, it ■**■ seems in place to express our appreciation of the courtesies of the Student body and Alumni who have so generously fur-nished us the material with which to fill our pages. The primary object of the journal is to encourage writing on the part of the students, both in prose and verse; and it seems to be accomplish-ing this end. Not all the articles that appear are of the first or-der, nor can this be expected; for, if only the best were accepted, THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. 129 we should want for material, and again that needed stimulus would not be furnished to the students in general—which is THE MERCURY'S mission. The present number—and such is the case with most issues—contains articles above the average, articles worthy of study. \V7E are glad to acknowledge the receipt of the May numbers " of The Washington Jefferso7iian and The Western JJyiiver-sity Courant, two journals that have not been reaching us. OTSEGO LAKE. WM. M. ROBENOLT, '02. f~\F the many little sheets of water found in the mountainous ^-' districts of central and eastern New York there is none which surpasses Lake Otsego either in the beauty and variety of its surrounding scenery or in the number and interest of the historical events connected therewith. "Peerless among- these mountain gems, Unmatched 'mong nature's diadems, Is Lake Otsego, 'Glimmerglass,' Whose grandeur rare naught can surpass." This body of water, forming a basin ten miles in length and one in width, is located on the hills forming the watershed between the Mohawk and Susquehanna rivers, its elevation above the sea level being about 1,300 feet. At its outlet is where the Susque-hanna enters upon its long and winding and troubled course toward the ocean. It lies within the territory formerly occupied by the Mohawks, and this region was their favorite fishing and hunting ground. Along its western bank was the trail of these Indians in their journeys toward the south. From this region, undoubtedly, furs and skins were sent to Ft. Orange to be bartered with the early Dutch traders, for the hills abounded in fur-bearing animals of different species. This lake furnished a means for Gen. James Clinton, after making his expedition up the Hudson and the Mohawk, to convey his army southward to meet Gen. Sullivan who was to yAn him from the south and then march into the country of the Cayugas and Senecas. On the first of July, after carrying his boats over-land from the Mohawk, he embarked at the head of the lake with 130 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. over two hundred boats and began his journey over its placid waters toward the Susquebanna—a larger fleet, doubtless, than shall ever again float on these waters. After landingat the outlet they encamped on ground now occupied by the village and waited for orders to move southward. During the stay here of nearly six weeks he and his men amused themselves by hunting the deer on the hills and fishing in the lake. This beautiful sheet of water is the first on which James Fenimore Cooper's eyes fell with a conscious look, and be-ing reared along its shores, it was always a charming spot to him. It has been made famous by his classic pen, for in and about this lake are laid some of the most interesting scenes found in his "Leather Stocking Tales.'' In this vicinity is where Natty spent his time in hunting with the Indians, and now may be seen on the eastern shore near the foot of the lake a fine marble statue of him, standing erect on a small monumental column ; the tall white figure of the old hunter stands gleaming among the higher branches of a grove of young pines, looking over lake and valley. The one who visits this lake to-day does not see the unbroken sylvan surroundings that were here in the days of Clinton and Cooper. When Clinton encamped here there were no permanent dwellings and very few in Cooper's younger days. Now may be seen a village at either end and cottages and beautiful farm houses around its shores. To one who has an eye for the beauties of Nature, the views about this lake are an unceasing source of delight. Hills, inter-spersed with woods and meadows, abounding in springs whose water trickles down their banks finding its way to the basin of the lake, rise from either side, those to the east being for the most part steep and rugged, while those to the west have a more gentle slope. Thousands of visitors seek this spot every summer, and the entire length of its beach is dotted with tents and camping houses. A roadway parallels the whole lake and pleasure seekers often take a drive, making the complete circuit, a distance of twenty-five miles. The village lying at its southern shore is called Cooperstown, from the name of its founder. Here are the summer residences of some of the most prominent people of this country. From the pier at this place one can get a view of nearly the whole lake. To the right of the pier and not far from the outlet THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. 131 may be seen the rock which formed the place of meeting for Deer-slayer and Chingachgook, with the limpid waves rippling about as they did at the time of this meeting. It is now known as Otsego or Council Rock. The river for the first few rods, after receiving the water from the lake, flows so smoothly that scarcely a ripple may be seen. Its terraced banks are covered with scenery which may well challenge a rival. It has been termed the "Lover's Lane." To the eastward of the outlet and beyond the village, rising in terraces, is the "Lakewood" cemetery, one of the most beautiful in the country, among whose marble columns, one erected to the memory of Cooper towers above the rest. On its base are sculptured emblems of the author's thought, and on the top, with dog and gun, is Leather Stocking—Fiction's son. The body of Cooper, however, was laid to rest in the village churchyard nearby. At the east from the cemetery one of the slopes rising above the others is known as Mt. Vision. From this height where the whole lake is visible it appears like an opal enclosed in an emerald. To the north of the cemetery, a little distance up the hillside from the beach, is found the Fairy Spring. Chaliced in a solid rock, its waters form a mirror here in the hillside. Every summer many little parties picnic here for a day and many interesting little stories are connected with the consecrated spot. Farther up along the eastern coast and not far from the shore has been erected a tower which commands the view of the lake. The name "Kingfisher Tower" has been given this. A short distance to the north and up on the hillsides, which here are so steep they can scarcely be climbed, may be found a rocky glen, the famous "Leather Stocking Cave." "Sulphur Spring" is the next point of interest, whose waters are valuable for medicinal purposes. A short distance from here two streams side by side glide down the mountain with a narrow ridge between them in the form of a roof, called the "Hog-back." When viewed from the lake the deep ravines which form the bed of these streams appear like a large "W." Farther on the hills take a gentle slope and through them flows a stream which is one of the most beautiful places about the whole lake. Its banks are lined with trees whose images are reflected in the water. It is termed the "Shadow Brook," the northern "Lover's Lane." Nearby lies a promontory whose f 132 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. gentle slopes have been cleared of their forest growth. This viewed at a distance assumes the form of some monster crouching for his prey, and from this resemblance has been called the "Sleeping Ivion." Tradition tells us that in Cooper's day an island lay off the coast of this promontory. (On this island was Hutter's cottage.) It, however, has since been submerged and lies but a few feet below the surface. An interesting story is connected with this and the "Sleeping L,ion." It is said that the lion outstretched his paws, struck the island and caused it to sink beneath the water, and to-day we have the "Sunken Island." This brings us near the head of the lake where the village of Springfield is situated. The points of interest along the western shore are not so numerous, though the views gained from this side are much more beautiful than those gained from the east side. Two points of interest, however, command our attention, Three Mile and Five Mile Points, situated, respectively, three and five miles from the village of Cooperstown. It is scarcely possible to imagine a spot more charming than the one first mentioned. Jutting out into the limpid waters of the lake at the foot of a height, lined with a pebbly beach, covered with trees and a grassy carpet, it seems to possess every charm to render it a favored spot. A limpid spring, remarkable for the coolness and sweetness of its waters, rises from the gravel of the beach at the very root of ancient trees. A wild brawling brook coming down from the hills has torn for itself a rude channel, adding variety to the ground, and often blending the troubled murmur of its waters with the gentle play of the ripple on the beach. The views in every direction are unsurpassed. In the rear, rise hills which seem to touch the sky in the distance. The eye, having wandered over a beautiful expanse of water, sees hills on the opposite side covered with woods and meadows from the strand to their crest. To the northward is the isolated height before mentioned as the "Sleeping Lion." To the southward lies the village of Cooperstown and the valley of the Susquehanna with a background of low mountains in the distance. This was one of the places selected by Cooper for several of his most impressive scenes. On this point the "Mingoes" are encamped when Natty's daring rescues Hist; and here he sends the canoe with the Indian lovers adrift and remains himself a THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. 133 prisoner. And here is where Deerslayer was captured by the Indians. Ever since the days of Cooper this spot has been sacred. During the summer several boats make daily trips from one village to the other, stopping at the intermediate points of interest. Who, after enjoying a ride on the Natty Bumpo, can forget the beautiful scenery gained from her deck ? Smaller crafts may be seen floating on the glassy surface for its entire length. This lake will always be held dear in the memory of one who has visited it. All whose paternal homes lie on or near a fine lake shore can readily say with Natty, "My eyes never a-weary looking at it." Irving waters are the very soul of a landscape. There is certainly no other natural object, however fine, whether imposing like a grand mountain or winning like a smiling valley, which carries with it so much of the spirit of companionship through all the successive years of a human life, as a lake, and one of a limited size awakens more of this feeling than a larger body of water. THE TURK IN RELIGION. A. H. MERDINYAN, '01 (KONIA, ASIA MINOR). 'THE Mohammedan world is proud of her children, who have intense loyalty to their religion, and are active for its wel-fare. Although the nation is a prey to the misteaching of the Koran, still feeling it j»o be the best pioneer of truth, they live under its obscure banner and the misery of misleading religion. The Turk is intensely religious in his belief, and endeavors to accomplish all the rites and duties of his religion. He is held within the limits of his false religion, and his freedom of thought and private judgment is crushed, and he cannot find an occasion to develop for better. He has no freedom to accept the other re-ligion, which is far better than his. The Turk in religion is what he is, and remains what he is, because his religion is Moham-medan. There is no leaven in it. Elements of kindness, politeness, hospitality and religious fer-vor are their good qualities ; but they show anger, hatred and bitter cruelty when occasion offers. In the highest attitude of his religious inspiration he often gets too wild, and is not less than a beast. He is a cold-blooded murderer and butcher to carry on the false mission of the Koran, as he believes it to be his reli-gious duty. In his religious inspiration he cries out, "O Eord of 134 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. all creatures ! O Allah ! Destroy the infidels and polytheists, thine enemies, the enemies of the religion ! 0 Allah ! make their children orphans, and defile their abodes, and cause their feet to slip; give them and their families, their households, their women, children, possessions and race and their wealth and lands as booty to the Moslems, O God of all creatures !" The Turks are missionaries as well as Christians. They press steadily forward to convert the world. They labor under a mis-erable delusion and misconception that Mohammedanism is an elect, and paves the way for a purer faith, which leads to the life eternal. The sword of Mohammed and the Koran are the most stubborn enemies of civilization and truth the world has yet known; and every believer in the Koran is in the same propor-tion anxious to bring many under the bloody and shameful banner of his religion. They have the great honor (?) of being the most destructive and cruel nation of the world. To-day the largest religious university in the world belongs to the Mohammedans— " Ayhar," the university in Cairo, where nearly ten thousand young men are preparing themselves for the priesthood, to spread and proclaim the doctrines of Mohammed to the wide world. Al-most every town and city of the country is provided with theo-logical schools, graduating every year scores of young priests for the mission of Mohammed. Iconium, with its sixty thousand population, has thirty-five Mohammedan theological schools. Mohammedanism is an aggressive religion, and is anxious to bring "kafirs" Infidels (as they call the Christians or non-Mo-hammedans) within its pale. We cannot overlook the fact that in late years they have written pages of history with their sword dipped in Armenian blood. Their extreme civil and religious measures were more than an Armenian nation could bear, and the result has been cold-blooded murder throughout the land. The blame is on Christian nations, who, being unconcerned, tol-erated their brothers and sisters to suffer unto the death under the paw of a wild and cruel nation, which every day strives to exter-minate all those who are outside of their religious sphere, as well as on the Moslems. So long as the political power and supremacy rests in the Turk, there can be no real civil and religious liberty in that country. There are 200,000,000 Mohammedans in the world—nearly one-eighth of the human race—who live and die under the stub- THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY 135 born doctrines and statutes of the Koran; under its sway the radi-cal evils of polygamy and divorce are fully practiced among them. Islams can legally and religiously take as many as four wives, but the number of concubines is not limited. The Turk not only looks upon polygamy as right and proper, but he considers it a religious duty. The practical duties of a Mohammedan are pro-fession of faith, " L,a ilahe illallah Mohammed er-resoul-oallah" (There is no God but one God, and Mohammed is the Apostle of God); ablution with prayer; giving alms to the poor; and going to Mecca. Kach faithful believer ought to pray five times a day —at dawn, at noon, in the afternoon at three o'clock, at six o'clock, and in the evening at eight o'clock. Before each prayer ablution, washing of hands, feet, mouth, ears and face is impera-tive. "While doing this certain prayers are offered for the for-giveness of the sins which are committed with these several mem-bers. The form of worship consists of kneeling down, rising, bowing down, kneeling again, and putting face against the floor, and each time whispering certain prayers; then clasping the hands over the face, passing them down and off as if driving the devil away. The mosques are open at all hours during the day. The external part of the mosque is most gorgeous and mag-nificent, but internally it is very plain. The floor is covered with beautiful rugs or carpets. No chairs are in the mosque. Here and there some texts from the Koran are written in large letters. Mosques have no bells. "Magin," with loud voice, yell from the top of minarets, " There is no God but one God, Mohammed is the Apostle of God;" "Come to prayer, come to the temple of life." That is the echo which comes from the hundreds of mina-rets each day five times. Friday is their Sabbath. After ablution each believer enters into the mosque, after taking off his shoes at the vestibule or door, and takes his place beside his fellow-be-lievers. An ultimate reverence and respect prevails during the prayer—no talking, no laughing, no sleeping ; even coughing is checked by each believer, in intense reverence to prayer. In perfect harmony the immense body of believers worship in such a solemn manner as can hardly be seen in any other place of wor-ship. The preacher is at the altar. He is without any special garment. He leads the prayer, and each of his movements or prostrations are observed and imitated by hundreds and thousands of worshipers. After prayer they may hear some exhortations from the Koran on their practical duties of religion, and then they are dismissed. 1 PATRONIZE OUR ADVERTISERS. C F. SOLT MERCHANT TAILOR Masonic Bldg., GETTYSBURG Our collection of Woolens for the coming Fall and Winter season cannot be surpassed for variety, attractive designs and general completeness. The latest styles of fashionable novelties in the most approved shades. Staples of exceptional merit, value and wearing durability. Also altering, repairing, dyeing and scouring at moderate prices. .FOR UP-TO-DATE. Clothing, Hats, Shoes, And Men's Furnishing Goods, go to I. HALLEM'S MAMMOTH CLOTHING HOUSE, Chambersburg St., GETTYSBURG, PA. ESTABLISHED 1867 BY ALLEN WALTON. ALLEN K. WALTON, President and Treasurer. ROBT. J. WALTON Superintendent. Hummelstooin Broom Stone Company Quarrymen and Manufacturers of Building Stone, Sawed Flagging and Tile Waltonville, Dauphin Co., Pa. Contractors for all kinds of Telegraph and Express Address. Cut Stone Work. BROWNSTONE, PA. Parties visiting the Quarries will leave cars at Brownstone Station on the P. & R. R. R. For a nice sweet loaf of Bread call on J. RAMER Baker of Bread and Fancy Cakes, GETTYSBURG. PA. EIMER & AMEND, Manufacturers and Importers of Chemicals and Chemical Apparatus 205, 207, 209 and 211 Third Avenue, Corner 18th Street NEW YORK. Finest Bohemian and German Glassware, Royal Berlin and Meissen Porcelain, Pure Hammered Platinum, Balances and Weights. Zeiss Mi-croscopes and Bacteriological Apparatus; Chemical Pure Acids and Assay Goods. SCOTT PAPER COMPANY MAKERS OF FINE TOILET PAPER 7th and Greenwood Ave. PHILADELPHIA PATRONIZE OUR ADVERTISERS. The Century Double-Feed Fountain Pen. Fully Warranted 16 Kt. Gold Pen, Indium Pointed. GEO. EVELER, Agent for Gettysburg College PRICE LIST. No. 1. Chased, long- or short $2 00 No. 1. Gold Mounted 3 00 No. 3. Chased 3 00 Spiral, Black or Mottled $2 50 Twist, " " 2 SO Hexagon, Black or Mottled 2 50 No. 3. Gold Mounted 4 00 Pearl Holder, Gold Mounted 5 00 THE CENTURY PEN CO., WHITEWATER, WIS Askyour Stationer or our Agent to show them to you. Agood local agent wanted in every school mmmv,-,_.,u. sammmmmmwmwmmmmmmmmmmwwwgg Printingand Binding We Print This Book THE MT. HOLLY STATIONERY AND PRINTING CO. does all classes of Printing- and Binding-, and can furnish you any Book, Bill Head, Letter Head, Envelope, Card, Blank, or anything- pertain-ing- to their business in just as good style and at less cost than you can obtain same elsewhere. They are located among the mountains but their work is metropolitan. You can be convinced of this if you give them the opportunity. Mt. Holly Stationery and Printing Co. K SPRINGS, PA. =3 H. S. BENNER, .DEALER IN. Groceries, Notions, Queenswcire, Glassware, Etc., Tobacco and Cigars. 17 CHAMBERSBURG ST. WE RECOMMEND THESE BUSINESS MEN. Pitzer House, (Temperance) JNO. E. PITZER, Prop. Rates $1.00 to $1.25 per day. Battlefield a specialty. Dinner and ride to all points of interest,including the tb ree days' fight, $1.25. No. 127 Main Street. MUMPER & BENDER Furniture Cabinet Making, Picture Frames Beds, Springs, Mattresses, Etc. Baltimore St., GETTYSBURG, PA. You will find a full line of Pure Drugs and Fine Sta- People's Drug Store Prescriptions a Specialty. .GO TO. {}otel (Gettysburg Barber Sfyop. Centre Square. B. M. SEFTON J. A. TAWNEY ». Is ready to furnish Clubs and Bread, Rolls, Etc. At short notice and reasonable rates. Washington & Middle Sts., Gettysburg. W.F.CODORI, M*£T£&! Dealer in Beef, Pork, Lamb, Veal, Sausage. Special rates to Clubs. York St., GETTYSBURG. Davxb Croxel, Dealer in ^tne (groceries cmb notions «-«-4}ork Street. .GO TO. CHAS. E. BARBEHENN, Barber In the Eagle Hotel, Cor. Main and Washing-ton Sts. YOHN BROS. Agents for the Keystone State, Waldo, Washburn, Groupner & Meyer. Highest Grade Mandolins, Guitars, Banjos, Mandollas and Mandocellos. Headquarters for Phonographs, Graphophones and supplies. Trimmings of every description. All sheet music one-half off. Large discounts on Books and studies. 326 Market St., Harrisburg, Pa. FAVOR THOSE WHO FAVOR US. Spalding's OFFICIAL Athletic Goods Officially adopted by the leading Colleges, Schools and Athletic Clubs of the Country. Every requisite tor Baseball, Football, Golf, Tennis, Athlet-ics, Gymnasium. Spalding's Offi- 'cial League Ball is the Official Ball of the Na-tional League and all the lead-ing college asso-ciations Handsome cata-logue of Athletic Sports free to any address. Spalding's Baseball Guide for 1900,10 cts. A. Q. SPALDINQ & BROS. New York Chicago ROWE. YOUR GROCER Carries Full Line of Groceries, Canned Goods, Etc, Best Coal Oil and Brooms,at most Reasonable Prices. OPPOSITE COLLEOE CAMPUS. S. J. CODORI, Stationery, Blank Books, Amateur Pho-tographic Supplies, Etc., Etc. BALTIMORE ST. R. H. CULP PAPER HANGER, Second Square, York Street. COLLEGE EMBLEMS. EMIL ZOTHE, ENGRAVER, DESIGNER AND MANUFACTURING JEWELER. 