Suchergebnisse

La Justicia Transicional ha sido entendida como un campo de estudios que se encarga de analizar los mecanismos utilizados por las sociedades en transición para enfrentar el pasado. Los primeros análisis de Justicia Transicional abordaban la forma en la que las sociedades que transitaban de la dictadura a la democracia hacían frente a un pasado de violaciones de derechos humanos cometidas por agentes estatales. Dentro de esta visión de la Justicia Transicional, mecanismos de justicia penal, de verdad y de reparación constituían las bases de los estudios sobre las transiciones y los medios de hacer justicia. Sin embargo, este tipo de análisis fueron objeto de importantes críticas, tales como carecer de una visión distributiva, la poca atención que se ofrecía a problemas históricos y estructurales, el poco peso y protagonismo de los actores locales en el diseño e implementación de las diferentes medidas, el énfasis exagerado en la cuestión judicial y la poca atención a otros medios de hacer frente al pasado o bien la preeminencia de un enfoque liberal que daba por terminada la transición con superficiales cambios en el marco legal o institucional. El presente artículo analiza algunas de las críticas realizadas, así como las diferentes propuestas planteadas, tales como la necesidad de centrarse en el carácter transformador de la justicia o en el uso de la justicia para hacer frente a la fase postconflicto, o bien en la necesidad de impulsar iniciativas basadas en el principio de apropiación local. Si en la primera parte se esboza un somero estado de la cuestión, la segunda parte del artículo tratará de analizar las experiencias de Sierra Leona y de Marruecos con el objetivo de avanzar algunos de los límites a los que se puede enfrentar Colombia en la implementación del Acuerdo de Paz ; Transitional Justice has been understood as a field of studies that analyzes the mechanisms that societies in transition use in order to deal with the past. The first analyses of Transitional Justice addressed the way in which societies transitioning from dictatorship to democracy faced a past of human rights violations committed by state agents. Within this vision of Transitional Justice, mechanisms of criminal justice, truth and reparation constituted the bases of studies on transitions and the means of doing justice. However, this type of analysis began to receive important critiques. Among the main criticisms were the lack of a distributive vision, or the little attention that was offered to historical and structural problems. It was also pointed out that local actors were given little weight and protagonism in the design and implementation of the different measures. Exaggerated emphasis was made in the judicial question while other means to face the past were given little attention. Finally, the pervasive liberal approach drove transitions to end up with superficial changes in the legal or institutional frameworks. This article analyzes many of the critiques made, as well as the different proposals put forward, such as the need to focus on the transforming nature of justice; on the use of justice to deal with the post-conflict phase; or on the need to promote initiatives based on the principle of local ownership. A brief state of the art is outlined in the first part of the article. The second part of the article will try to analyze the cases of Sierra Leone and Morocco as imperfect models that might advance some of the limits that Colombia might phase in the implementation of the Peace Agreement

This study was designed to answer the question of whether resource performance depends more on good governance or rather on effective institutional structures. The specific aim is to make clear the extent to which good governance and institutions promote small scale gold mining businesses, to explain empirically the nature of human rights challenges in the small-scale mining (SSM) industry from the perspective of mining mangers, to investigate the nature, determinants, and frequency of conflicts associated with SSM, and to discuss the challenges facing SSM operations and ways to confront them. The findings show that, in the context of efforts to spur economic development, the exploitation of mineral resources has the potential to bring about far-reaching environmental and social changes. These changes can create opportunities, but they also represent a business risk for corporations and a social risk for communities. There is as a consequence a pressing need to investigate recent threats to mineral resource exploration relating to economic development, peace and stability, and the survival of private businesses. These threats are particularly serious for less-developed countries that are net exporters of natural resources. Such countries could use these resources to drive economic development and decrease their dependence on aid from developed countries. In most of them, however, owing to a lack of strong institutions, mismanagement of mineral and other natural resources has fueled social conflict without producing meaningful development. In addition, there is often the perception in countries such as Ghana, which is the subject of this study, that mining, whatever its benefits, is responsible for significant environmental damage and for Human Rights Adverse Impacts (HRAI), including child labor and exploitation, displacement of rural households, and violence. For these reasons, investment in the mining sector and associated businesses has often faced stiff resistance. Given the right governmental institutions, small-scale gold mining and associated activities can prove beneficial to and be accepted by a society and can attract further investment; under the wrong circumstances, this type of mining can impact society negatively. At the very least, when SSM is poorly managed, the anticipated benefits to the business community and the broader society are unlikely to materialize. The evidence from large-scale mining, particularly in the wake of Ghana's civil war, indicates a correlation between mineral resources and conflict. Less is known about the nature, frequency, and causes of conflicts that afflict households in Ghana's artisanal mining communities. There is accordingly a need for research into ways to prevent human rights violations and to create share value in the SSM sector through social development and renewed incentives for investment in it. This thesis represents an attempt to fill this need by exploring whether the capacity of resources—in this case, gold mining—to spur economic development—here, by creating competitive SSM businesses, improving livelihoods, or reducing poverty—depends on governance structures and whether there is a correlation between SSM and conflict outside the context of civil war. This thesis is informed by three broad insights. The first concerns the challenges facing the SSM activities that play a vital role in the Ghanaian economy. Second, there is the importance of the role played by institutions in the development of SSM amid renewed attraction of investment in the sector. Third, changing social expectations are a crucial aspect sustainable mining and the protection of human rights.