19 S. NINTH St. PHILADELPHIA. PA. SPECIALTIES:- Masonic Marks, Society Badges, College Buttons, Pins, Scarf Pins, Stick Pins and Athletic Prizes. All Goods ordered through A. N. Bean. To Repair Broken Arti-cles use Major's Cement Remember MAJOR'S RUBBER CEMENT, MAJOR'S « LEATHER CEMENT. Meneely Bell Co. TROY, N. Y. MANUFACTURERS OF SUPERIOR BELLS The 2000 pound bell now ringing in the tower of Pennsylvania Col-lege was manufactured at this foundry. PATRONIZE OUR ADVERTISERS. The Pleased Customer Is not a stranger in our establish-ment— he's right at home, you'll see him when you call. We have the materials to please fastidious men. J. D. LIPPY, Merchant Tailor 39 Chambersburg- St., Gettysburg, Pa. G. E. SPANGLER, Dealer in Pianos, Organs, Music, Musical Instruments, Strings, Etc. YORK STREET, 1ST SQUARE. GETTYSBURG. L. D. Miller, GROCER Confectioner and Fruiterer. Ice Cream and Oysters in Season. 19 Main St. GETTYSBURG City Hotel, Main St. Gettysburg. ^ Free 'Bus to and from all Trains Thirty seconds' walk from either depot Dinner with drive over field with four or more, $1.35 Rates $1.50 to $2.00 per day John E. Hughes, Prop. Capitol Cit? Cafe Cor. Fourth and Market Sts. HARRISBURQ, PA. First-Class Rooms Furnished. Special Rates to Private Parties. Open Day and Night. European Plan. Eunch of All Kinds to Order at the Restaurant. ALDINGER'S CAPITOL CITY CAFE. POPULAR PRICES. F. Mark Bream, Dealer in Fancy and Staple Groceries Telephone 29 Carlisle St., GETTYSBURG, PA. .Photographer. No. 3 Main St., GETTYSBURG, PENNA. Our new effects in Portraiture are equal to photos made anywhere, and at any price PATRONIZE OUR ADVERTISERS alright, 140-142 Woodward Avenue DETROIT, MICH. Manufacturers of High Grade Fraternity Emblems Fraternity Jewelry Fraternity Novelties Fraternity Stationary Fraternity Invitations Fraternity Announcements Fraternity Programs Send for Catalogue and Price List. Special Designs on Application. MOTEL GETTYSBURG LIVERY GETTYSBURG, PA. LOING & HOLTZWORTM, Proprietors Apply at Office in the Hotel for First-Class Guides and Teams THE BATTEFIELD A SPECIALTY TTbe JSoIton Market Square "Ibartfeburg, lpa. Large and Convenient Sample Rooms. Passenger and Baggage Elevator. Electric Cars to and from Depot. Electric Light and Steam Heat. J. M. & M. S. BUTTERWORTH, Proprietors Special Rates for Commer-cial Men "EZ 1ST IMMER CUT ET WAS ZU WISSEIN." These are the words of Goethe, the great German poet, and are as true in our day as when uttered. In these times of defective vision it is good to know something about eyes. A great deal has been learned about the value of glasses and their application since Goethe lived. Spectacle wearers have increased by thousands, while at the same time, persons losing their eyesight, have been greatly diminished. If your eyes trouble you in any way let me tell you the cause. Examination free and prices reasonable. We grind all our own lenses and fit the best lenses (no matter what anyone else has charged you) for $2.50 per pair and as cheap as SO cents per pair, or duplicate a broken lens if we have one-half or more of the old one, at a reasonable charge, returning same day received. .E. L. EGOLP. 807 and 809 North Third Street, MARRISBURG, PA. r PATRONIZE OUR ADVERTISERS. (^entFal [lotel, ELIAS FISSEL, Prop. (Formerly of Globe Hotel) Baltimore Street, Gettysburg, Pa. Two doors from Court House. MODERN IMPROVEMENTS. Steam Heat, Electric Light and Call Bells all through the House. Closets and Bath Rooms on Every Floor. Sefton & Fleui-mrng's Ijivery is connected with this Hotel. Good Teams and Competent Guides for the Battlefield. Charges Moderate, Satisfaction Guaranteed. Rates $1.50 Per Day. GET A SKATE ON And send all your Soiled L,inen to the Gettysburg Steam Laundry R. R. LONQ, Prop. R. A. WONDERS, Corner Cigar Parlors. A full line of Cigars, Tobacco, Pipes, Etc. Scott's Corner, Opp. Eagle Hotel. GETTYSBURG, PA. J^ Try My Choice Eine of A t. High-Grade Chocolates 3 L p y. J. V. at 40c per lb. Always fresh at ,\ £ CHAS. H. McCLEARY j £ Carlisle St., Opposite W. M. R. R. j) l. Also Foreign and Domestic Fruits A j" Always on Hand. ** JOHN M. MINNIQH, Confectionery, lee, • andIee Creams. Oysters Stewed and Fried. No. 17 BALTIMORE ST. HARRq f}. 3EFTON The Leading Berber v>f)op (Successor to C. O. Sefton) Having- thoroughly remodeled the place is now ready to accommodate the public Barber Supplies a Specialty. .Baltimore Street. GETT*l5§UR(i, PA. ESTABLISHED 1876 PENROSE MYERS, Watchmaker and Jeweler Gettysburg Souvenir Spoons, Col-lege Souvenir Spoons. NO. 10 BALTIMORE ST., GETTYSBURG, PENNA. L. (\. klltW Manufacturers' Agent and Jobber of Hardware, Oils, Paints and Queensware. GETTYSBURG, PA. The Only Jobbing House in Adams County.
Nation und Nationalstaatlichkeit galten bis vor kurzem als etwas, das in einer globalisierten und postnationalen Konstellation immer weiter an Bedeutung verlieren würde. In jüngerer Zeit findet dieser Themenkomplex jedoch wieder deutlich mehr Beachtung. Der Sammelband setzt sich mit den entsprechenden Gründen, Problemen und Ausdrucksformen auseinander.
Why did Wilsonian ideals influence AEF actions in the First World War, and how did that affect the United States' involvement in the nation's first large-scale coalition operation? Wilsonian ideals influenced the AEF's actions in the First World War because most American leaders and soldiers shared Wilson's concepts of Progressivism and believed that the United States should play a role in saving Europe. Even if some did not agree with Wilson's politics, most doughboys shared his ideas of American Exceptionalism, and these views affected United States involvement in the nation's first large-scale coalition operation. In merging the two topic areas of Wilson's ideologies and AEF involvement in the war, this essay will attempt to answer how the American doughboy found motivation in the same principles that guided President Wilson. ; Master of Arts in Military History ; Week 11 Final Paper Wilsonianism in the First World War: Progressivism, American Exceptionalism, and the AEF Doughboy Brian P. Bailes A paper submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Master of Arts in Military History Norwich University MH 562B Dr. John Broom August 16, 2020 Bailes 2 While the duration of American Expeditionary Forces (AEF) involvement in First World War combat operations remained short compared to the armies of the European powers, the experience had a lasting impact on the United States' status as a global power. President Woodrow Wilson's mediation in the European affair throughout American neutrality, his integration of the AEF into Allied operations, and his contribution to the post-war peace process cast him as a central figure of the conflict as well as a harbinger of United States interventionist foreign policy. Through the more than a century since the end of the war, historians have analyzed and debated various facets of United States belligerency. Historians have explored President Wilson's ideologies and the decision making that ultimately led to him making his April 1917 appeal to Congress for American belligerency. Additionally, historians have expanded on AEF actions in Europe and argued how General Pershing's adamancy on maintaining an independent American command created tension with the Allied leaders. Historians have not connected these two topics to analyze how a reader can conceptually link Wilson's ideas and doughboy exploits in Europe. Why did Wilsonian ideals influence AEF actions in the First World War, and how did that affect the United States' involvement in the nation's first large-scale coalition operation? Throughout the historiography of United States involvement in the First World War, specific themes reoccur as significant areas of consensus. The historiography presents two primary arguments in which historians agree. Historians agree that Wilson's peace objectives drastically differed from those of the Allies, and historians agree that these differences motivated Wilson's decisions regarding how the United States would enter the war. Historians also agree that friction existed between General Pershing and the Allied Commanders once the AEF arrived in Europe and began combat operations. These two commonalities in the historiography remain Bailes 3 relatively constant throughout the past 50 years of historical research, and even when portraying more positive sentiments expressed between AEF and Allied soldiers, historians still note some tension between Pershing and the Allied commanders. Historians agree that Wilson's peace objectives differed significantly from those of the Allies. David Woodford argues that the gap between British imperial interests and Wilson's peace objectives affected the alliance between the United States and England throughout the war.1 William Widenor argues that Wilson failed in achieving his goals during the Versailles Peace Settlement because he attempted to make too many concessions for enduring peace, and he claims that Wilson grew at odds with the Allied leaders at the peace conference.2 George Egerton argues that British policymakers were closely monitoring the dispute within the United States Senate during the Treaty of Versailles conference, and he suggests that British leadership remained skeptical of Wilson's League of Nations.3 Historians capture Wilson's opposing peace aims throughout the European conflict, and they seemingly agree on how these aims influenced Wilson's policies and actions. Some historians cite the most significant gap in peace aims as existing between the United States and France. David Stevenson argues that French leaders were continually at odds with Wilson throughout the war as the French war aims focused much more on their national security, which they saw as requiring the destruction of Imperial Germany.4 Stevenson points out that while Wilson's peace aims differed from England as well as France, many French objectives 1 David R. Woodward, Trial by Friendship: Anglo-American Relations, 1917-1918 (Lexington: The University Press of Kentucky, 1993), 7-25, 35-43, 77-80, 125-9, 208-20. 2 William C. Widenor, "The United States and the Versailles Peace Settlement," Modern American Diplomacy, eds. John M. Carroll and George C. Herring (Lanham: SR Books, 1996), 46-59. 3 George W. Egerton, "Britain and the 'Great Betrayal': Anglo-American Relations and the Struggle for United States Ratification of the Treaty of Versailles, 1919-1920," The Historical Journal 21, no. 4 (December 1978): 885-911, https://www.jstor.org/stable/2638973. 4 David Stevenson, "French War Aims and the American Challenge, 1914-1918," The Historical Journal 22, no. 4 (December 1979): 877-894, https://www.jstor.org/stable/2638691. Bailes 4 were more aggressive against Germany as they involved reclaiming land lost to Germany in previous wars, specifically the 1870 Franco-Prussian War.5 Stevenson highlights the fact that Wilson could not get French officials to see the "two Germanys" concept that prevailed in American thinking at the time. While the American public generally saw two Germanys – the autocratic ruling party dominated by the Prussian elite and the German people living under that oppressive regime – Stevenson argues that France only saw Imperial Germany as a total enemy.6 Robert Bruce explains that during the post-war occupation period, the American doughboys perceived Frenchmen as distrustful and hateful toward German soldiers, and this sullied the alliance between France and the United States.7 In line with Wilson's ideology, historians cite Wilson's desire for Europe to achieve a "peace without victory" as he attempted to serve as a mediator during the United States period of neutrality. These historians ultimately conclude that Wilson believed any of the European powers achieving their aims through victory would lead to a continuation of balance of power politics in Europe. They argue that Wilson thought merely putting an end to the fighting would be the only way to achieve lasting peace. Ross Gregory argues that Wilson acted as a persistent mediator throughout the war as he strove for a "peace without victory."8 Arthur Link explains that Wilson believed a "peace without victory" and a "draw in Europe" proved the best solution for establishing a new system to replace the broken power structure in Europe.9 Ross Kennedy portrays Wilson as advocating the United States as a neutral mediator striving for a "peace 5 Stevenson, 884, 892-4. 6 Stevenson, 885. 7 Robert B. Bruce, A Fraternity of Arms: America & France in the Great War (Lawrence: The University Press of Kansas, 2003), 286-95. 8 Ross Gregory, The Origins of American Intervention in the First World War (New York: W.W. Norton & Company, Inc., 1971), 115-6. 9 Arthur Link, "Entry into World War I," Progress, War, and Reaction: 1900-1933, eds. Davis R.B. Ross, Alden T. Vaughan, and John B. Duff (New York: Thomas Y. Crowell Company, Inc., 1970), 141. Bailes 5 without victory" before the U.S. entered the war, then as an advocate of "just peace" after they entered the war.10 Kennedy argues that Wilson blamed the international system that led to power politics and wanted to have a separate voice in the peace process to shape a new diplomatic and global political order.11 Historians point to Wilson's ideology as a reason for his differing peace objectives, and historians point to Wilson's Christian faith as a significant motivation for his progressive philosophy. Lloyd Ambrosius highlights Wilson's four tenets of national self-determination, open-door economic globalization, collective security, and progressive history as the framework in which he envisioned a global order shaped by American democratic ideals that would bring the world to peace.12 Ambrosius examines Wilson's embrace of "American Exceptionalism" and looks at how his Anglo-American bias clouded his vision and prevented him from seeing the various cultural factors throughout the world.13 Ronald Pestritto examines Wilson's progressive form of history while arguing that Wilson saw democracy emerging within society as a phenomenon only natural to specific groups of people, and he only saw a few civilizations as "progressed."14 Pestritto notes Wilson's Christian inspiration, referencing early manuscripts written by Wilson titled "Christ's Army" and "Christian Progress."15 William Appleman Williams argues that Wilson maintained a Calvinist idealism that intensified the existing doctrine 10 Ross A. Kennedy, "Woodrow Wilson, World War I, and American National Security," Diplomatic History 25, no. 1 (Winter 2001): 15, 29, https://doi.org/10.1111/0145-2096.00247. 11 Kennedy, "Woodrow Wilson, World War I, and American National Security," 2-3. 12 Lloyd E. Ambrosius, Wilsonianism: Woodrow Wilson and His Legacy in American Foreign Relations (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2002), 2-47. 13 Ambrosius, Wilsonianism, 125-34; Lloyd E. Ambrosius, Woodrow Wilson and American Internationalism (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2017), 33-49; Lloyd E. Ambrosius, "World War I and the Paradox of Wilsonianism," The Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 17 (2018): 5-22, https://doi.org/10.1017/S1537781417000548. 14 Ronald J. Pestritto, Woodrow Wilson and the Roots of Modern Liberalism (Lanham: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, Inc., 2005), 6-61. 15 Pestritto, Woodrow Wilson and the Roots of Modern Liberalism, 23, 40. Bailes 6 based on God's supposed ordination of American influence and expansion in the world.16 Richard Gamble explains that Wilson's vision and rhetoric nested with many of the Christian messages of progressive religious leaders in the United States during the First World War who saw the war as a Christian crusade to spread American ideals.17 Historians seem in unanimous agreement that Wilson's separate peace aims formed the primary impetus for him seeking an independent American presence in the war effort. David Esposito argues that Wilson wanted to have an American presence in the war because he realized that to establish a dominant American voice in the post-war peace talks, the United States needed to make a significant contribution to Allied victory.18 Edward Coffman details the United States' experiences in the First World War by explaining Wilson's desire to gain an independent voice in the peace process.19 David Trask maintains that Wilson wanted to "remain somewhat detached from the Allies" in defeating Imperial Germany to provide Wilson leverage so that he could directly influence the post-war peace process.20 Arthur Link explains that Wilson did see the benefit of not joining the Entente but keeping the United States independent of "any political commitments" with the Allies as providing a chance to ensure an American presence at the peace conference.21 Thomas Knock argues that Wilson faulted the "balance of power" politics of Europe and saw the United States as the actor to save Europe and create a new system of 16 William Appleman Williams, The Tragedy of American Diplomacy (New York: W.W. Norton & Company, 1959; New York: W.W. Norton & Company, 2009), 67-112. Page references are to the 2009 edition. 17 Richard M. Gamble, The War for Righteousness: Progressive Christianity, the Great War, and the Rise of the Messianic Nation (Wilmington: ISI Books, 2003), 22-3, 86-208, 254-5. 18 David M. Esposito, "Woodrow Wilson and the Origins of the AEF," Presidential Studies Quarterly 19 no. 1 (Winter 1989): 127-38, https://www.jstor.org/stable/40574570. 19 Edward M. Coffman, The War to End All Wars: The American Military Experience in World War I (Lexington: The University Press of Kentucky, 1968), 5-8. 20 David F. Trask, The AEF & Coalition Warmaking, 1917-1918 (Lawrence: The University Press of Kansas, 1993), 2-6. 21 Link, "Entry into World War I," 141. Bailes 7 diplomacy.22 Overall, historians agree that President Wilson desired very different peace outcomes for a post-war Europe, and this influenced him as he made decisions regarding United States actions throughout the war. In addition to the agreement that Wilson's peace aims differed from the Allies, historians also agree that once the United States did enter the war and the AEF arrived in Europe, friction quickly developed between General Pershing and the Allied commanders. David Trask argues many instances of "increasing friction" existed between Pershing and the French and British command. Trask includes a case where the Allies "attempted to bypass Pershing" by working directly with Wilson even though Wilson had appointed Pershing as Commander in Chief of the AEF.23 Trask argues that Pershing believed that the preceding few years of trench warfare had "deprived the French and even the British of offensive spirit," and he maintains that with Pershing's "open warfare" tactics, his methods of training drastically differed from the Allies.24 Michael Adas cites disagreement between Pershing and the Allied commanders immediately after Pershing arrived in France due to Pershing's unwillingness to listen to the experienced French and British leaders as they tried to suggest ways to employ the AEF.25 Adas argues that Pershing's desire to pursue "open warfare" did not take into account the realities of trench warfare and resulted in costly casualties.26 Russell Weigley cites frequent tensions between Pershing and the Allied commanders, including an example in September of 1918 in which AEF 22 Thomas J. Knock, To End All Wars: Woodrow Wilson and the Quest For a New World Order (New York: Oxford University Press, 1992; Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2019), 30-69. 23 Trask, AEF & Coalition Warmaking, 38-9. 24 Trask, AEF & Coalition Warmaking, 19. 25 Michael Adas, "Ambivalent Ally: American Military Intervention and the Endgame and Legacy of World War I," Diplomatic History 38 no. 4 (September 2014): 705-7, http://doi.org/10.1093/dh.dhu032. 26 Adas, "Ambivalent Ally," 710. Bailes 8 "traffic congestion" caused a significant disturbance in a visit from Georges Clemenceau.27 Weigley explains that Pershing's belief in "open warfare" would not work due to the enormous American divisions built for the trenches, arguing that Pershing would need "smaller, maneuverable divisions" if he wanted his open warfare to work.28 All historians agree that the issue of AEF amalgamation with the French and British forces served as the primary reason for the friction between the military leaders. David Woodford cites the notion that AEF amalgamation would "undermin[e] the significance of the American military role." Hence, Pershing remained adamant in his stance not to let the Allies use American soldiers to fight under French or British flags.29 Woodward notes that Pershing felt his AEF superior to the Allies as he "believed that the Americans had almost nothing to learn from French and British officers."30 Woodford explains that war aims and peace objectives formed the basis of a fractured Anglo-American relationship that finally crumbled during the peace conference.31 Mitchell Yockelson argues that despite tension between Pershing and the Allied leaders regarding the question of amalgamation, the 27th and 30th Divisions contributed significantly to the Allied effort under British command. Yockelson highlights a fascinating illustration of Pershing's stubbornness in noting that Pershing did not follow the exploits of these divisions even though they proved instrumental in the offensive against the Hindenburg Line.32 As an enduring theme throughout the amalgamation debate, historians point to Pershing's desire for the United States to deliver the decisive blow against Germany with an independent 27 Russell F. Weigley, "Strategy and Total War in the United States: Pershing and the American Military Tradition," Great War, Total War: Combat and Mobilization on the Western Front, 1914-1918, eds. Roger Chickering and Stig Förster (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2000), 333. 28 Weigley, "Pershing and the American Military Tradition," 341-2. 29 Woodward, Trial by Friendship, 57-8. 30 Woodward, 88. 31 Woodward, 7-80, 112-220. 32 Mitchell A. Yockelson, Borrowed Soldiers: Americans Under British Command, 1918 (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 2008), 92-228. Bailes 9 American army. Allan Millett argues that Wilson gave Pershing the explicit directive to keep the AEF separate from the Allies and allowed Pershing the freedom to make decisions on how to integrate the AEF.33 Millett cites Pershing's initial plan to use an AEF offensive on Metz as the critical blow that would decide the war and establish an American contribution to defeating Imperial Germany. Pershing would not have his AEF ready to carry out this offensive until 1919, and his stubbornness in dealing with the requests for amalgamation in the interim "frustrated the Allies."34 Bullitt Lowry narrates Pershing's attempt to shape the post-war peace terms by arguing that Pershing wanted to force Germany into an "unconditional surrender." While Lowry concludes that Pershing's effort to influence the political realm failed, he believed that the only way to "guarantee victory" would be to crush Germany in battle.35 David Woodward argues that Pershing believed that the AEF would decide the war by becoming "the dominant role in the war against Germany."36 Woodward cites Pershing's ideas regarding "the aggressive American rifleman, whose tradition of marksmanship and frontier warfare" could rid the Western Front of trench warfare and execute a great offensive against Germany.37 Historians cite the notion throughout the ranks of the AEF that the United States should remain independent from the Allies, and historians point to the fact that many doughboys saw themselves as superior soldiers to the Allies. Robert H. Zieger argues that "virtually the entire military establishment" agreed with Pershing's desire to have an independent American 33 Allan R. Millett, "Over Where? The AEF and the American Strategy for Victory, 1917-1918," Against All Enemies: Interpretations of American Military History from Colonial Times to the Present, eds. Kenneth J. Hagan and William R. Roberts (Westport: Greenwood Press, Inc., 1986), 237. 34 Millett, "Over Where?," 239. 35 Bullitt Lowry, "Pershing and the Armistice," The Journal of American History 55 no. 2, (September 1968): 281-291, https://www.jstor.org/stable/1899558. 36 Woodward, Trial by Friendship, 81. 37 Woodward, 89, 207. Bailes 10 command.38 Still, Zieger does note that this separate American command relied heavily on the Allies for logistics support, and the AEF "misunderstood the military dynamics of the Western Front."39 Richard Faulkner argues that Pershing's doctrine rested on his belief that the "superior American rifle marksmanship, aggressiveness, and skilled maneuvering" could win the fight for the Allies.40 Faulkner argues that American soldiers saw themselves as intervening in the war effort to help the failing French and British, taunting their British partners by claiming AEF stands for "After England Failed." He devotes a chapter named as such to explain the AEF belief in the superiority of the American fighting man.41 Harold Winton argues that Pershing believed that the United States soldier was superior to his European counterpart.42 Jennifer Keene argues that issues such as the treatment of African-American soldiers and disagreements about which nation contributed the most to the Allied victory created rifts between the two allies.43 In her full text, Keene narrates AEF interactions with their French Allies, and she claims that doughboys saw themselves as superior fighters who could help turn the tide of war.44 Michael Neiberg explains that United States citizens and soldiers came away from the conflict with the belief in the "inherent superiority" of the American system over that of Europe.45 38 Robert H. Zieger, America's Great War: World War I and the American Experience (Oxford: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, Inc., 2000), 92-102. 39 Zieger, America's Great War, 96. 40 Faulkner, Pershing's Crusaders: The American Soldier in World War I (Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 2017), 285. 41 Faulkner, 281-304. 42 Harold Winton, "Toward an American Philosophy of Command," The Journal of Military History 64, no. 4 (October 2000): 1059, https://www.jstor.org/stable/2677266. 43 Jennifer D. Keene, "Uneasy Alliances: French Military Intelligence and the American Army During the First World War," Intelligence and National Security 13, no. 1 (January 2008): 18-36, https://doi.org/10.1080/02684529808432461. 44 Jennifer D. Keene, Doughboys, the Great War, and the Remaking of America (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 2001), 105-11. 45 Michael S. Neiberg, The Path to War: How The First World War Created Modern America (New York: Oxford University Press, 2016), 23. Bailes 11 Even when historians convey a more positive relationship between the AEF and their Allied counterparts, they still address the tension between Pershing and Allied leadership. Robert Bruce portrays a much more positive partnership between the doughboy and his French ally. Bruce documents Marshal Joseph Joffre's visit to the United States after Congress declared war against Germany to muster American support for the French. By comparing France's visit to Britain's, Bruce argues that Joffre established the framework for an intimate Franco-American partnership.46 Bruce maintains that the French respected the American soldier and viewed the entry of the AEF into the war as the saving grace of the Allies. Bruce narrates a bond between doughboys and French troops that increased as they trained and fought together.47 Despite this positive portrayal by Bruce of the French and AEF bond, Bruce still highlights the tension in Pershing's interactions with French commanders as well as noting the general perception amongst French commanders that Pershing thought "he knew everything there was to know about modern warfare."48 Bruce adds that different peace aims and post-war sentiments towards Germany created disagreements amongst American and French soldiers that fractured the relationship built during the war.49 Of note, Bruce suggests that the doughboys harbored what they saw as a "perceived lack of aggressiveness in the French."50 After synthesizing the historiography, the question remains regarding how these two arguments can be linked. Why did Wilsonian ideals influence AEF actions in the First World War, and how did that affect the United States' involvement in the nation's first large-scale 46 Robert B. Bruce, "America Embraces France: Marshal Joseph Joffre and the French Mission to the United States, April-May 1917," Journal of Military History 66 no. 2 (April 2002): 407-441, http://doi.org/10.2307/3093066; Bruce, A Fraternity of Arms, 32-59. 47 Bruce, A Fraternity of Arms, 86-121. 48 Bruce, A Fraternity of Arms, 128, 143. 49 Bruce, A Fraternity of Arms, 286-95. 50 Bruce, A Fraternity of Arms, 122. Bailes 12 coalition operation? Wilsonian ideals influenced the AEF's actions in the First World War because most American leaders and soldiers shared Wilson's concepts of Progressivism and believed that the United States should play a role in saving Europe. Even if some did not agree with Wilson's politics, most doughboys shared his ideas of American Exceptionalism, and these views affected United States involvement in the nation's first large-scale coalition operation. In merging the two topic areas of Wilson's ideologies and AEF involvement in the war, this essay will attempt to answer how the American doughboy found motivation in the same principles that guided President Wilson. Perhaps a reader will identify that the AEF demonstrated trends in Europe that highlight an "American way of war" that still resonates in United States coalition operations today. When President Wilson brought the United States into the First World War in April of 1917, he sold it as an effort to make the world safe for democracy. In Wilson's war address to Congress, Wilson called Imperial Germany's resumption of their unrestricted submarine campaign "warfare against mankind."51 Wilson maintained that Imperial Germany had given the United States no other choice but to declare war when they resumed their submarine attacks on merchant ships in the early spring of 1917. Still, Wilson furthered his justification for war by appealing to the broader ideal of fighting to defeat the Imperial German autocracy. Wilson described the "selfish and autocratic power" against which a free people needed to wage war.52 Later in his address, Wilson stated that he found hope in what he saw as the restoration of power to the people demonstrated in the Russian Revolution. Wilson saw a pre-Lenin revolution as 51 Woodrow Wilson, "Address to a Joint Session of Congress Calling for a Declaration of War" in "President Wilson," Essential Writings and Speeches of the Scholar-President, ed. Mario R. DiNunzio (New York: NYU Press, 2006): 399, https://www.jstor.org/stable/j.ctt9qfgbg.15. 52 Wilson, "Declaration of War," 400. Bailes 13 bringing democracy to the people of Russia, and it opened the door for the realization that the Allies fought because "the world must be made safe for democracy."53 Arthur Link comments on Wilson's initial optimism on hearing of the Russian Revolution overthrowing Czar rule.54 While the Russian Revolution took a different turn in the following years, the initial news of the Russian people revolting against the Czar gave Wilson confidence that democracy could spread in Europe since now the Allies truly represented a democratic system. Wilson had spent the first years of the war trying to mediate peace in Europe through United States neutrality, and he tried to negotiate an end to the fighting without a victory for any of the imperial belligerents. Wilson did not see a lasting peace coming to Europe if any of the imperial powers achieved their peace objectives, so he attempted to mediate a truce. Kendrick Clements narrates how Wilson's desire to keep the United States neutral grew at odds with his economic support for the Allies. War for the United States rose to be more likely as Imperial Germany became increasingly aggravated with the United States for supplying aid to France and Britain while professing neutrality.55 Fraser Harbutt argues that at the initial outbreak of war in Europe, leaders as well as citizens of the United States concerned themselves with the economic impacts of the war primarily, and the United States benefited economically by supporting the Allies, specifically in the steel trade.56 Imperial Germany's resumption of unrestricted submarine warfare, as well as the capture of Germany's Zimmerman Telegram in January 1917, soliciting an alliance with Mexico, prompted Wilson to support waging war on Imperial Germany. Now American entry into the conflict presented Wilson with some new options for shaping the post- 53 Wilson, "Declaration of War," 401-2. 54 Link, "Entry into World War I," 122-3. 55 Kendrick A. Clements, "Woodrow Wilson and World War I," Presidential Studies Quarterly 34, no. 1 (March 2004: 62-82, https://www.jstor.org/stable/27552564. 56 Fraser J. Harbutt, "War, Peace, and Commerce: The American Reaction to the Outbreak of World War I in Europe 1914," An Improbable War? The Outbreak of World War I and European Political Culture Before 1914, eds. Holger Afflerbach and David Stevenson (New York: Berghahn Books, 2007), 320-1. Bailes 14 war world. Thomas Knock describes how even though the United States entry into the war meant the essential failure of Wilson's "Peace Without Victory," the international community had seemingly bought into Wilson's concept of "collective security."57 In the previous few years of American neutrality, Wilson had advocated for creating a collection of democratic nation-states to band together to prevent war, and by 1917 the international community seemed interested. Wilson would use American belligerency to shape his new world order for peace. Russia's withdrawal from the war in March of 1918 made the need for a United States presence all the more significant for the Allies. The American soldier would be a crusader of sorts, attempting to cure Europe of the diplomacy of old that had brought her to destruction. The European July crisis of 1914 that erupted in a full-scale war the following month proved to be the culmination of decades of the European balance of power diplomacy that led to rival alliances and an armament race between the feuding dynasties.58 European power politics had dominated the continent for centuries, which inevitably escalated into a world war, and the United States soldier would have the opportunity to save the nations from which most of their ancestors had descended. Michael Neiberg argues that by 1917, the American people felt an obligation to enter the war to save Europe. While the people of the United States supported neutrality initially, Neiberg explains that public opinion swayed over time toward a desire to save Europe from the terror of Imperial Germany.59 The United States Secretary of War from 1916-1921, Newton Baker, published a text almost two decades after the armistice in which he maintained that the United States went to war to stop Imperial Germany and make the world safe for democracy. Baker took issue with the 57 Knock, To End All Wars, 115. 58 James Joll and Gordon Martel, The Origins of the First World War, 3rd ed. (New York: Routledge, 2013), 9-291. 59 Neiberg, The Path to War, 7-8, 31-3, 235. Bailes 15 historians of the 20s and 30s who claimed that economic interest influenced the United States entry into the war, and he argued they ignored the necessity of U.S. involvement to stop Germany. Baker explained that the American public remained overwhelmingly critical of the German autocracy and desired to intervene to save the European people.60 Private Alexander Clay of the AEF's 33rd Division demonstrated this sense of duty as he wrote regarding his 1918 deployment to France. As Clay's ship passed the Statue of Liberty while leaving the New York harbor, he thought to himself of the French leader Lafayette's role in securing United States victory during the American Revolution. He wrote that the AEF went to France to "repay the debt of our gratitude to your country for your country's alliance with our country in obtaining liberty from an oppressor England."61 For the United States to effectively reshape the world, there needed to be an independent American command that would ensure the United States contributed to the victory over Imperial Germany, which would give Wilson his seat at the post-war peace talks. In a January 22, 1917 address to the Senate in which he articulated his vision for peace in Europe, Wilson claimed that the warring European nations could not shape a lasting peace. While Wilson still did not advocate for United States intervention at this point, he did state that to achieve peace "[i]t will be absolutely necessary that a force be created as a guarantor of the permanency of the settlement so much greater than the force of any nation now engaged or any alliance hitherto formed or projected that no nation, no probable combination of nations could face or withstand it."62 In this speech, Wilson advocated for a "peace without victory" because he did not envision a peaceful 60 Newton D. Baker, Why We Went to War (New York: Harper & Brothers, 1936), 4-10, 20, 160-3. 61 Private Alexander Clay in American Voices of World War I: Primary Source Documents, 1917-1920, ed. Martic Marix Evans (Chicago: Fitzroy Dearborn Publishers, 2001; New York: Routledge, 2013), 19, Kindle. 62 Woodrow Wilson, "Essential Terms for Peace in Europe" in "President Wilson," Essential Writings and Speeches of the Scholar-President, 393. Bailes 16 outcome if any of the imperial powers achieved victorious peace terms.63 Wilson reiterated his stance that the United States should play a decisive role in shaping post-war Europe and ensuring that "American principles" guided the rest of the world.64 When the United States declared war against Imperial Germany a few months after this speech, it essentially put Wilson's vision into motion. Diplomatic historian William Widenor argues that Wilson realized that the United States needed to participate in the war "rather than as an onlooker" to achieve his visions for peace.65 Widenor notes Wilson's desire for the United States to enter the war as an "associate" to the Entente as opposed to an "ally," and Widenor maintains that Wilson desired to change the world and "democratize and also, unfortunately, to Americanize it."66 The late international historian Elisabeth Glaser captures the Wilson administration's balancing between maintaining an economic relationship with the Entente powers while attempting to remain "an independent arbiter in the conflict."67 Wilson appointed General Pershing to lead the American effort, and Wilson gave him the simple instruction to keep the American Expeditionary Forces as a command separate from the Allies. In 1928, the Army War College published The Genesis of the American First Army, which documented the details surrounding how the War Department created an independent army of the United States. The text includes a caption from Secretary of War Baker's memorandum to Pershing. Baker informed Pershing of Wilson's order to "cooperate with the forces of the other countries employed against the enemy; but in so doing the underlying idea must be kept in view that the forces of the United States are a separate and distinct component of 63 Wilson, "Essential Terms for Peace in Europe," 394. 64 Wilson, 396-7. 65 William C. Widenor, "The United States and the Versailles Peace Settlement," 42. 66 Widenor, 42-3. 67 Elisabeth Glaser, "Better Late than Never: The American Economic War Effort, 1917-1918," Great War, Total War: Combat and Mobilization on the Western Front, 1914-1918, eds. Roger Chickering and Stig Förster (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2000), 390. Bailes 17 the combined forces, the identity of which must be preserved."68 The President did give Pershing the authority to decide how the AEF would integrate into Allied operations. Upon Pershing's June 13, 1917 arrival in Paris, he began making decisions regarding AEF employment as it pertained to logistics, training, and an initial American area of operations on the Western Front. With a plan of achieving a force of 1,328,448 men in France by the end of 1918, Pershing needed to ensure his troops were able to build combat power and prepare for war while simultaneously ensuring that he maintained a distinct American command.69 The following 17 months of conflict with American boots on the ground in Europe saw significant political and diplomatic friction between Pershing and the Allied commanders. Pershing attempted to keep his AEF intact while satisfying Allied requests for American soldiers to replace French and British casualties, especially when Germany launched their Spring 1918 offensives. Pershing described in his memoirs that the French and British requested American soldiers to fill their gaps on the front lines when they had each sent diplomatic missions to America shortly after the United States entered the war. Pershing maintained his adamancy against the United States "becoming a recruiting agency for either the French or British," and he recounted that the War Department retained his position as well.70 While Allied leaders ostensibly supported having an independent American army participate in the war effort, the need to replace casualties in the trenches proved to be their immediate concern. Russia withdrawing from the conflict allowed Germany to reinforce their strength on the Western Front and mount a series of offensives. Germany knew they had a limited window of time for victory 68 Army War College (U.S.) Historical Section, The Genesis of the American First Army (Army War College, 1928), Reprints from the collection of the University of Michigan Library (Coppell, TX, 2020), 2. 69 The Genesis of the American First Army, 2-9. 70 John J. Pershing, My Experiences in the World War, vol. 1 (New York: Frederick A. Stokes Company, 1931), 30-3. Bailes 18 with the United States continuing to build combat power, so they surged in the early months of 1918. Pershing faced a strategic dilemma of trying to support the Allies and get his troops in the fight while simultaneously attempting to build an independent American army. Ultimately, Pershing gave the Allies some of his army divisions as much needed replacements, and he made an effort to ensure that these divisions remained as intact as possible. Pershing endeavored to organize these divisions under a U.S. corps level command, but this corps command proved mostly administrative rather than tactical.71 By the time Pershing activated his independent American First Army, it only spent a few months in combat. The temporarily amalgamated doughboys Pershing gave to the Allies to meet their requests had contributed more to the defeat of Imperial Germany than Pershing's independent army. Mostly because Pershing had interspersed his divisions throughout the French and British fronts to meet the Allied requests for replacements, the American First Army did not activate until August of 1918. The September 20-25 Meuse-Argonne offensive would be the first significant operation for Pershing's independent army.72 David Trask concludes his critique of Pershing by recognizing the contribution that the American soldier played in providing manpower to the Allies. Trask commends the bravery of the American doughboy, but he argues that the amalgamated U.S. divisions contributed more to victory than the American First Army.73 In a similar vein, Mitchell Yockelson contends that the 27th and 30th Divisions who remained under British command throughout the war benefited over the rest of the AEF from extensive training led by the experienced British troops, and they contributed significantly to the Allied 71 The Genesis of the American First Army, 9-46. 72 John J. Pershing, Final Report of Gen. John J. Pershing: Commander-in-Chief American Expeditionary Forces. (Washington: Government Printing Office, 1919), 37-8; The Genesis of the American First Army, 45-58. 