Desde principios de diciembre de 1852 y hasta mediados de julio de 1853, Buenos Aires estuvo inmersa en una guerra intestina producto de una rebelión presidida por parte de la oficialidad militar federal y secundada por las milicias y vecinos de gran parte de los pueblos de campaña. El conflicto se desató luego de la llamada ?Revolución del 11 de Septiembre? y pedía originalmente la renuncia de Valentín Alsina y el cese de la guerra. Durante la duración del conflicto, las fuerzas del Ejército Federal y la Guardia Nacional (GN) de la ciudad fueron movilizadas y organizadas para una guerra que se desarrolló en varios frentes: la ciudad, los pueblos y la frontera. Las parcialidades indígenas fueron también partícipes de la contienda en ambos bandos. En este artículo nos proponemos analizar desde la perspectiva criolla el accionar indígena en el contexto de la guerra que arrasaba a Buenos Aires. Sobre todo, estudiar las zonas damnificadas por los malones: los costos económicos, la organización de las incursiones como así también las consecuencias que provocaron. Concluimos que los diferentes grupos tuvieron estrategias propias ?tanto de negociación como de enfrentamiento abierto? que supieron aprovechar en su favor en un contexto de fragilidad institucional y cambio sociopolítico. Los costos económicos de las incursiones fueron sumamente importantes para el sur de la provincia de Buenos Aires, sobre todo la pérdida de ganado. Las fuentes son variadas y provienen fundamentalmente de la correspondencia generada durante el sitio y organizada en diferentes repositorios del Archivo General de la Nación (AGN) y Archivo Histórico de la Provincia de Buenos Aires (AHPBA): Archivo Farini, Estado de Buenos Aires, Archivo Urquiza, Cuerpo 13 de Escribanía Mayor de Gobierno (EMG), Juzgado de Paz y Fondo Lagos. ; From early December 1852 until mid-July 1853, Buenos Aires was immersed in an internal war resulting from a rebellion presided over by the federal military officers and seconded by the militias and neighbours from a great part of the countryside. The conflict broke out after the so-called "September 11th Revolution" that originally demanded the resignation of Valentín Alsina and the end of the war. During the duration of the conflict, the forces of the Federal Army and the National Guard of the city were mobilized and organized for a war that took place in several fronts: the city, the towns and the border. The indigenous factions were also part of the battle on both sides. In this paper we propose to analyze indigenous strategies in the context of the war that swept Buenos Aires. Above all, to study the areas affected by the ?malones?: the economic costs, the organization of the incursions as well as the consequences they provoked. We conclude that the different groups had their own strategies?both negotiation and open confrontation?that they took advantage of in their favour in a context of institutional fragility and socio-political change. The economic costs of the incursions were extremely important for the south of the province of Buenos Aires, especially the loss of livestock. The sources are varied and come mainly from the correspondence generated during the siege and organized in different repositories of the Archivo General de la Nación (AGN) and Archivo Histórico de la Provincia de Buenos Aires (AHPBA): Farini Archive, State of Buenos Aires, Urquiza Archive, Body 13 of Escribanía Mayor de Gobierno (EMG), Peace Court and Lagos File. ; Facultad de Humanidades y Ciencias de la Educación

The aim of the introduction of workplace forums in South Africa in 1995 was to move away from adversarial bargaining to joint problem-solving and participation by employees on selected issues in order to advance economic development and global competitiveness, social justice, labour peace and the democratisation of the workplace. The drafters of the LRA based the workplace forum system inter alia on the positive and successful statutory employee participation structure in Germany, the works council system. Despite the fact that 22 years after the new LRA came into force there are only 3 workplace forums established in terms of the Act, the legislator still has not made any changes to the provisions yet. This dissertation compares the employee participation structures in South Africa with those in Germany and analyses potential changes - in theory and in praxis - to make the institution of the workplace forum more attractive both to trade unions and employers. The first two chapters give an overview of the statutory system of workplace forums in South Africa and works councils in Germany. The historical background of employee participation, the legal framework as well as the relationship between trade unions and the respective employee representation structure in each country will be discussed. Also, some of the reasons suggested in the literature for the failure of the workplace forum system will be set out. This leads to the third chapter which deals with the prerequisites, under which law can be transplanted from one legal system to another. This is of particular importance as the drafters of the LRA based chapter 5 on the works council system in Germany, adapting it to the South African background though. With reference to the first three chapters, the fourth chapter subsequently proposes several amendments to the LRA which can help in making the workplace forum more attractive for all affected parties. Some of the proposals stem from the positive German experience, others are specifically tailored to the South African context of adversarialism, high unemployment and an economic recession. Proposed amendments are for example: ● Facilitate the establishment of workplace forums by