73 Trask, The AEF & Coalition Warmaking, 174-7. Bailes 19 victory.74 Pershing detailed his plans to capitalize on the initiative gained with his Meuse-Argonne offensive to deliver his decisive blow against Germany. The November 11 armistice came before he could achieve his grand vision.75 While the American doughboy played a critical role in providing an Allied victory over Imperial Germany, Pershing never realized his concept of an independent American command autonomously crushing the German army. The American soldier contributed most significantly to the Allied victory by taking part in offensives planned and conducted under the control of French and British Generals. Understanding American motivation during the war effort requires understanding the Progressive Movement taking place in the early-twentieth-century United States. Michael McGerr writes a detailed account of the cause and effect of the Progressive Movement. McGerr describes the wealth disparity brought about by Victorian society and the Gilded Age, and the class conflict emerging from this gave birth to a social and political movement that attempted to enact massive change in the American system.76 McGerr claims that the Progressive Movement attempted such major reform that no social or political action since has tried "anything as ambitious" due to the adverse reactions of such massive change.77 The Progressive Movement engulfed American society and brought about changes in family structures, race relations, and governmental powers. Herbert Croly illustrated the drive for monumental change rooted in the Progressive Movement with his text Progressive Democracy. In his narrative, Croly advocated for a complete overhaul of the American system to achieve freedom and alleviate wealth disparity. Croly saw governmental reform as the method for spreading democracy to all 74 Yockelson, Borrowed Soldiers, 213-23. 75 Pershing, My Experiences in the World War, vol. 2, 355-87. 76 McGerr, A Fierce Discontent, 3-146. 77 McGerr, 315-9. Bailes 20 citizens.78 In describing American public opinion during the time of United States entry into World War I, David Kennedy argues that for those Americans who championed progressive ideals, "the war's opportunities were not to be pursued in the kingdom of commerce but in the realm of the spirit."79 While the United States maintained a formidable economic link with the Allies throughout American neutrality, Wilson appealed to American ideals to garner public support for the war. United States entry into the war did not come as the natural development of the Progressive Movement. Still, the American public's reason for supporting the war certainly borrowed progressive sentiments. Wilson championed progressive initiatives that had ingrained themselves in the national mood of early-twentieth-century America. Wilson ran for President in 1912 on the principles he codified the following year in his text The New Freedom. Wilson argued that the Jefferson era of United States democracy had long ended. Wilson maintained that because of the new complexities found in American society, a "reconstruction in the United States" needed to occur to achieve real economic and social freedom.80 Ronald Pestritto articulates Wilson's vision for a governmental system as it relates to a society's history and progress. According to Wilson, the method of government that works for people depends on how far that population has progressed. In that manner, the government should always change to reflect the progression of its people best.81 Pestritto argues that a major theme found in Wilson's 1908 text Constitutional Government in the United States rests in the idea that: [T]here are four stages through which all governments pass: (1) government is the master and people are its subjects; (2) government remains the master, not through 78 Herbert Croly, Progressive Democracy (New York: Macmillan, 1914; New Brunswick: Transaction Publishers; Second printing 2006), 25, 103-18. 79 David M. Kennedy, Over Here: The First World War and American Society (New York: Oxford University Press, 1980; New York: Oxford University Press, 2004), 39. 80 Woodrow Wilson, The New Freedom: A Call for the Emancipation of the Generous Energies of a People (New York and Garden City: Doubleday, Page & Company, 1913), www.philosophical.space/303/Wilson.pdf. 81 Pestritto, Woodrow Wilson and the Roots of Modern Liberalism, 34-42. Bailes 21 force but by its fitness to lead; (3) a stage of agitation, when leaders of the people rise up to challenge the government for power; and (4) the final stage, where the people become fully self-conscious and have leaders of their own choosing.82 Wilson epitomized the Progressive Movement's ideals regarding the government adapting to the changes of the people to create a more representative system of government. He would appeal to these principles in advocating for United States intervention in Europe. An underlying sentiment existed within the Progressive Movement that sought to bring about massive change, and this energy extended into the war effort. Lloyd Ambrosius explains the rise of the United States as an imperial power during the Gilded Age and Progressive Era. The outcome of the American Civil War created a more powerful central government, and economic growth during the following decades allowed more opportunity for global expansion.83 As the United States extended its global presence, the ideals that formed the nation began to influence foreign policy. David Kennedy writes about the shift in prominent progressives toward support of the war effort. Kennedy references John Dewey as a significant advocate for utilizing the war to satisfy progressive initiatives. According to Kennedy, progressives found appeal in Wilson's reasons for American belligerency in Europe as "a war for democracy, a war to end war, a war to protect liberalism, a war against militarism, a war to redeem barbarous Europe, a crusade."84 Michael McGerr states that the First World War "brought the extraordinary culmination of the Progressive Movement."85 Regardless of the typical progressive view of war, progressives could find merit in Wilson's justification for United States involvement. 82 Pestritto, 37. 83 Ambrosius, Woodrow Wilson and American Internationalism, 26-32. 84 Kennedy, Over Here: The First World War and American Society, 50-3. 85 McGerr, A Fierce Discontent, 280. Bailes 22 Even though a vast segment of the United States population did not support going to war in Europe, the notion of saving Europe still permeated throughout American society. In a series of essays published in the July 1917 edition of The Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, multiple thinkers of the time expressed the necessity of the United States entering the war to save Europe. Miles Dawson argued the importance of the United States' mission in the war by documenting the five "fundamentals" that made the United States unique, and he explained the importance of spreading those principles globally. Dawson advocated for the spreading of American ideals throughout the rest of the world.86 George Kirchwey argued that the United States must go to war to defeat Imperial Germany and secure peace. Kirchwey suggested that the war was a fight against an autocratic empire and a crusade to make the world safe for democracy. Kirchwey maintained that the United States needed to lead the effort in creating a world order for peace.87 Samuel Dutton saw the purpose of the United States as transcending party lines. Dutton suggested that the aim of defeating autocratic Imperial Germany needed to be a united American mission.88 Emily Greene Balch wrote that the United States "enters the war on grounds of the highest idealism, as the champion of democracy and world order."89 Walter Lippman argued that once the United States entered the war, they were obligated to fight to make the world safe for democracy. Lippman placed the blame for the war squarely on Germany and their aggression in Belgium and unrestricted submarine warfare. Similar to Wilson in his war address, Lippman drew parallels to the Russian Revolution and the 86 Miles M. Dawson, "The Significance of Our Mission in This War," The Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 72 (July 1917): 10-13, http://www.jstor.com/stable/1013639. 87 George W. Kirchwey, "Pax Americana," Annals, 40-48, http://www.jstor.com/stable/1013645. 88 Samuel Dutton, "The United States and the War," Annals, 13-19, http://www.jstor.com/stable/1013640. 89 Emily Greene Balch, "The War in Its Relation to Democracy and World Order," Annals, 28-31, https://www.jstor.org/stable/1013643 Bailes 23 importance of it signaling that the Allies truly represented democracy.90 Wilson's reasons for war had found a voice in the academic circles of the United States, and they nested well with the progressive message. Wilson's goals for peace illustrate how Progressive initiatives manifested into the global sphere. In his August 18, 1914 address advocating for the American population to remain neutral during the European conflict, Wilson maintained that the United States held a responsibility "to play a part of impartial mediation and speak the counsels of peace and accommodation, not as a partisan, but as a friend."91 Similarly, when addressing the Senate over two years later communicating his persistent intent of mediating peace in Europe through American neutrality, Wilson criticized the demands for peace submitted by the Entente that sought revenge over Imperial Germany rather than a lasting peace. Wilson instructed that "peace must be followed by some definite concert of power which will make it virtually impossible that any such catastrophe should ever overwhelm us again."92 In line with his progressive ideology, Wilson believed in United States intervention in the European conflict that would fundamentally improve their diplomatic system entirely. The United States would intervene in Europe to not only end the conflict but restructure the political climate in a more peaceful, progressive manner. Kendrick Clements argues that Wilson's economic and diplomatic decisions throughout United States neutrality drew him into the war gradually as he continued to side with the Allies. Wilson attempted to maintain his ideals for peace as the United States continued to get closer to belligerency.93 When the United States entry into the war proved virtually inevitable, Wilson 90 Walter Lippman, "The World Conflict in Its Relation to American Democracy," Annals, 1-10, https://www.jstor.org/stable/1013638. 91 Woodrow Wilson, "An Appeal for Neutrality in World War I," 390. 92 Woodrow Wilson, "Essential Terms for Peace in Europe," 392. 93 Clements, "Woodrow Wilson and World War I," 63-81. Bailes 24 ensured that the reasons for fighting aligned with the progressive energy that moved within American society. A religious vigor inspired military action that can be seen as a product of the Progressive Movement as well. Richard Gamble narrates the origin of the opinion that the United States represented a light for the rest of the world, and he describes how this concept brought the nation into the war. Gamble argues that these Christian ideals drove the political climate as Wilson's vision echoed the religious sentiment, and they prompted men to fight.94 Gamble describes the "social gospel" movement that had energized progressive Christians in the United States as extending into the international realm. The same energy that had influenced Christians to enact domestic change had transcended into a desire to improve the world, and Wilson ensured these sentiments carried over into United States foreign policy.95 Ronald Pestritto argues Wilson's religious conviction and explains that Wilson linked his faith with his duty to help shape the rest of the world. Pestritto explains the belief that "America was a key battleground in the victory of good over evil."96 Richard Gamble's mention of literature such as Washington Gladden's 1886 "Applied Christianity" highlights the popular message of progressive faith that nests with Pestritto's argument.97 Wilson illustrated the linkage of religion and progressive reform when he spoke in Denver, Colorado, in a 1911 build-up to his run for the Presidency. Wilson commented that "liberty is a spiritual conception, and when men take up arms to set other men free, there is something sacred and holy in the warfare."98 Wilson went on to champion the necessity of finding truth in the Bible's message, and he concluded by warning against believing "that 94 Gamble, The War for Righteousness, 5-87. 95 Gamble, 69-87. 96 Pestritto, Woodrow Wilson and the Roots of Modern Liberalism, 40-3. 97 Gamble, The War for Righteousness, 49-67. 98 Woodrow Wilson, "The Bible and Progress" in "On Religion," Essential Writings and Speeches of the Scholar-President, https://www.jstor.org/stable/j.ctt9qfgbg.7, 54. Bailes 25 progress can be divorced from religion."99 To Wilson, Christianity taught the spiritual duty of working toward social progress, and most progressive men of faith believed in these same sentiments which carried over toward United States actions in France. At the core of this Progressive energy and Wilson's peace aims were the sentiments surrounding an idea of American Exceptionalism. Many of the same ideas found in the religious aspect of the need to work for social progression catered to a sense of American Exceptionalism. In the same May 7, 1911 address in Denver, Colorado, Wilson spoke of the greatness of the United States as a direct correlation to the religious zeal and Biblical principles with which the founders had established the nation. According to Wilson, "America has all along claimed the distinction of setting this example to the civilized world."100 Wilson believed that the United States should serve as the model of Christian values for the rest of the world as "America was born to exemplify that devotion to the elements of righteousness which are derived from the revelations of Holy Scripture."101 In his text In Search of the City on a Hill, Richard Gamble describes how the United States narrative utilized an interpretation of divine providence to create an image of a nation built on religious principles that should serve as an example for the rest of the world.102 Lloyd Ambrosius describes the prevalent belief in the early twentieth-century United States that considered the United States a "providential nation" as citizens attempted to justify global expansion.103 If the United States existed as a providential manifestation of God's will, then that could rationalize the spread of the American system into the international realm. 99 Wilson, "The Bible and Progress," 53-9. 100 Wilson, 56. 101 Wilson, 59. 102 Richard M. Gamble, In Search of the City on a Hill: The Making and Unmakng of an American Myth (London: Continuum International Publishng Group, 2012), 6-119. 103 Ambrosius, Woodrow Wilson and Ameriam Internationalism, 33. Bailes 26 Men of faith found a divine message in the need for the United States to intercede in the global sphere to mold the world in her image. Wilson's brand of progressive history nested well with his idea of American Exceptionalism. Lloyd Ambrosius explains Wilson's fundamental belief that "primitive peoples moved toward greater maturity over the generations."104 Wilson applied this to the history of the United States. As Ronald Perstritto describes, Wilson believed that "the history of human progress is the history of the progress of freedom."105 As people progressed, they, in turn, developed a governmental system that allowed for more representation for its citizens. According to Ambrosius, Wilson believed that "the United States represented the culmination of progressive historical development."106 The American people had achieved real progression in Wilson's historical model, and democracy achieved through the American Revolution solidified his theory. Wilson certainly made this point evident in his writings regarding history. Wilson suggests that "the history of the United States demonstrates the spiritual aspects of political development."107 The United States embodied the ideal form of Wilson's progressive history. Wilson saw it as the responsibility of the United States to spread its exceptional personification of progressive history with the rest of the world. Wilson acknowledged his views on the uniqueness of the United States in his New Freedom. While arguing for progressive reform in the states, Wilson stated that "[t]he reason that America was set up was that she might be different from all the nations of the world."108 Indeed, Wilson believed in the providential nature of the United States, and he desired to shape the rest of the world. 104 Ambrosius, Woodrow Wilson and American Internationalism, 236. 105 Pestritto, Woodrow Wilson and the Roots of Modern Liberalism, 37. 106 Ambrosius, Woodrow Wilson and American Internationalism, 236. 107 Woodrow Wilson, "The Historian," Essential Writings and Speeches of the Scholar-President, 216, https://www.jstor.org/stable/j.ctt9qfgbg.10. 108 Wilson, The New Freedom, 16. Bailes 27 Early in the war during the period of United States neutrality, Wilson's reasons for remaining neutral stemmed from his belief in the exceptional nature of the American system and his desire for the United States to stay clear of European affairs. Even in American neutrality, Wilson still sought to mediate a peace in Europe because he perceived a chance to spread the democracy of the United States to Europe. Wilson believed that he needed to mediate in the European conflict because "mere terms of peace between the belligerents will not satisfy even the belligerents themselves," and he questioned whether the Entente and Central powers fought "for a just and secure peace, or only for a new balance of power."109 Wilson's peace aims were in sharp contrast to the Allied leaders, which illustrated his emphasis that the United States should mold a post-war Europe, and this tied directly to American Exceptionalism. While the British leadership concerned themselves with imperial interests, the French sought revenge on Germany from the 1870 Franco-Prussian War. Wilson made it clear in his war address that the United States had "no quarrel with the German people."110 Wilson's vision for a post-war world remained focused on a lasting peace rather than what he perceived as selfish imperial gains or senseless revenge. American Exceptionalism formed the foundation for the interventionist foreign policy of the Progressive Era, and it profoundly motivated Wilson as well as the bulk of American society. Diplomatic historian William Appleman Williams details the rise of the United States as a global power. Williams argues that most Americans in the early twentieth-century United States agreed not only with "Wilson's nationalistic outlook," but they also agreed that the nation should serve as an example for the rest of the world.111 As mentioned previously, Miles Dawson contributed 109 Woodrow Wilson, "Essential Terms for Peace in Europe," 393. 110 Woodrow Wilson, "Declaration of War," 401. 111 Williams, The Tragedy of American Diplomacy, 86. Bailes 28 to the July 1917 The Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science to voice the justification of United States intervention in France. In his text, Dawson defined the five uniquely American fundamentals as: 1. The inalienable right of every man to life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness – not as a mere dead saying, but as a living reality. 2. The right of local self-government, within territories possessing or entitled to claim such right, embracing every power of government not expressly granted to the union. 3. The guaranty to each state of a forum for the redress of grievances of one state against another with full power to enforce the verdict of that forum. 4. The guaranty of a republican form of government to each constituent state. 5. The right and duty to maintain the union.112 To thinkers like Dawson, this unique set of traits not only provided United States citizens with a system of government that separated them from the rest of the world, but it inherently gave them a duty to spread the American ideology to the rest of the world. Fundamentally, the idea that the world should take the lead from the United States exemplified the broad theme of American Exceptionalism inspiring AEF actions in the war. With Progressivism and American Exceptionalism at the root of the war effort, the citizen-soldier of the AEF found inspiration in the same rhetoric. Nelson Lloyd described the "melting-pots" of the army cantonment areas in which soldiers who were born outside of the United States "have become true Americans. They have learned the language of America and the ideals of America and have turned willing soldiers in her cause."113 Michael Neiberg argues that a lasting legacy of United States involvement in the war became a unified American mission superseding any cultural allegiance, and "disagreements would no longer be based on ethnicity 112 Dawson, "The Significance of Our Mission in This War," 11. 113 Newson Lloyd, How We Went to War (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1922), 58, https://archive.org/details/howwewenttowar00lloyrich/page/n7/mode/2up. Bailes 29 or religion."114 United States entry into the war gave the American citizen-soldier a reason for fighting to preserve a democratic system in Europe, and Wilson's belief that the United States would play a central role became widespread amongst the ranks of the AEF. Lieutenant Willard Hill of the Transport Division and 94th Aero Pursuit Squadron claimed when hearing of the United States entry into the war "that this war is not over yet and that the U.S. troops will play a very decisive factor."115 The purpose of United States entry into the war inspired an idealism that would unify soldiers and champion a belief that the AEF would save Europe from the autocracy of Imperial Germany. Private Willard Newton of the 105th Engineers, 30th Division, exclaimed his joy during the September offensives by stating, "[a]t last we are at the beginning of a real battle between Prussianism and Democracy! And we are to fight on the side of Democracy that the world may forever be free from the Prussian peril!"116 The sentiments of these soldiers expressed a voice that echoed Wilson's desire to utilize an American army to bring peace to Europe, and Pershing dutifully followed his instructions. Pershing's stubbornness in not giving in to the Allies' request to amalgamate troops remained the most significant source of friction between him and the Allied military leaders. Still, Pershing's belief that the doughboy remained a superior warrior to the French and British soldier intensified Pershing's negative feelings toward his Allied counterparts. Pershing did not hide his views regarding coalitions when he wrote early in his memoirs that "[h]istory is replete with the failures of coalitions and seemed to be repeating itself in the World War."117 Russell Weigley argues that Pershing believed "that only by fighting under American command would 114 Michael S. Neiberg, "Blinking Eyes Began to Open: Legacies from America's Road to the Great War, 1914-1917," Diplomatic History 38, no. 4 (2014): 812, https://doi:10.1093/dh/dhu023. 115 Lieutenant Willard D. Hill (Cleburne, Texas) in American Voices of World War I, 47. 116 Private Willard Newton (Gibson, North Carolina) in American Voices of World War I, 140. 117 Pershing, My Experiences in the World War, vol. 1, 34. Bailes 30 American soldiers retain the morale they needed to fight well."118 This assertion proved incorrect as those American doughboys who fought under French and British command performed extraordinarily.119 David Trask maintains that Pershing's "presumption that the American troops were superior to others in the war helps explain his stubborn insistence on an independent army even during the greatest crisis of the war."120 Although the German Spring Offensives of 1918 put the Allies in desperate need of replacements, Pershing held his ground in resisting amalgamation. He only agreed to temporary amalgamation after much deliberation. Pershing's plan required maintaining a separate and distinct American force if the United States was to play a critical role in defeating Imperial Germany. This plan did not always synchronize with General Foch's overall plan for the Allied strategy for defeating Imperial Germany. Mitchell Yockelson describes an instance in late September 1918 in which a newly established AEF officers' school near Pershing's headquarters pulled a bulk of American officers from the front lines, which "affected the AEF First Army divisions that were about to attack in the Meuse-Argonne operation."121 United States political leadership back home undoubtedly noticed the friction between Pershing and the Allied leaders. David Woodward mentioned that at one point, Wilson and Secretary Baker intervened to plead with Pershing to be more accommodating to the Allies. According to Woodward, "Pershing proved as immovable as ever when it came to wholesale amalgamation and introducing Americans to trench warfare before he deemed them ready for combat."122 118 Weigley, "Pershing and the U.S. Military Tradition," 335. 119 Weigley, 335. 120 Trask, The AEF & Coalition Warmaking, 61. 121 Yockelson, Borrowed Soldiers, 127. 122 Woodward, Trial by Friendship, 168-9. Bailes 31 Pershing's doctrine of "open warfare" proved predicated on a firm belief in the exceptional quality of the American fighting man. In his memoirs, Pershing documented his view that the results of the Battle of the Marne had placed the opposing forces in a trench defensive that had taken away their aggression and ability to fight an offensive battle. Pershing maintained that "victory could not be won by the costly process of attrition, but it must be won by driving the enemy out into the open and engaging him in a war of movement."123 Sergeant-major James Block of the 59th Infantry, 4th Division, wrote after an offensive near Belleau Wood that his troops "had proven to ourselves that we were the Hun's master, even in our present untrained condition. The Hun could not stand before us and battle man to man."124 David Trask argues that Pershing's reliance on the rifle and bayonet under his open warfare doctrine limited the AEF's ability to adapt to the combined arms fight as quickly as did the French and British.125 In his Final Report, Pershing praised the Allied training system that prepared his inexperienced troops for combat on the Western Front. Although he admitted that his soldiers needed to learn from the experiences of the combat tested French and British, he stated that "[t]he long period of trench warfare had so impressed itself upon the French and British that they had almost entirely dispensed with training for open warfare."126 Pershing relied heavily on his infantrymen, and he saw the rifle and the bayonet as the superior weapon. He did not factor advances in the machine gun, tanks, and artillery to integrate all lethal assets onto the battlefield. According to Richard Faulkner, Pershing planned on using his troops – who he believed were 123 Pershing, 151-4. 124 Sergeant-major James W. Block (Marquette, Michigan) in American Voices of World War I, 108. 125 Trask, The AEF & Coalition Warmaking, 19. 126 Pershing, Final Report, 13-5. Bailes 32 better suited for offensive warfare – to "force the Germans from their trenches into open terrain where the Allies' greater resources would then destroy the unprotected enemy army."127 Perhaps nothing exhibited Pershing's obtuse attitude toward his Allied counterparts more than his desire to beat the French in seizing Sedan from the Germans. Pershing outlined his wishes that his "troops should capture Sedan, which the French had lost in a decisive battle in 1870."128 Russell Weigley comments on Pershing's intent "to try to snatch from the French army the honor of recapturing the historic fortress city of Sedan, where the Emperor Napoleon III had surrendered to the Prussians on September 1-2, 1870."129 Sergeant-major Block described the fierce German resistance during the late September Allied offensives. Still, he claimed that "[o]nce the Americans penetrated that line, their advance northward would be comparatively easy. Sedan would fall next."130 The AEF performed well during the offensives in early November, and the crumbling Imperial German army made Sedan easily attainable for either Pershing's Second Army or the Franco-American armies.131 David Trask points out the diplomatic issue that would ensue if Pershing were to "deprive the French army of this honor."132 The new commander of the American First Army, General Liggett, ultimately did not carry out the attack, which undoubtably prevented a political and diplomatic disaster.133 Russell Weigley maintains that Liggett changed plans after "the offended French" updated him of Pershing's plans on November 7.134 The idea that Pershing wished to take away French retribution by giving 127 Faulkner, Pershing's Crusaders, 285. 128 Pershing, My Experiences in the World War, vol. 2, 381. 129 Weigley, "Pershing and the U.S. Military Tradition," 342. 130 Sergeant-major Block in American Voices of World War I, 135. 131 Bruce, A Fraternity of Arms, 282-3. 132 Trask, The AEF & Coalition Warmaking, 174. 133 Trask, 174, 134 Weigley, 343. Bailes 33 his troops a decisive victory and morale boost demonstrated his disconnect from the sentiments of his Allied counterparts. Pershing's belief in the superiority of the American soldier to his French and British counterpart extended to the lower ranks of the AEF. While perhaps sensationalizing his account, Scout Corporal Edward Radcliffe of the 109th Infantry, 28th Division wrote regarding actions around St Agnon "that the French of the 10th or 6th army had fallen back, their officers being shot by our men when they ordered them to retreat."135 In a post-World War I survey, Sergeant Donald Drake Kyler of the 16th Infantry, 1st Division answered a question about what he learned about America and Americans from the war. Sergeant Kyler stated that "Americans are inclined to brag about their systems and accomplishments which may or not be superior to those of other peoples or cultures."136 In many of the accounts of AEF actions in Europe, General Pershing and his doughboys showcased American Exceptionalism. Richard Faulkner devotes a chapter of his text to argue that most of the AEF doughboys perceived inferiority in the French way of life compared to the United States. The majority of white AEF soldiers came away from the war, believing that, in terms of technology as well as general health and welfare, American society remained superior to that of France and England.137 Faulkner makes note that "with the notable exception of the African Americans, the soldiers generally believed that their society was markedly superior to anything they encountered in Europe."138 Sergeant-major Block wrote a letter home to his parents during the post-war occupation period. He wrote of the perception that "Paris makes up for the backwardness of the rest of France."139 135 Corporal Edward Radcliffe in American Voices of World War I, 94. 136 Sergeant Donald Drake Kyler (Fort Thomas, Kentucky) in American Voices of World War I, 196. 137 Faulkner, Pershing's Crusaders, 188-93. 138 Faulkner, 189. 139 Sergeant-major Block in American Voices of World War I, 191. Bailes 34 While the bond formed between the French and British soldiers and the AEF doughboy proved strong, there still seemed to be a sentiment of American superiority amongst the AEF ranks. Tasker H. Bliss, who served as Army Chief of Staff from September 1917 to May 1918, documented the challenge of absent unified Allied command in a 1922 essay. Bliss wrote a detailed piece in which he criticized the lack of a unified Allied mission while praising General Foch and championing his eventual selection as "Allied Commander-in-Chief."140 Bliss condemned the Allied leaders for waiting so long before establishing any sort of unified command, and he argued that for the first years of the war, they fought for their national goals only. Bliss maintained that this hindered United States integration into the war effort as well.141 Charles Pettit wrote an account of his time on the Western Front. Initially serving in the British army, Pettit joined the AEF once they arrived and concluded his 42 months of combat with the Rainbow Division. Pettit commented that "[w]e know why the French and English didn't win the War. They was waiting for us."142 Robert Bruce expands on the relationship between the American and French soldiers during the post-war occupation period. The doughboys believed that the Allied victory had eliminated the threat of autocratic Imperial Germany. At the same time, the French soldiers still demonstrated distrust of the German for fear of a future war. According to Bruce, "Americans did not want to hear about the need to prepare for a future war with Germany. They believed that victory in the Great War and the conversion of Germany to a democracy was enough to end the menace; Americans were unwilling to do more."143 For the AEF doughboy, the United States' actions in the war had saved Europe from the threat of the 140 Tasker H. Bliss, "The Evolution of the Unified Command," Foreign Affairs 1, no. 2 (December 1922): 1-30, https://www.jstor.org/stable/20028211. 141 Bliss, 7-30. 142 Charles A. Pettit in Echoes From Over There: By the Men of the Army and Marine Corps who Fought in France, eds. Craig Hamilton and Louise Corbin (New York City: The Soldiers' Publishing Company, 1919), 107-9. 143 Bruce, A Fraternity of Arms, 289. Bailes 35 Imperial German autocracy. United States' involvement in its first large-scale coalition operation had solidified the dominance of the American soldier and the system for which he fought. The American doughboy contributed significantly to the Allied victory over Imperial Germany. Without American boots on the ground in France, Imperial Germany may have defeated the Allies. Allan Millett argues that Pershing's independent army did not achieve all that Pershing had hoped. Still, Millett maintains that an accurate assessment of the war would be that the "Allies might have lost the war without the American Expeditionary Forces."144 With the Russian withdrawal from the war and Germany's surge in the Western Front in the Spring of 1918, the Allies desperately needed more boots on the ground. AEF actions in Cantigny, Belleau Wood, and the attack on the Hindenburg line proved the value of the doughboys to the Allied victory over Imperial Germany and the Central Powers. Acknowledging the contribution of the American soldier to the Allied victory should remain a critical focus of any study of United States involvement in the war. While the presence of American troops on the ground benefited the Allies and did give Wilson his seat at the post-war peace talks, Pershing did not realize his grand vision of an independent American army crushing Imperial Germany. Bullitt Lowry documents Pershing's desire to capitalize on increasing the United States combat power to continue pressing a weakening German army and deliver a crushing blow.145 The Germans signed the armistice before Pershing could make this happen. While Wilson gained his seat at the peace conference and Pershing did not get his chance to win a tactical victory, the French and British still received their original desires and delivered Germany "harsh armistice terms."146 144 Millett, "Over Where?," 251. 145 Lowry, "Pershing and the Armistice," 286-91. 146 Lowry, 291. Bailes 36 With the eventual collapse of the League of Nations, Wilson never achieved his vision of a new world order for peace. Still, the United States government had established its importance and commenced its entry into the realm of global powers. United States involvement in the First World War helped solidify a national identity as well as establish an American presence on the international stage. Theodore Roosevelt Jr. wrote a letter on May 15, 1919, in which he documented the benefit of the war and what he saw as "Americanizing and democratizing" the soldiers through military service.147 Roosevelt commented that through service in support of the war effort, "love of the men for their country has been deepened, that their sense of real democracy has been sharpened and steadied and that insofar as any possible bad effect goes, the men are more than ever ready and determined to see order and fair play for all."148 In a similar vein, Italian born AEF Sergeant Morini wrote that the war provided him a chance "to make good on my Americanism."149 To Morini, fighting in the war provided him with "the right to the name Yankee all right."150 While the United States' efforts in the war were in support of the Allies, the war became a chance for the nation to claim its identity. A country that had been torn apart by civil war half a century before utilized the war effort to continue to unify and recover its self-proclaimed providence. The war ostensibly became an effort to Americanize its own citizens. The historiography of United States involvement in the First World War presents various arguments. Some historians such as David Trask and Russell Weigley remain critical of General Pershing and his decision making. While some scholarly history shows a narrative less scathing of Pershing, most of the description found in popular history showcases valiant actions of 147 Theodore Roosevelt in Echoes From Over There, 95. 148 Roosevelt, 95. 149 Sergeant Morini in Echoes From Over There, 115. 150 Morini, 115. Bailes 37 Pershing and his efforts in maneuvering the American Expeditionary Forces to achieve victory for the Allies against Imperial Germany. The fact remains that while the doughboys contributed significantly to the Allied victory, they helped the most when they were not fighting Pershing's fight. In his Final Report, Pershing highlights the benefit that the Allies provided to the American forces. In terms of training as well as logistics, the Allies provided the doughboys with the resources they needed to defeat Imperial Germany and the Central Powers effectively.151 Pershing recognized what the Allies had supplied him and his men, but his stubbornness and arrogance still clouded his vision to a degree. While Pershing did build a trusting relationship with the Allied commanders, and his troops were efficient, he did not always operate per their same vision. At times, Pershing's desire to maintain an independent American army superseded his desire to enable the Allied strategy. Pershing strived to meet Wilson's intent of keeping a distinct American command. The question remains if, in carrying out his President's instructions, Pershing prolonged the war and delayed the defeat of the Central Powers. Secondary and primary source literature from the First World War showcases both Wilson's peace aims – which were shaped by his ideology – as well as General Pershing and AEF actions while attempting to remain an independent command in the war. When war broke out in August 1914 in Europe, Wilson tried to mediate a peace while maintaining United States neutrality. When continued trade with the Allies brought the United States into the war in April of 1917, he seized the chance to shape a new world order by establishing an independent American command to defeat Imperial Germany. Primarily because of the Progressive Movement in the United States and the concepts surrounding American Exceptionalism, the American soldier embraced Wilson's ideologies for fighting and fought valiantly to defeat the 151 Pershing, Final Report, 90. Bailes 38 Imperial German autocracy. The Progressive Movement had established itself in American society by the time the citizen-soldier went to war in France, and the principles of American Exceptionalism permeated in virtually every facet of American culture. The American doughboy carried both of these concepts with him to France. Despite Pershing not attaining his decisive blow against the German army, and Wilson not achieving his vision for a new world order, the United States still met a significant amount of Wilson's original intent for entering the war. Wilson's ideologies influenced how the AEF fought in France. As the First World War shaped the United States standing as a global power, it also demonstrated the critical nature of maintaining relationships with coalition partners. Hew Strachan begins the conclusion to his history of the war by stating that "[t]he First World War was a coalition war."152 The American doughboy established a positive relationship with his French and British counterparts. The ability of the American soldier to learn from the experiences of the combat tested Allies, to adapt to the rigors of trench warfare, and to perform well in battle fighting beside his international partners shows the success of the AEF's performance in the nation's first large-scale coalition operation. Despite these successes, the AEF doughboy exhibited American Exceptionalism in the First World War. As the United States built its presence in the international realm over the following century, and the need for maintaining partnerships with allied nations continued to increase, the precedent set by the AEF in the nation's first large-scale coalition operation would be essential. 152 Hew Strachan, The First World War (New York: Viking Penguin, a member of Penguin Group, 2004; New York: Penguin Group, 2013), 303. Bailes 39 Bibliography Secondary Sources Adas, Michael. "Ambivalent Ally: American Military Intervention and the Endgame and Legacy of World War I." Diplomatic History 38 no. 4 (September 2014): 700-712, http://doi.org/10.1093/dh.dhu032. Ambrosius, Lloyd E. Wilsonianism: Woodrow Wilson and His Legacy in American Foreign Relations. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2002. Ambrosius, Lloyd E. Woodrow Wilson and American Internationalism. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2017. Ambrosius, Lloyd E. "World War I and the Paradox of Wilsonianism." 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"Toward an American Philosophy of Command." The Journal of Military History 64, no. 4 (October 2000): 1035-1060. https://www.jstor.org/stable/2677266. Woodford, David R. Trial by Friendship: Anglo-American Relations, 1917-1918. Lexington: The University Press of Kentucky, 1993. Yockelson, Mitchell A. Borrowed Soldiers: Americans Under British Command, 1918. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 2008. Zieger, Robert H. America's Great War: World War I and the American Experience. Oxford: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, Inc., 2000. Bailes 42 Primary Sources Army War College (U.S.) Historical Section. The Genesis of the American First Army. Army War College, 1928. Reprints from the collection of the University of Michigan Library Coppell, TX, 2020. Baker, Newton D. Why We Went to War. New York: Harper & Brothers for Council on Foreign Relations, 1936. Balch, Emily Greene. "The War in Its Relation to Democracy and World Order." The Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 72 (July 1917): 28-31. https://www.jstor.org/stable/1013643. Bliss, Tasker H. "The Evolution of the Unified Command." Foreign Affairs 1, no. 2 (December 1922): 1-30. https://www.jstor.org/stable/20028211. Croly, Herbert. Progressive Democracy. New York: Macmillan, 1914. Second printing in 2006 of new material edition with an introduction by Sidney A. Pearson, Jr. New Brunswick: Transaction Publishers, 1998. Page references are to the 2006 edition. Dawson, Miles M. "The Significance of Our Mission in This War." The Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 72 (July 1917): 10-13. http://www.jstor.com/stable/1013639. Dutton, Samuel T. "The United States and the War." The Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 72 (July 1917): 13-19. http://www.jstor.com/stable/1013640. Echoes From Over There: By the Men of the Army and Marine Corps Who Fought in France. Edited by Craig Hamilton and Louise Corbin. New York City: The Soldiers' Publishing Company, 1919. Evans, Martin Marix, ed. American Voices of World War I: Primary Source Documents 1917-1920. New York: Routledge, 2013. Kindle. Kirchwey, George W. "Pax Americana." The Annals of the American Academy for Political and Social Science 72 (July 1917): 40-48. http://www.jstor.com/stable/1013645. Lippmann, Walter. "The World Conflict in Its Relation to American Democracy." The Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 72 (July 1917): 1-10. https://www.jstor.org/stable/1013638. Lloyd, Newson. How We Went to War. New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1922. https://archive.org/details/howwewenttowar00lloyrich/page/n7/mode/2up. Pershing, John J. Final Report of Gen. John J. Pershing: Commander-in-Chief American Expeditionary Forces.Washington: Government Printing Office, 1919. ———. My Experiences in the World War. 2 vols. New York: Frederick A. Stokes Company, 1931. Bailes 43 Wilson, Woodrow. Essential Writings and Speeches of the Scholar-President. Edited by Mario R. DiNunzio. New York: NYU Press, 2006. https://www.jstor.org/stable/j.ctt9qfgbg.1-18. ———. The New Freedom: A Call For the Emancipation of the Generous Energies of a People. New York and Garden City: Doubleday, Page & Company, 1913. www.philosophical.space/303/Wilson.pdf.