lowering the threshold of 100 employees and by allowing not only representative trade unions but also minority unions and employees to apply for the establishment of a forum. ● Workplace disputes should not be resolved by strikes but by a special dispute resolution mechanism like the German conciliation committee ('Einigungsstelle') to avoid an adversarial and confrontational climate on workplace level. ● Trade unions and workplace forums should be more clearly institutionally and structurally separated. Bargaining councils should be used for centralised bargaining to avoid plant level bargaining. There needs to be a clear demarcation of issues for collective bargaining and issues for workplace forums. In conclusion, this dissertation points out that legal systems emerge under different legal, social and economic circumstances and can therefore not blindly be transplanted from one legal system to another. The preconditions such as the relationship between trade unions, employers and employees, the economic and cultural climate as well as the labour market in South Africa was - at the time of the introduction of the new LRA - and still is completely different from the situation in Germany. Therefore, German provisions regarding works council cannot be transplanted into South African law without measuring them against the South African background. Whereas some German ideas can be adopted, other problematic issues can only be solved with unique South African solutions.

This is the first publication of the memoirs of W. Wölfing, a German reserve officer and participant in World War I. This unique archival document contains information about his time in captivity in Siberia between 1915 and 1917 and his activity as an official representative of the German High Command in Moscow in 1918. The text of the memoirs is kept in the Federal Military Archive of Germany in Freiburg. It has never been published in Germany or translated into Russian previously. The text has a pronounced anti-Bolshevik tone: equally, its author presents the development of events between 1917 and 1918 as being unsupported by the German government, which makes it possible to consider the position of Wölfing as an alternative to the preservation of the German Empire and the destruction of the Bolshevik regime. The author's biography combines typical and unique features: a certified lawyer; a reservist on the Eastern front during World War I; an uhlan sent on air reconnaissance; and a German officer who led a carefree life in Russian captivity and made an adventurous escape in 1918. After the signing of the Brest Peace Agreement between Germany and Soviet Russia, he headed the Moscow Office of the the German High Command's Foreign Policy Department; in this capacity, he was engaged in propaganda work, promoted emigration, and was an advocate of a military intervention in Russia to overthrow the Bolsheviks. His status as a diplomat allowed him to establish broad and diverse contacts. He had contacts among representatives of the Bolshevik leadership, including the Chekists (Radek, Peters), "former people" hostile to the new government (Patriarch Tikhon, Prince Lvov), cultural activists, and many foreigners. The memoirs contain many details of Russian everyday life in the wartime conditions before the Revolution and at the beginning of the post-revolutionary period. They also make it possible to clarify prevailing ideas about the nature of the political processes that took place in 1918, primarily in regards to the extent to which the Bolsheviks influenced the events of the November Revolution in Germany and the possible alternatives to Russian history between 1918 and 1919. ; Впервые публикуется уникальный архивный документ – воспоминания немецкого офицера резерва, участника Первой мировой войны В. Вельфинга о пребывании в русском плену в Сибири в 1915–1917 гг. и деятельности в Москве в качестве официального представителя немецкого верховного командования в 1918 г. Текст воспоминаний хранится в Федеральном военном архиве ФРГ во Фрайбурге. Он никогда ранее не публиковался в Германии и не переводился на русский язык. Текст имеет ярко выраженную антибольшевистскую направленность; его автор представляет не поддержанную германским правительством концепцию развития событий 1917–1918 гг., что позволяет рассматривать позицию Вельфинга как альтернативный вариант сохранения Германской империи и уничтожения большевистского режима. В известнойнам биографической информации об авторе сочетаются типичные и уникальные черты: дипломированный юрист; резервист на восточном фронте Первой мировой войны; улан, посланный на авиаразведку; германский офицер, который вел беззаботную жизнь в русском плену, а в 1918 г. совершил авантюрный побег и после подписания Брестского мира между Германией и советской Россией возглавил московское представительство внешнеполитического отдела германского верховного командования, в этом качестве занимался пропагандистской работой, содействовал эмиграции и выступал за военную интервенцию в Россию для свержения большевиков. Статус дипломата позволил ему установить широкие и разнообразные контакты. В круг его общения входили представители большевистского руководства, включая чекистов (Радек, Петерс), враждебных новой власти «бывших» (патриарх Тихон, князь Львов), деятелей культуры, многих иностранцев. Воспоминания содержат множество подробностей повседневной жизни в России в условиях войны до революции и в первый послереволюционный период. Они также позволяют уточнить сложившиеся представления о характере политических процессов, происходивших в 1918 г., прежде всего о степени влияния большевиков на события ноябрьской революции в Германии и о возможных альтернативах российской истории в 1918–1919 гг.