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This post is illustrated by some of the promo work I have done for the bookI have commented before, more than once even, that the intersection of Spinoza and Marx is less a position, something like Spinozist Marxism, than a field of intersecting problems and questions. In some sense it is possible to even map out the way in which different Marxists draw from different elements of Marx (and Spinoza) creating different articulations of the relations which intersect with different problems in the critique of capitalism. For Louis Althusser the important parts of Spinoza are the critique of the imagination (found in the Appendix to Part One of the Ethics), the theory of the different types of knowledge (IIP40Schol), as well as "God is the immanent, not the transitive cause of all things" (IIP18). Of course such a list begins to reflect divisions and tensions in Althusser's writing: the imagination is integral to his theory of ideology, immanent causality to his understanding of structure and the mode of production, while the different types of knowledge persists throughout Althusser's writing as a kind of philosophy of philosophical practice. While for Frédéric Lordon the central thesis of Spinoza is less epistemological or ontological than it is anthropological. It is the centrality of desire, "as the very essence of man, insofar as it is determined from any affection, to do something," coupled with the fundamental misrecognition of that desire, the fundamental illusion of a free choice which leads the infant to believe it freely wants milk, and more to the point, the worker to believe that he or she freely wants to work. For Etienne Balibar the central thesis is perhaps Proposition 37 of Part IV of the Ethics, and more importantly its two demonstrations which map out the constitution of a real, or rational, and imagined, or affective basis of sociality. We could also flip this formulation, asking not what aspect, or proposition from Spinoza plays a central role, but what problem from Marx. Ideology can already be seen to be the answer in the case of Althusser (and a different way in Lordon and Balibar), while for Antonio Negri the connection passes through production, through the question of what does it mean to think of history and society as something that is produced and reproduced through our action and lives. A different focus on labor, or praxis can be found in André Tosel, whose work is an attempt to think through what it means to think of praxis as poeisis and poeisis as praxis, making as doing and doing as making. This Marxist problem if fundamentally informed by the Spinozist idea that every finite thing, every mode, acts, or rather operates in and through other modes.The list goes on, and one could map out a whole set of definitions of Spinozist Marxism which would be different intersections of propositions and problems from each. The question I have been thinking about is given this field in which every position has already in some sense been occupied how is it possible to make a new intervention. Or put differently what particular proposition and what particular problem does The Double Shift: Spinoza and Marx on the Politics of Work articulate, or think together. If I had to pick one I would say that it is the famous, or infamous Proposition 7 from Part Two, "The the order and connection of ideas is the same as the order and connection of things." Of course this claim is something that every interpretation of Spinoza must ultimately wrestle with, and one could chart out the various neo-Spinozisms in terms of how they make sense of the identity and difference of things and ideas, bodies and minds. To be more specific I would say that it is a matter of thinking this as a formulation of ideology. As I write in the book, "...Grasped in terms of a post-Spinozist social theory, it is possible to argue that Spinoza's formulation can productively paired with Marx's assertion of the identity of consciousness and life. Ideas and the imagination, like bodies and desires, must be grasped in terms of both of their internal striving, their consistency, and of their finitude, their determination. Contrary to a long-standing bias in the history of philosophy to treat ideas and things as two fundamentally different orders of reality, Spinoza posits a fundamental identity of thought and existence—, an identity that, paradoxically, makes it possible to grasp their points of divergence and intersection. Of course, as I have already argued, the very idea of ideology necessarily presupposes a difference as well as an identity; in order to be the ruling ideas, the concepts and narratives that rule ideas must be different from the experience and conditions they rule over in order to be the ruling ideas, but, at the same time, they must be produced by those conditions. There is a limited efficacy of true ideas insofar as they are true; ideas do not have effects on their own, but require conditions in order to exist and be disseminated. Spinoza's assertion regarding true ideas can be understood as a mirror image of Marx's claim regarding ideology. As Étienne Balibar describes the structure of ideology in The German Ideology,"The ideological mechanism, which can equally be read as a social process, will come to be seen as an astonishing conversion of impotence into domination: the abstraction of consciousness, which is an expression of consciousness's incapacity to act in reality … becomes the source of power precisely because it is "'autonomized." Contrary to his critical contemporaries, such as Feuerbach and Stirner, who believed in the power of ideas, and thus the weapon of criticism, Marx underscores that ideas only have power, only have effects, under particular material conditions that give some no time to think and others the means to spread and disseminate their ideas. Ideas have a causality that is not derived not from them as ideas, but from the social relations that produce and circulate them."First this has to be thought of in terms of identity, ideas are nothing other than the existing relation between things, the different material relations expressed differently. In other words, to quickly allude to something that the book develops over a few pages, the idea that there is ethical and moral worth to work, that have "grind" mindset, are the key to not only material success but spiritual worth as well, is nothing other than the material conditions, precarity, gig economy, and so on, rendered in ideal or conceptual forms. A person who feels that their self value and self worth can be measured in terms of how much they work is nothing other than the consciousness of labor power itself. In other words, the order and connection of ideology is the same as the order and connection of exploitation. Just as Spinoza argues that desire is nothing other than an idea of our appetite, the body's needs in mental form, our ideas about work, which make it the key to worth and self-value, are nothing other than our position within the economy in material form. (This is something central to another Marxist/Spinozist thinker, Franck Fischbach, who has argued that the conditions of intellectual life are the same as that of material life. As Fischbach writes, "If it is true that 'the production of ideas, of ideas, representations and consciousness (...) is the language of real life" then the production of ideologies, of inadequate representations, is the language of life incomplete, inadequate, and mutilated." Mind and body are two different ways of grasping the same thing.
Such a formulation seems crude, deterministic, and in some sense more vulgar than the most vulgar of materialisms; it posits us all as spiritual automatons whose thoughts and ideas do nothing more than express, in a different attribute, what is already given in our material condition, in the relations of bodies. Things are complicated quite a bit by subsequent propositions which assert that only a body can affect or determine a body and only an idea can affect or determine an idea. The assertion of identity, ideas and things, mind and body, as two different ways of looking at the same thing, has as it paradoxical corollary the assertion of difference, mind and body as two fundamentally different ways of acting and reacting, each with their own causal orders and connections that are entirely independent. This is a particular dense metaphysical knot of identity and difference, but I am more interested in how it plays out practically, politically, as a way of thinking about ideas and bodies, base and superstructure Much could be said about the way this plays out in Spinoza's text, especially in Part IV of the Ethics, to underscore the limited efficacy of the true insofar as it is true, of the way in which ideas cannot change the world without becoming lived in bodies. As I argue in the book (following Tosel) Spinoza's formulation makes it possible to think of the particular double determination of ideas and bodies. That each are in some sense determined by being reflections of the same thing, the same relations, but are also determined in a particular manner by other ideas or other bodies. In other words, returning to the problem of the book, as much as the centrality of work as that which give people meaning and value can be understood to be just capitalism rendered into an idea it is also an effect of a long series of transformations within the realm of ideas from the protestant revolution onward. To put it bluntly the response to the long debate between Marx and Weber, between material determination and cultural history, is quite simply, "Why Not Both." Although to be honest I am more interested in the way this makes it possible to understand the present than debates in intellectual history. "via GIPHYTo quote The Double Shift again: "As I have argued, these two aspects are, in some sense, two different ways of looking at the same thing, the same social relation, grasped in terms of bodies and their coordination and minds and their automation. However, they also function in different ways of understanding the orientation of desire. In the first, it is imposed through necessity; as selling one's labor power becomes the only condition of survival, living is aligned with making a living through wage labor. Wage labor appears to be the only way to make a living because all other ways are effaced. The constraints of society appear less as particular institutions, regimes of accumulation, and social relations, but as the way things must be; their historicity and contingency are effaced in the present order. This structural condition is supplemented by an ideological dimension insisting that not only that one must one identify with their job, find their passion in their labor, but that such a condition is also to be actively desired. Having to work, to dedicate oneself entirely to work, is presented twice, as it were—once as a necessary condition for survival and the second time as aspiration integral to one's identity. To frame it according to the division of work and action, we could argue that work is defined as both production and action, both as the constraint of necessity tied to survival and something freely undertaken to identify and distinguish oneself. The particular double determination in capitalist society is one in which work vacillates between a necessary fact of life to an object of desire, from making a living to finding meaning. The often-asked question, "What do you do for a living?" vacillates between these two senses; at once,, it indicates something of necessity, of one's economic situation, and freedom, one's supposedly chosen path in life. It is both what one has to do and who one is. Work as necessity and work as subjectivity, as body and as mind, do not just coexist as two different ways of grasping the same thing, but are subject to their own logic of alternation as material necessity and ideological meaning reinforce and also undermine each other." Double determination makes it possible to think at once of our particular "bondage," to use Spinoza's term, caught both in a set of material relations, namely capitalism, that reduce us to labor power, and intellectual traditions which express the same conditions through the ideological terms of morality, responsibility, and individuality. Transformation entails transforming each. There is a limited efficacy of criticism so long as it just remains criticism (of course the corollary is that there a limited efficacy of practice as practice). It is a matter of linking together the transformation of material conditions and intellectual concepts, or, what people used to call Praxis. Updated 6/16/24
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Anyone who has ever taken or taught a philosophy class is familiar with the claim "[Blank] is subjective" in which the [Blank] in question could be anything from literary interpretations to ethical norms. This response effectively ends any and all cultural and philosophical discussion, which is why it is so aggravating. One response is to argue against this claim, to point out that not every interpretation of a poem, novel, or film, is authorized, that there are better or worse interpretations, with respect to cultural version. With respect to the ethical or political arguments it is tempting to point out that the very existence of ethics, of society, presupposes norms that are shared as well as debated and challenged.What if we took a different perspective? Instead of arguing against this view, ask the question of its conditions. To offer a criticism in the Marxist sense. By Marxist sense I mean specifically the criticism that Marx offers of idealism, of philosophy, in The German Ideology. In that text Marx gives the conditions of how it is that the world appears so upside down that ideas and their criticism rather than material conditions drive and determine history. So we could ask a similar question, how has subjectivity, subjective opinion and perspective, has come to appear as so prevalent and powerful. How did we come to live under the reign of subjectivity?In a move that will surprise no one who has read this blog that I find a useful starting point for answering this question Frank Fischbach's book Marx with Spinoza. In that text Fischbach argues that rather than seen alienation as an alienation from subjectivity, a reduction of a subject to an object, it is subjectivity itself that is an alienation, an alienation from objectivity, a privation of the world. As Fischbach argues:"The reduction of human beings, by this abstraction, from natural and living beings to the state of 'subjects' as owners of a socially average labour power indicates at the same time the completion of their reduction to a radical state of impotence: for the individual to be conceived and to conceive of itself as a subject it is necessary that it see itself withdrawn and subtracted from the objective conditions of its natural activity; in other words, it is necessary that 'the real conditions of living labour' (the material worked on, the instruments of labour and the means of subsistence which 'fan the flames of the power of living labour') become 'autonomous and alien existences'"And also: "This is why we interpret Marx's concept of alienation not as a new version of a loss of the subject in the object, but as a radically new thought, of the loss of the essential and vital objects for an existence that is itself essentially objective and vital....Alienation is not therefore the loss of the subject in the object it is the loss of object for a being that is itself objective. But the loss of proper objects and the objectivity of its proper being is also the loss of all possible inscription of one's activity in objectivity, it is the loss of all possible mastery of objectivity, as well as other effects: in brief, the becoming subject is essentially a reduction to impotence. The becoming subject or the subjectivation of humanity is thus inseparable according to Marx from what is absolutely indispensable for capitalism, the existence of a mass of "naked workers"—that is to say pure subjects possessors of a perfectly abstract capacity to work—individual agents of a purely subjective power of labor and constrained to sell its use to another to the same extent that they are totally dispossessed of the entirety of objective conditions (means and tools of production, matter to work on) to put to effective work their capacity to work."At the basis of subjectivity, of subjectivity understood as an abstract and indifferent capacity, there is the indifferent capacity of labor power. Behind the figure of the subject there is the worker. I have already argued elsewhere on this blog that this reading of the Marx/Spinoza connection could be understood as one which reflects and critically addressed our contemporary situation in which subjecitivity, a subjectivity understood as potential and capacity, is seen as the condition of our freedom rather than our subjection. What Fischbach suggests through a reading of Marx and Spinoza that such capacity, capacity abstracted and separated from the material conditions of its emergence and activity, can only really be impotence. Just as a worker cut off from the conditions of labor is actually poverty, a subject cut off from the conditions of its actualization is impotence. What now I find provocative about this analysis is that if we think of it as a general schema in which an objective relation, a relation to objects but also others, is transformed into a subjective potential or capacity it is possible to argue that the constitution of subjectivity through labor power is only one such transformation, and that the current production of subjectivity is itself the product of several successive revolutions in which subjective potentials displace objective relations. One could also talk about the creation of subjectivity as buying power, as a pure capacity to purchase. I know that criticisms of consumer society from the fifties and sixties today seem moralistic and often passé. I am thinking here of Baudrillard, Debord, Lefebvre, and of course Horkheimer and Adorno. It is worth remembering, however, that some of the early critics were less interested in moralizing criticisms of materialism as they were in this kind of constitution of subjectivity. As Jean Baudrillard wrote in The Consumer Society, 'It is difficult to grasp the extent to which the current training in systematic, organized consumption is the equivalent and extension, in the twentieth century, of the great nineteenth-century long process of the training of rural populations for industrial work.'One person who continued such an an analysis is Bernard Stiegler. Stiegler even uses the same word, "proletarianization" to describe both the loss of skills and knowledge by the worker and the loss of skills and knowledge by the consumer. As I wrote in The Politics of Transindividuality:"At first glance, the use of the term proletarianisation to describe the transindividuation of the consumer would seem to be an analogy with the transformation of the labour process: if proletarianisation is the loss of skills, talents, and knowledge until the worker becomes simply interchangeable labour power, then the broader proletarianisation of daily life is the loss of skills, knowledge, and memory until the individual becomes simply purchasing power. Stiegler's use of proletarianisation is thus simultaneously broader and more restricted than Marx, broader in that it is extended beyond production to encompass relations of consumption and thus all of life, but more restricted in that it is primarily considered with respect to the question of knowledge. The transfer of knowledge from the worker to the machine is the primary case of proletarianisation for Stiegler, becoming the basis for understanding the transfer of knowledge of cooking to microwaveable meals and the knowledge of play from the child to the videogame. Stiegler does not include other dimensions of Marx's account of proletarianisation, specifically the loss of place, of stability, with its corollary affective dimension of insecurity and precariousness. On this point, it would be difficult to draw a strict parallel between worker and consumer, as the instability of the former is often compensated for by the desires and satisfactions of the latter. Consumption often functions as a compensation for the loss of security, stability, and satisfaction of work, which is not to say that it is not without its own insecurities especially as they are cultivated by advertising."For the most part Stiegler considers this deskilling to take place in the automation of the knowledge and skill that makes up daily life. Everything from cooking to knowing how to navigate one's own city is now more or less hardwired into precooked meals and the ubiquitous smartphone. Other cultural critics have pointed to the general deskilling of daily life through the decline of repair, tinkering, and mending. The effect of all this is to change the consumer from someone who buys things based on knowledge and familiarity to a pure expression of buying power, an abstract potential. Just as the worker is separated from the means of production, from the objective conditions of their labor to be the subjective capacity to work, the consumer is separated from the knowledge to consume to become a personification of buying power. As with work the conditions to realize this buying power are outside the control of the consumer. We do not decide what to buy based on our knowledge of our needs and desires but on what is advertised to us as a need or desire.As much as the worker and consumer are opposed, making up two sides of economic relations under capitalism, they are unified, connected in the tendency to transform work to abstract labor power and consumption into abstract buying power. While abstract subjectivity is how these two sides of the capitalist economic relation function it is not how they are lived. They are lived as profoundly individual, subjective in the conventional sense of the word. What one does for a living is in some sense considered to be one's identity: "What do you do?" is in some sense equivalent to "Who are You?" Being reduced to abstract labor power, to capacity for work, is lived as a concrete and highly individualized condition, as my particular job and career. If for any one of the myriad reasons what one does is inadequate to constitute an identity, remains just a day job, then consumption or the commodity form steps in to supply the necessary coordinates for an identity. From this perspective we can chart not only the historical progression of the two identities, but also the structural similarities. With respect to the first, consumer society, consumption, and the myriad possibilities to construct an identity through consumption, comes after the worker, after the formation of capitalism. Any attempt to read Marx's Capital for consumer society, for the common sense understanding of commodity fetishism as the overvaluing of commodities, is going to have a hard time navigating the dull world of linen, coats, corn and coal. The consumer comes after the worker. However, it is also possible to see a similarity of a structural condition. In both case subjectivity is abstracted from, or separated from, objectivity, from not just objects, but objective spirit, in Hegel's sense, institutions, norms, and structures. This abstraction is lived as a highly individualized identity, in some sense work and consumption form the basis of individuality as such. However, it only has effects, only functions in the aggregate. As a worker one only has effects, both in terms of the creation of value, and in terms of any disruption of exploitation, as part of a collective. The same could be said for consumerism, even though it is through consumerism that we are encouraged to believe that we can have ethical effects as individuals, green consumerism, cruelty free products, etc. Consumers only matter as a mass, at an economy of scale, even in the age of niche marketing. This can be seen in the impotent attempts to bring back cancelled products, or to change corporate strategies through boycotts. The only demands that make sense to corporations are those that are already effective in terms of buying power. I am wondering if one can see a similar structure of abstract/individual subjectivity in other aspects of society. I am thinking of politics, in which individuals are abstracted from any real connection to their communities and societies only to be constituted as "voting power," an abstract aggregate that is lived as a highly individualized identity. I will have to think more about that one. My point here is to connect the often asserted claim "that everything is subjective" back to its material conditions, to the production of subjectivity in both work and the reproduction of everyday life, production and consumption. It is not just a matter of a bad reading of Nietzsche that is behind such claims, although it is often that as well, but an effect in the sphere of ideas and discussion of what is already at work in the sphere of production. Abstract subjectivity is a material condition before it is an intellectual interpretation. The thread running through both is connection between power and impotence. If everything is subjective then I can offer any interpretation, create my own moral code whole cloth, live as I prefer, but if everything is subjective then I can do very little, nothing at all to alter or change anything. This is the fundamental point of intersection between Marx and Spinoza, subjectivity, individual subjectivity, is not the zenith of our freedom and power, it is the nadir of our subjection. Updated 4/15/24I happened to be rereading Tiqqun's Introduction to Civil War which offers the following on this last point, on the political subject as a subject constituted in alienation. As they write:"In order to become a political subject in the modern State, each body must submit to the machinery that will make it such; it must begin by casting aside its passions (now inappropriate), its tastes (now laughable), its penchants (now contingent), endowing itself instead with interests, which are much more presentable and, even better, representable. In this way, in order to become a political subject each body must first carry out its own autocastration as an economic subject. Ideally, the political subject will be reduced to nothing more than a pure vote, a pure voice."Tiqqun offers an expression of this idea, and in doing so captures what I was starting to think about before. However, they also offer me some reservations, especially in their tendency towards deriving an ontological or existential situation from a social condition. As with work and consumption, the pure subjectivity, the pure labor, buying, or voting power, is presented as the zenith of a kind of power, a capacity, maximize your labor power, express your preferences with consumer choices, and, most absurdly, vote harder, but this power is entirely determined by the existing labor conditions, market relations, and political structures.
Eine nachhaltige Entwicklung bedeutet eine dauerhaft mögliche Entwicklung innerhalb des ökologischen Erdsystems. Durch das weltweite Bevölkerungswachstum, den ansteigenden Wohlstand und nicht-nachhaltige Lebensweisen drohen die ökologischen Belastungsgrenzen unsere Erde jedoch überschritten zu werden bzw. wurden teilweise bereits überschritten. Dies hat zur Folge, dass nachfolgende wie auch parallel existierende Generationen nicht die gleichen Möglichkeiten zur Erfüllung ihrer Bedürfnisse haben, wie die heute in den Industriestaaten lebenden. Die landwirtschaftliche Erzeugung trägt dabei einen bedeutenden Teil zu dieser Bedrohung und Überschreitung der planetaren Grenzen bei, denn insbesondere der hohe und weiter ansteigende Konsum von tierischen Produkten weltweit hat zahlreiche ökologisch, jedoch auch sozial und gesundheitlich nachteilige Folgen. Einer der grundlegenden problematischen Aspekte tierischer Produkte ist der hohe Energieverlust im Laufe des Veredlungsprozesses von pflanzlichen Futtermitteln zu Fleisch- und Milchprodukten. Die Folge sind große intensiv genutzte Landwirtschaftsflächen, die notwendig sind, um jene Futtermittel zu produzieren. Dies führt zu Biodiversitätsverlusten, Treibhausgasemissionen, Landraub und gesundheitlichen Problemen aufgrund des Pestizidgebrauchs. Weitere Konsequenzen eines hohen Konsums tierischer Produkte umfassen einen hohen Wasserbedarf, Flächenkonkurrenzen zwischen dem direkten Lebensmittel- und dem Futtermittelanbau, aber auch den ethisch bedenklichen Umgang mit Tieren sowie Gefahren für die menschliche Gesundheit, z. B. koronare Herzerkrankungen und Antibiotikaresistenzen. Begründet liegt dieser hohe und weiter wachsende Konsum tierischer Produkte in persönlichen, sozialen, ökonomischen und politischen sowie strukturellen Faktoren, wobei in vorliegender Arbeit auf den durch die westeuropäische Kultur geprägten Menschen fokussiert wird. Persönliche und soziale Hindernisse für einen reduzierten Konsum tierischer Lebensmittel liegen insbesondere in einem fehlenden Wissen, dem psychologischen Phänomen der kognitiven Dissonanz, mangelnder Achtsamkeit sowie dem Druck sozialer Normen. Wirtschaftspolitische und strukturelle Hindernisse umfassen eine wachstumsorientierte Ökonomie, fehlende Preisanreize für einen nachhaltigen Konsum sowie eine Infrastruktur, die den Konsum tierischer Produkte begünstigt. Nichtregierungsorganisationen (NRO) als Teil des sog. Dritten Sektors, neben der Wirtschaft und der Politik, und als Vertreterinnen der Gesellschaft sind essentielle Akteurinnen in nationalen und internationalen Gestaltungsprozessen. Sie werden zumeist von der Gesellschaft oder zumindest Teilen der Gesellschaft unterstützt und können durch Öffentlichkeitsarbeit und andere Maßnahmen auf politische und ökonomische Protagonisten Druck ausüben. Somit sind NRO als potentielle Schnittstelle zwischen Gesellschaft, Politik und Wirtschaft vielversprechende Einrichtungen um den Konsum tierischer Produkte zu senken. Aufgrund der o. g. multidimensionalen Auswirkungen des hohen Konsums tierischer Produkte, haben insbesondere NRO, die die Ziele Umweltschutz, Ernährungssicherung, Tierschutz und Gesundheitsförderung verfolgen, potentiell Interesse an einer Reduktion des Fleisch-, Milch- und Eikonsums. Studien über NRO in Schweden, Kanada und den USA weisen jedoch darauf hin, dass Umweltorganisationen sich in ihrer Arbeit für eine Begrenzung des Klimawandels nur in begrenztem Umfang für eine pflanzenbetonte Ernährungsweise einsetzen. Aufgrund der o. g. mehrdimensionalen Folgen eines hohen Konsums tierischer Lebensmittel weitet vorliegende Arbeit den Erhebungsumfang aus und umfasst die Untersuchung von deutschen Umwelt-, Welternährungs-, Gesundheits- und Tierschutzorganisationen in Hinblick auf deren Einsatz für eine Reduktion des Fleisch-, Milch- und Eikonsums. Die Erhebung umfasst die Untersuchung von 34 der wichtigsten deutschen NRO mittels Material- und Internetseitenanalyse, vertiefende leitfadengestützte Expert*inneninterviews mit 24 NRO sowie eine Fokusgruppendiskussion zur Ergebniskontrolle, wobei das zentrale Element dabei die Expert*inneninterviews darstellen. Insgesamt entspricht der Forschungsprozess der Grounded Theory Methodologie (GTM), einem ergebnisoffenen, induktiven Vorgehen. Die Forschungsfragen umfassen neben der Analyse des aktuellen Umfangs des Einsatzes für eine pflanzenbetonte Ernährungsweise insbesondere die Einflussfaktoren auf diesen Umfang sowie die umgesetzten Handlungsstrategien für eine Reduktion des Konsums tierischer Lebensmittel. Entsprechend der GTM steht am Ende des Forschungsprozesses vorliegender Arbeit ein Modell, das die Erkenntnisse in einer verdichteten Kernkategorie zusammenfasst. Als zentrales Ergebnis der Erhebung kann das 'Modell der abwägenden Bestandssicherung' gesehen werden. Es weist, in Übereinstimmung mit der Literatur, darauf hin, dass NRO als Teil der Gesellschaft von der Außenwelt abhängig sind, d. h. von ihren Mitgliedern und staatlichen wie privaten Geldgeber*innen, aber auch von parallel agierenden NRO, Medien und gesellschaftlichen Entwicklungen. Dies kann unter der Überschrift der 'Einstellung relevanter Interessensgruppen' zur Thematik der tierischen Lebensmittel gefasst werden. Auf der anderen Seite steht die 'Einstellung der Mitarbeitenden' einer NRO, da die Themenaufnahme der Problematik eines hohen Fleisch-, Milch- und Eikonsums auch davon abhängt, welche Bedeutung die Mitarbeitenden dieser Thematik zusprechen und inwiefern sie bereit sind sie in das Maßnahmenportfolio aufzunehmen. Wenn sowohl die Interessensgruppen als auch die Mitarbeitenden einer NRO der Themenaufnahme befürwortend gegenüber gestellt sind, so ist ein umfassender Einsatz für eine Reduktion des Konsums tierischer Lebensmittel von dieser NRO zu erwarten. Dies trifft in vorliegender Erhebung vorwiegend auf Tierschutzorganisationen und einige Umweltorganisationen zu. Der gegenteilige Fall einer fehlenden Thematisierung tierischer Produkte tritt ein, wenn weder relevante Interessensgruppen, noch die Mitarbeitenden einer NRO die Themenaufnahme befürworten oder als dringlich erachten. Dies kann insbesondere bei Welternährungs- und Gesundheitsorganisationen beobachtet werden. Wenn die Mitarbeitenden einer NRO die Thematisierung der Problematik tierischer Lebensmittel befürworten, die relevanten Interessensgruppen jedoch ablehnend gegenüber derartigen Maßnahmen stehen, ist eine zurückhaltende Thematisierung zu erwarten, die sich auf Informationstexte bspw. auf den Internetseitenauftritten der NRO beschränkt. Dies ist v. a. bei Umwelt- und Welternährungsorganisationen erkennbar. Der vierte Fall, dass die Interessensgruppen einer NRO für eine Reduktion des Konsums tierischer Produkte eintreten würden, nicht jedoch die Mitarbeitenden der NRO, konnte in vorliegender Erhebung nur in Ansätzen bei Umweltorganisationen beobachtet werden. Der Hauptgrund, warum NRO, insbesondere Welternährungs- und Gesundheitsorganisationen, die Problematik des hohen Konsums tierischer Produkte nicht oder nur in geringem Umfang aufnehmen, liegt in der o. g. Abhängigkeit der NRO von öffentlichen Geldgeber*innen, wie auch von privaten Spender*innen und Mitgliedern ('Einstellung relevanter Interessensgruppen'). Weitere Faktoren umfassen bspw. die Arbeitsteilung wie auch den Wettbewerb zwischen NRO, insofern dass auf andere NRO verwiesen wird und Nischen für eigene Themen gesucht werden. Neben den Gründen für den Umfang der Thematisierung des hohen Konsums tierischer Lebensmittel wurden auch Strategien erfragt, die die NRO anwenden um denselben zu senken. Hierbei wurde insbesondere die Öffentlichkeitsarbeit in verschiedenen Ausrichtungen genannt und als sehr wirksam eingeschätzt. Vor allem emotional ausgerichtete, positiv formulierte, zielgruppenspezifische und anschaulich dargestellte Kampagnen können als effektiv eingeschätzt werden. Auch politische oder juristische Maßnahmen, wie Lobbyismus oder Verbandsklagen werden von den NRO durchgeführt, wobei die befragten NRO auf der bundespolitischen Ebene derzeit kaum Potential sehen Änderungen herbeizuführen; auf Regionen- oder Länderebene jedoch realistischere Einflussmöglichkeiten sehen. Als nächste Schritte für NRO im Sinne einer (verstärkten) Thematisierung der Problematik tierischer Lebensmittel können folgende Maßnahmen geraten werden: • Eine Erhebung der Meinung von Mitgliedern und Spender*innen zu der o. g. Themenaufnahme in das Maßnahmenportfolio der jeweiligen NRO. Dies ist insbesondere bei NRO sinnvoll, die unsicher über die Reaktion ihrer Mitglieder und Spender*innen auf einen Einsatz für eine Reduktion des Konsums tierischer Produkte sind. • Eine Prüfung von alternativen Finanzierungsmöglichkeiten, die eine Abhängigkeit von staatlichen Geldern verringern. Hierdurch würde der Bedeutung von NRO als Teil des Dritten Sektors neben Politik und Wirtschaft gerecht und die Einflussmöglichkeiten auf dieselben erhöht. • Eine vermehrte Kooperation zwischen NRO innerhalb einer Disziplin und zwischen Disziplinen, sodass bspw. im Rahmen eines Netzwerkes aufeinander verwiesen werden kann. Dies ermöglicht die Einhaltung der jeweiligen Organisationsphilosophien und Kernkompetenzen trotz Zusammenarbeit mit NRO, die andere Herangehensweisen an die Förderung einer pflanzenbetonten Ernährungsweise verfolgen. Zudem ermöglicht diese Netzwerkbildung eine erhöhte Wettbewerbsfähigkeit mit dem ökonomischen und politischen Sektor. • Die Anerkennung der Handlungsfähigkeit von NRO als Pionierinnen des Wandels. Als Dritter Sektor neben der Politik und Wirtschaft kommt NRO eine große Bedeutung in der Beeinflussung gesellschaftlicher Prozesse, insbesondere auf zwischenstaatlicher Ebene zu. Auch komplexe Themen und, angesichts der Überschreitung der planetaren Grenzen, dringliche weltumfassende Themen können von kleinen, regionalen NRO aufgegriffen werden. • Die Fortführung von bewährten Maßnahmen zur Reduktion des Konsums tierischer Produkte, wie verschiedene Formen der Öffentlichkeitsarbeit, kann als sinnvoll erachtet werden. Hinzu können neue Inhalte genommen werden, wie bspw. die Förderung eines achtsamen Konsumstils durch naturnahe Lernorte. Für eine Umsetzung wissenschaftlicher Erkenntnisse zu Verhaltensänderungen hinsichtlich nachhaltiger Konsumstile ist eine verstärkte Zusammenarbeit mit Forschungseinrichtungen sinnvoll. Diese Erkenntnisse hinsichtlich der Gründe für eine Thematisierung der Problematik tierischer Produkte durch NRO lassen sich evtl. auch auf andere Themen übertragen, die von NRO aufgegriffen werden können, wie bspw. die Kritik an Flugreisen. Zudem ist es denkbar, dass die auf Deutschland beschränkte Analyse auch auf weitere, insbesondere westlich geprägte Länder übertragen werden kann. ; Sustainable development facilitates a permanently pursuable development which is within the ecological earth system. Through the worldwide population growth, the increasing wealth and unsustainable lifestyles the ecological limits are about to be or are already exceeded, so that future generations as well as parallel living generations haven't got the same possibilities to meet their needs as those living in current developed nations. Agricultural production contributes a high share to this threat to and exceedance of planetary boundaries, as in particular the high and further increasing consumption of animal source products has numerous ecological but also social and health consequences. One of the basic problematic aspects of animal source products is the high energy loss during the processing from plant animal feed to meat and dairy products. As a result large intensively used agricultural areas are necessary to feed animals leading to biodiversity loss, greenhouse gas emissions, land grabbing and health problems due to pesticide usage. Furthermore, high water usage, competition between food and fodder, as well as inhumane treatment of animals, and threats to human health by e.g. coronary heart diseases and antibiotic resistance are consequences of a meat-rich diet. Reasons for this high and increasing animal product consumption include personal, social, economic and political as well as structural factors, whereby in the thesis at hand the focus lies on people which are shaped by a Western European culture. Personal and social barriers to a reduced consumption of animal source food mainly include a lack of knowledge, the psychological phenomenon of cognitive dissonance, a lack of consciousness as well as the pressure of social norms. Political and economic barriers comprise the growth-oriented economy, a lack of price incentives for a sustainable consumption as well as an infrastructure which facilitates the consumption of animal source products. Non-governmental organizations (NGOs) as part of the so called Third Sector, besides politics and economy, and representatives of the society are a vital player in national and international governance. They are mostly supported by the society or at least by parts of it and can put pressure on political and economical protagonists through public relations activities and other means. Thus, NGOs as potential interface between society, politics and economy are one promising player for reducing animal product consumption. Due to the above named multidimensional consequences of a high consumption of animal source products especially NGOs targeting to protect the environment, improve the world nutrition situation, care for animal ethics and enhance the health status are potentially interested to reduce the consumption of meat, dairy and eggs. However, according to previous studies in Sweden, Canada and the U.S., there is a limited degree of engagement in encouraging reduced meat consumption of environmental NGOs in light of climate change. Due to the multidimensional consequences of animal source products in the thesis at hand the coverage of analysis is extended and includes the investigation of German environmental, food security, health and animal welfare organizations regarding their commitment to a reduced consumption of animal products. Research consists of a material analysis of 34 NGOs, 24 expert interviews with NGO staff and a focus group discussion testing the preliminary results of the interviews, whereby the central element is the expert interviews. Overall the research process complies with the Grounded Theory Methodology (GTM), which is an inductive procedure without fixed expectations regarding the results. In particular, the research questions include, besides the analysis of the current scope of the commitment to a plant-based nutrition, the influencing factors on this scope as well as the kind of strategies of action for a reduced consumption of animal source products. In accordance to the GTM a new model has been developed as final result of the research process which summarizes the findings in a compact core category. As central result of the research the 'model of the weighing of existence-securing' can be presented. In compliance with previous literature it indicates that NGOs as part of the society are dependent on their environment, i. e. on their members as well as public and private funders, but also on parallel existing NGOs, the media and societal developments. This can be summarized under the headline 'attitude of relevant stakeholders' to the theme of animal source products. On the other side, the 'attitude of the staff' of a NGO can be named as influencing factor, as the thematisation of the problematic of the high animal product consumption is also dependent on the importance which is awarded to this topic by the staff members and in how far they are ready to include the topic in their portfolio of action. In case of the support of the topic by both the stakeholders and the staff members of a NGO, a comprehensive thematisation of the problematic of animal source products can be expected from the respective NGO. In the investigation at hand, this is mainly true for animal welfare and environmental organisations. The contradictory case of no thematisation occurs if neither relevant stakeholders nor the staff members of a NGO support the urgency and thematisation of the reduced animal product consumption. This case can be observed mainly for food security and health organisations. If staff members of a NGO are in favour of the thematisation of the problematic of animal source products, but the stakeholders reject such measures, a restrained thematisation can be expected, which is limited to information texts e. g. on the website of the respective NGO. This is mainly for some environmental and food security organization observable. The fourth case, in which stakeholders are in favour of the thematisation, but staff members aren't, is merely true for some environmental organisation in the analysis at hand. The main reason for a restrained plaid for a reduced consumption of animal source products, mainly by food security and environmental organisations, can be detected in the dependence on financial means from the government, donors and members ('attitude of relevant stakeholders'). But there are also factors like the division of responsibility and the competition between NGOs which impede an engagement in reducing animal product consumption, as NGOs refer to other NGOs or are search for own thematic niches. Besides the reasons for the scope of animal product thematisation by NGOs, strategies of the NGOs advocating a reduced animal product consumption has been analysed. These strategies include mainly public relations work in different variants, which is estimated by the NGOs to be highly effective. In particular emotionally created, positively formulated, target group specific and vividly presented campaigns can be rated as effective. In addition political and legal measures like lobbying or representative actions are named by the interviewed NGOs, whereby they don't see any potential for change on the federal level but on regional or provincial level. As next steps for NGOs according to the reduction of the consumption of animal source products, the following measures can be advised: • A survey about the opinions of the members and donators about the inclusion of the above named topic into to portfolio of measures. Particularly this is relevant for NGOs which are not sure about the reaction of their members and donators to their commitment to a reduced consumption of animal product consumption. An analysis of alternative possibilities of the origin of financial means, which minimize the dependence on public funds. Through this change of the origin of financial means NGOs would satisfy their meaning as part of the Third Sector besides politics and the economy and would increase their possibilities of influencing them. • An increased cooperation between NGOs of the same discipline as well as between different disciplines, so that they can e.g. refer to each other within a network. This enables NGOs to follow their respective organisational philosophy and core competences while at the same time allows cooperating with NGOs following a different approach to foster a plant-based way of nutrition. In addition, this creation of networks facilitates an increased competitiveness with the economic and political sector. • The acknowledgement of NGOs possibilities for action as agents of change. As part of the Third Sector besides politics and the economy, NGOs have a high importance in the influencing of social developments, especially on the interstate level. Complex topics as well as – due to the exceedance of planetary boundaries – urgent global topics can be thematised both by small, regional and large, international NGOs. • The continuation of proven measures aiming to reduce the consumption of animal source products, like different kinds of public relations work, is reasonable. In addition, new contents can be included, like e. g. the fostering of a conscious style of consumption through learning facilities close to nature. For an implementation of scientific findings about behaviour change regarding sustainable styles of consumption an improved cooperation of NGOs and research institutions is recommendable. These findings regarding the reasons for the thematisation of the problematic of animal source products through NGOs might be able to be transferred to other topics, which are thematised by NGOs, like e. g. the criticism on air travels. Furthermore, it is conceivable to transfer the findings about German NGOs to other countries, especially Western characterised countries.