Kolaps reda i rasprostranjeno nasilje u Albaniji 1997. godine prouzročilo je pad Vlade i smrt oko 2.000 osoba. Neredi 1997. godine bili su posljedica propasti špekulativnih financijskih piramidalnih shema koje su nalikovale ratnoj ekonomskoj strukturi. Tijekom događaja 1997. godine došlo je do konfiskacije i krađe državne imovine velikih razmjera. Tranzicijsko razdoblje Albanije iz komunističkog u demokratski sustav, započeto 1990. godine, dovelo je do uspostave novih struktura za profitiranje od resursa te zemlje. Neke od tih političkih i ekonomskih struktura nestale su kao posljedica događaja 1997. godine, a druge, uključujući njihove strukturalne posljedice, i dalje su prisutne i imaju utjecaj na političku stabilnost i ekonomski napredak zemlje. Danas možemo ocijeniti uspjehe i neuspjehe Albanije na temelju napretka te zemlje od događaja 1997. godine. U članku se analiziraju događaji 1997. godine kao i transformacija albanskih političkih i ekonomskih struktura između 1997. i 2016. godine, uzimajući u obzir postignuća i neuspjehe. Iz perspektive uspješnosti sagledava se način na koji se zemlja nosila s izgradnjom mira i razvojnom agendom nakon 1997. godine. Razmatraju se čimbenici koji su doveli do neuspješnosti države 1997. godine, kao i oni nakon toga, a koji su pridonijeli povijesnoj uvjetovanosti do trenutnog političkog konteksta države. Premda se mnogo pisalo o 1997. godini, vrlo je malo provedenih analiza iz perspektive istraživanja neuspješnih država. U tom kontekstu u članku se pokušava ponuditi Albanija kao primjer studije slučaja transformativnog procesa od ustanka do sadašnje situacije obilježene kao mješavina uspjeha i neuspjeha. U ovom se članku ukazuje na nekoliko pouka koje bi mogle biti od koristi za strategije usmjerene prema procesu transformacije. ; In 1997 Albania experienced a collapse of order and widespread violence, which resulted in a situation where the government was overthrown and some 2,000 people were killed. The 1997 disorder came as a result of the collapse of fraudulent financial pyramid schemes that had all the features of a war-like economic structure. During the 1997 events, large-scale confiscation and stealing of state assets occurred. Albania's transitional period from communism to democracy, which began in 1990, led to the establishment of new structures for profiting from the country's resources. Some of these political and economic structures, in the aftermath of the 1997 events, disappeared and others, including their structural effects, persist and have had an impact on the country's political stability and economic progress. Today, both the successes and failures of the country are assessed based on the progress that the country has made since the 1997 events. The paper analyses the 1997 events and the transformation of Albania's political and economic structures between 1997 and 2016, considering both achievements and failures. It looks at how the country has dealt with the post-1997 peace-building and development agenda from the perspective of it being a success. It looks at the factors that led to state failure in 1997 and at the factors that continue and have generated a path dependency to the current political context of the country. Although a lot has been written concerning the 1997 events, very little analysis has been conducted concerning what it means from the perspective of research on state failure. In this context, the proposed paper seeks to offer Albania as a case study example of a transformation process, from the uprising to the current situation, which is characterized as a mixture of successes and failures. The belief is that the proposed paper will point to some lessons learned for the strategies directed at the transformation processes.