DOI:10.1590/2179-8966/2020/52670ApresentaçãoSetembro 2020 Nossas saudações às leitoras e aos leitores da Revista Direito e Práxis! Seguimos nesse difícil ano de 2020 confrontados pela pandemia da Covid 19. De certa forma, a crise sanitária revela eloquentemente a desigualdade estrutural de nosso país e, por isso mesmo, nos desafia em nossa capacidade de análise, reflexão e conceitualização. Mais do que nunca os estudos críticos no direito são importantes para buscarmos novos e melhores arranjos sociais. Nesse sentido, nossa sessão de artigos inéditos traz doze trabalhos de alta qualidade de pesquisadoras e pesquisadores nacionais e internacionais nas áreas do Direito e Economia, Estudos Decolonais, Criminologia Crítica, Teoria Crítica, Direito Achado na Rua e Debates Sócio-Ambientais, dentre outros temas mais do que atuais para as pesquisas nos campos da teoria, filosofia e sociologia do direito. Essa edição também conta com uma resenha do livro "Imperialismo, Estado e Relações Internacionais" (2018) do professor Luis Felipe Osório.Além disso, o dossiê desta Edição de setembro de 2020 não poderia ter um foco temático capaz de refletir de forma tão adequada a trágica atual situação que vivemos. No momento em que os editores do dossiê entraram em contato conosco falando sobre sua ideia, não poderíamos prever que nos defrontaríamos com uma crise de saúde pública de tão intensa proporção e com uma crise democrática tão grave após o advento da Constituição de 1988. Pois bem, nesse número da Revista Direito e Práxis (Vol. 11, n. 3, 2020, 31ª edição – set-dez), trazemos um dossiê especial e necessário organizado por Rafael Vieira (Universidade Federal do Rio de Janeiro) e Hannah Franzi (Universidade de Bremen) que marca a recepção da obra de Walter Benjamin para as pesquisas críticas no campo do direito. O dossiê, intitulado "Walter Benjamin e o Direito", traz trabalhos inéditos e seminais que inauguram recepções de Benjamin no campo jurídico e também na América Latina.Os editores convidados fizeram um primoroso trabalho de curadoria trazendo trabalhos de pesquisadores renomados e bastante discutidos na academia brasileira como Judith Butler, Enzo Traverso e Michel Löwy. Contudo, não deixaram de inovar, pois também apresentam trabalhos de pesquisadores mais jovens e altamente qualificados ou, ainda, comentadores que não são tão conhecidos na tradição jusfilosófica brasileira. Para avançar nos debates sobre a exceção, o dossiê também traz traduções inéditas de Walter Benjamin – "O Direito de usar a violência" (1920) e "Marcel Brion, Bartolomé de las Casas, "Padre de los índios" (1929) – direto do alemão para o português em primeira tradução, além de trabalhos de seus comentadores, como Werner Hamacher. Agradecemos aos editores convidados pela tarefa desempenhada com tanta qualidade e pela confiança em nossa públicção, bem como a todos os tradutores e tradutoras que contribuíram para possibilitar a divulgação em língua portuguesa de materais inéditos e tão relevantes para as pesquisas benjaminianas no Brasil e América Latina.Relembramos que as políticas editoriais para as diferentes seções da Revista podem ser acessadas em nossa página e que as submissões são permanentes e sempre bem-vindas! Agradecemos, como sempre, às autoras e aos autores, avaliadoras e avaliadores e colaboradoras e colaboradores pela confiança depositada em nossa publicação.Boa Leitura!Equipe Direito e Práxis***PresentaciónSeptiembre 2020 Continuamos en este difícil año de 2020 enfrentados por la pandemia Covid 19. De alguna manera, la crisis sanitaria revela elocuentemente la desigualdad estructural de nuestro país y, por ello, nos desafía en nuestra capacidad de análisis, reflexión y conceptualización. Más que nunca, los estudios críticos en derecho son importantes para buscar nuevos y mejores arreglos sociales. En este sentido, nuestra sección de artículos inéditos cuenta con doce trabajos de alta calidad de investigadores nacionales e internacionales en las áreas de Derecho y Economía, Estudios Decoloniales, Criminología Crítica, Teoría Crítica, Derecho Encontrado en la Calle y Debates Socioambientales, entre otros temas más de actualidad para la investigación en los campos de la teoría, la filosofía y la sociología del derecho. Esta edición también incluye una reseña del libro "Imperialismo, Estado y Relaciones Internacionales" (2018) del profesor Luis Felipe Osório.Además, el dossier de esta edición de septiembre no podría tener un enfoque temático capaz de reflejar de forma tan adecuada la situación actual que estamos viviendo. Cuando los redactores del dossier se pusieron en contacto con nosotros para hablarnos de su idea, no podíamos prever que nos encontraríamos ante una crisis de salud pública de tan intensa proporción y con una crisis democrática tan grave desde la llegada de la Constitución de 1988. Por tanto, en este número de Revista Direito e Praxis (Vol. 11, n. 3, 2020, 31ª edición – Sep-Dic), traemos un dossier especial y necesario organizado por Rafael Vieira (Universidad Federal de Río de Janeiro) y Hannah Franzi (Universidad de Bremen) que marca la recepción del trabajo de Walter Benjamin para la investigación crítica en el campo del derecho. El dossier, titulado "Walter Benjamin y el Derecho", trae obras inéditas y seminales que subrayan las recepciones de Benjamin en el ámbito jurídico y también en América Latina.Los editores invitados hicieron un minucioso trabajo curatorial trayendo trabajos de reconocidos investigadores, los quales dejá ampliamente discutidos en la academia brasileña como Judith Butler, Enzo Traverso e Michel Löwy. Sin embargo, no dejaron de innovar, ya que también presentan trabajos de investigadoras más jóvenes y altamente calificadas o comentadores aún no tan conocidos en la tradición jusfilosófica brasileña. Para avanzar en los debates sobre la excepción, el dossier también incluye traducciones de obras de Walter Benjamin – "El derecho a utilizar la violencia" (1920) y "Marcel Brion, Bartolomé de las Casas. 'Padre de los Índios' " (1929) – directo del alemán al portugués y al español, así como obras de comentadores, como Werner Hamacher. Agradecemos a los editores invitados el trabajo realizado con tanta calidad y la confianza en nuestra publicación, así como a todos los traductores que contribuyeron a posibilitar la difusión en portugués de materiales inéditos tan relevantes para la investigación de Benjamin en Brasil y América Latina.¡Le recordamos que en nuestra página se puede acceder a las políticas editoriales de las diferentes secciones de la Revista y que los envíos de artigos son permanentes y siempre bienvenidos! Agradecemos, como siempre, a autores, revisores y colaboradores la confianza depositada en nuestra publicación.¡Buena lectura!Equipo Direito e Praxis***PresentationAugust 2020 The current health crisis puts a spotlight on the structural inequalities around the world and specially in our country. The pandemic challenges our capacity of analysis, reflection and conceptualization. Now more than ever critical study of Law became important in the search for new social arrangements and alternatives. Looking through this perspective, our section of new articles brings twelve works by national and foreign researchers, with topics ranging from of Law and Economics, Decolonial Studies, Critical Criminology, Critical Theory, Law Found on the Street, Socioenvironmental Debates, among other themes from the fields of theory, philosophy, and sociology of the law. Moreover, considering our current situation, this monthly edition's dossier could not have a more adequate theme to focus on. At the moment that our guest editors came in touch with us to explain their ideas, we could not know that a health crisis of such grave proportions, as well as a deep crisis of democracy not seen since the advent of the 1988's Constitution, would evolve. Thus, in this issue of Direito e Práxis Journal (Vol. 11, n. 3, 2020, 31st edition, Sep-Dec) we bring forth a special dossier assembled by Rafael Vieira (UFRJ – Federal University of Rio de Janeiro) and Hannah Franzi (Bremen University), which marks the reception of works of Walter Benjamin by the critical research on the field of Law. The dossier titled "Walter Benjamin and the Law" contains seminal and new articles which tackle Benjamin's works on the judiciary field in Latin America. Our guest editors achieved a remarkable result gathering articles from renowned and disseminated researchers as Judith Buttler, Enzo Traverso, and Michel Löwy. They also were able to bring a set of works from several young and upcoming names in the field, and even from some commentators on the Brazilian jus-philosophical tradition. In order to advance on the debates on the "exception question", the dossier also brings translations of Walter Benjamin's "The Right to Use Violence" (1920) and "Marcel Brion, Bartolomé de las Casas. 'Padre de los Índios' "(1929), from German to Portuguese and Spanish, as well as works from their commentators, like Werner Hamacher. We thank the guest editors for the excellent work and for the confidence placed in our publication. We thank also the translators responsible for enabling the dissemination of such an important material on Walter Benjamin for the research on these topics in Brazil and Latin America. We also would like to remind that the editorial policies for the different sections of the Journal are available on our homepage and that submissions are always welcome. As always, we thank all the authors, reviewers and contributors for the confidence placed on our publication.Enjoy the read!Direito e Praxis Team
Mención Internacional en el título de doctor ; El trabajo de tesis titulado «la transición invisible» tiene por objetivo principal la proposición de un nuevo paradigma de relato transicional, surgido «desde abajo y desde dentro», capaz de dar cuenta de las transformaciones epistémicas que han ido aconteciendo respecto de la subjetividad, la conciencia y la acción política de la ciudadanía contemporánea de Chile. Se trata de un enfoque transicional novedoso que refiere a un proceso que ha tenido un curso de existencia subterráneo y a contracorriente de los grandes procesos transicionales que se han sucedido en el nivel de la superficie, desde la institucionalidad y con una vocación vertical descendente que ha colonizado la narración de la historia chilena contemporánea. Este trabajo de tesis está dividido en 3 partes: en su primer capítulo, se efectúa un repaso por los la historia contemporánea de Chile, vista como una sucesión de narrativas transicionales «oficiales» que han compartido, más allá de sus diferencias ideológicas, una raíz epistémica similar, en cuanto a definirse como imposiciones impuestas por el poder estatal para configurar el orden social y las subjetividades de acuerdo a los hitos y concepciones escogidos por cada relato para marcar el sentido del «nosotros» compartido. El enfoque crítico de la perspectiva de análisis escogida (concatenada como un juego de voces que conjugan la historia social e institucional, la ciencia política y la sociología nacionalmente situada) nos pondrá hacia el final de este primer capítulo frente a la existencia de una serie de acontecimientos observados como aislados que, sin embargo, debidamente articulados, pueden tener la posibilidad de representar un contrapoder al que nada más dejaremos presentado bajo la idea de concebirle como una «transición invisible» de la ciudadanía. En la segunda parte de esta tesis, se propondrá un curso de mayor abstracción y metateorización para construir unos fundamentos teóricos que nos permitan articular el corpus de acontecimientos denunciados hacia el final del primer capítulo como componentes de una transformación epistémica que llamamos «transición invisible». Este camino alternara la teorización respecto del desarrollo de la conciencia moderna; de la subjetividad individual y colectiva; de las posibilidades de articulación de la sociedad en un sentido antiatomista; y de la eventualidad de construir una nueva ciudadanía y a su vez, una nueva política, por medio del principio discursivo y el ejercicio de una política deliberativa. Seguiremos para la teorización de cada uno de estos apartados, el siguiente orden respectivo: la sociología fenomenológica de Peter Berger; la sociología de la acción y del Sujeto de Alain Touraine; la filosofía moral y política de Charles Taylor; y finalmente, la teorización realizada por Jürgen Habermas, acompasada por los aportes atemperados respecto a la democracia deliberativa de Carlos Santiago Nino. En la parte final de esta Tesis, proponemos en sus primeros pasajes un descenso desde la precedente teorización hacia la praxis, por medio del análisis situado en la contingencia chilena del proceso constituyente en ciernes, a modo de poner a prueba el cambio epistemológico de la ciudadanía y la posibilidad más o menos cierta de llevar a cabo un ejercicio poco habitual de política deliberativa entre ciudadanos e institucionalidad. Como resultado de este contraste entre teoría y efectiva praxis, hacia el final de este último capítulo se ofrecerá un balance respecto de los límites y posibilidades para la cristalización de las transformaciones que se van operando con la «transición invisible», centrado, por un lado, en el análisis de los aspectos ajenos al control de la ciudadanía («la enervante levedad de la clase política civil») y, por otro lado, aquellos que dependen de sí, fundamentalmente vinculados al desarrollo de su autoconocimiento respecto del pasado común (reelaboración del pasado reciente común a partir de la «afirmación de la afirmación» que denuncia los silencios, confusiones y deja a la vista algunos puntos ciegos) y a la vez también de la adecuada representación de un futuro común por hacer, por medio del ejercicio de una «política de lo imposible» que de todas maneras se mantiene cauta respecto de las aporías de la imaginación futura. En suma, el enfoque de esta tesis ha estado puesto en el estudio de las transformaciones operadas en el nivel de la ciudadanía (y desde ella misma) en contraste a las narrativas oficiales centradas en la preservación del orden social a través de su control vertical-descendente. He querido ofrecer una teorización conceptual situacional para el caso concreto de la ciudadanía chilena, a partir de sus propias prácticas e historia, auxiliada por la teorización foránea en la medida de que esta, debidamente reinterpretada, ha tenido potencial para aplicarse localizadamente. Finalmente, es una invitación a discutir las posibilidades de construir colectivamente una nueva institucionalidad democrática, más participativa y deliberativa, a partir del progresivo empoderamiento de la capacidad de agencia de la ciudadanía chilena. ; The main aim of this thesis, titled «The Invisible Transition», is to propose a new paradigm to account for a transition «from the bottom and from within», capable of explaining the epistemic transformations that have occurred to the subjectivity, conscience and political action of contemporary Chilean citizens. It deals with a novel transitional focus that refers to a process that has existed underground and which goes against main, visible transitional processes, as a result of institutionalism and with both a vertical and downwards emphasis that has colonised the narration of contemporary Chilean history. This thesis is divided into three parts: in the first chapter, a review of contemporary Chilean history is carried out. This is seen as a succession of «official» transitional narratives that, beyond their ideological differences, share similar epistemic roots, defining themselves as impositions exacted by the State power to configure social order and subjectivities, depending on the events and ideas chosen by each narrative to mark the shared sense of «us». The critical focus of the analytical perspective chosen (linked together as a chain of voices combining social and institutional history, political science and nationally-placed sociology) brings us, towards the end of this chapter, to a series of events that appear isolated but which, when duly articulated, make the representation of a counter-power possible, which we will simply suggest calling the «invisible transition» of citizenship. In the second part of this thesis, a more abstract path is followed and metatheorising made to construct the theoretical fundamentals that articulate the events described towards the end of the first chapter as components of an epistemic transformation that we call the «invisible transition». This path alternates between theorising about the development of modern consciousness, individual and collective subjectivity, the possibilities of society articulating itself anti-atomistically and the eventual construction of a new kind of citizenship and, on the other hand, a new policy with discursive principals and the use of a deliberative policy. This continues with theorising on each section in the following order: Peter Berger's phenomenologist sociology, Alain Touraine's sociology of action and subjects, Charles Taylor's moral and political philosophy and, finally, the theorising of Jürgen Habermas, accompanied by Carlos Santiago Nino's moderate contributions on deliberative democracy. At the beginning of the final part of this thesis, we propose moving from theory to practice, through an analysis situated in the Chilean context of this budding process, in order to put the epistemological change to citizens and the relatively certain possibility of carrying out the unusual exercise of deliberative politics between citizens and institutions to the test. As a result of this contrast between theory and practice, towards the end of this last chapter, an evaluation of the limits and possibilities of the materialisation of the transformations that operate in the «invisible transition» is offered. On one hand, this is based on an analysis of the aspects that are beyond citizens' control («the unbearable lightness of the civil political class») and, on the other, on those that depend on it, fundamentally linked to the development of a selfawareness of the common past (recreating the recent version of this by the use of a new epistemology known as «affirmation of the affirmation», reporting silences and confusion and leaving certain blind spots in plain sight). At the same time, the appropriate representation of a common future is made, through the exercising of a «policy of the impossible» which, in any case, is cautious regarding the paradoxes of the future imagination. In summary, the focus of this thesis is placed on the study of the transformations that operate at (and from) a citizen level, as opposed to the official narratives based on the preservation of a social order through vertical-downward control. Helped by outside theorising, the aim is to offer conceptual situational theorising on the specific case involving Chilean citizens and on their own practices and history, which, duly reinterpreted, has had the potential to be applied locally. Finally, this thesis is an invitation to discuss the opportunity to collectively construct a new, more participative and more deliberative democratic institutionalism from the progressive empowerment of Chileans and their capacity for agency. ; Programa Oficial de Doctorado en Humanidades ; Presidente: Fernando Broncano Rodríguez.- Secretario: Germán Cano Cuenca.- Vocal: José Maríaa Medina García