Стаття присвячена дослідженню рівнів навчальних досягнень першокурсників з вищої математики. Порівняльний аналіз успішності студентів зроблено за результатами тестування студентів першого курсу спеціальності 014 Середня освіта (Трудове навчання та технології) фізикоматематичного факультету Центральноукраїнського державного педагогічного університету імені Володимира Винниченка. Апробовані тестові завдання, які пройшли перевірку статистичних характеристик й задовольнили вимоги до завдань такого виду, можна використовувати в навчальному процесі. У статті також піднімається питання вивчення гендерних відмінностей у математичних здібностях юнаків і дівчат, які здобувають вищу освіту. Перевірку непараметричних гіпотез щодо відмінностей рівнів навчальних досягнень юнаків та дівчат з вищої математики виконано за допомогою критеріїв Q-Розенбаума та U-Манна Уітні. Розглянуті кількісні методи можуть бути використані для аналізу дослідних даних в поведінкових науках під час інших гендерних досліджень. The paper is focused on the research of levels of freshmen's educational achievements in higher mathematics. The comparative analysis of students' progress was made on the basis of the results of the tests done by the first-year students of the specialty 014 Secondary Education (Labor Studies and Technology), the Department of Physics and Mathematics, Volodymyr Vynnychenko Central Ukrainian State Pedagogical University. Proven test tasks that have been verified through statistical characteristics, and satisfied the requirements for such tasks can be used in the educational process. The paper also raises the question of studying gender differences in mathematical abilities of boys and girls who get higher education. The verification of nonparametric hypotheses regarding the differences in educational achievement levels of boys and girls in higher mathematics was performed with the help of QRosenbaum and U-Mann Whitney criteria. In our research the comparative analysis of students' success performed on the basis of statistical methods shows that the level of boys' achievements in «Higher mathematics» does not exceed the level of girls' educational achievements in this course. So, the differences are not significant. To find out tendencies in human behavior behavioral studies should use mathematical-statistical methods for processing empirical data received through questioning and experiment (in our case – testing), and for determining quantitative dependences between the studied phenomena. They help to evaluate the results of the experiment, contribute to increasing the reliability of the findings, provide the basis for theoretical generalizations. However, the practical application of these methods appears to be rather difficult. This is due largely to the fact that researchers in behavioral Sciences, as a rule, have no special mathematical knowledge, and mathematicians who help them do not have knowledge of the subject of the research. Efficiency and effectiveness in achieving goals of gender policy at the state and local levels depends primarily not on the number of specialists but on their training and level of competence. So, to prepare qualified specialists who are able to use quantitative, mathematical-statistical methods in gender studies, with the support of the project «Gender Studies Curriculum: A Step for Democracy and Peace in EU-neighboring countries with different traditions» into Master's program in Educational Measurement in Ukraine new disciplines have been introduced, the course «Quantitative methods in behavioural Sciences» in particular. After studying the course students will be able to apply statistical analysis to solve practical problems that require quantitative gender research which they will face both in personal and professional life. This will contribute to the formation of new competencies and new thinking of the Ukrainians in the area of gender equality. Studied quantitative methods can be used to analyze experimental data in Behavioral Sciences taking into account other Gender Studies.

บทคัดย่อป่าไม้ถือว่าเป็นทรัพยากรธรรมชาติที่มีผลเกี่ยวเนื่องต่อทรัพยากรธรรมชาติอย่างอื่นซึ่งมีคุณค่าและมีประโยชน์ต่อประเทศชาติและประชาชน หากพื้นที่ป่าไม้ของชาติลดน้อยลงย่อมมีผลกระทบต่อชีวิตความเป็นอยู่ของประชาชน ปัจจุบันแนวโน้มพื้นที่ป่าไม้ของประเทศไทย ได้ลดตํ่าลงทุกปี โดยตํ่ากว่าเป้าหมายตามนโยบายป่าไม้แห่งชาติ คือร้อยละ 40 ของพื้นที่ประเทศ ซึ่งภาครัฐโดยหน่วยงานที่เกี่ยวข้องได้พยายามวางมาตรการในอนุรักษ์ป้องกันรักษาพื้นที่ป่าไม้ที่คงเหลืออยู่ให้คงไว้ ควบคู่ไป กับการส่งเสริมให้ประชาชนช่วยกันปลูกฟื้นฟูป่าในที่ของรัฐในรูปแบบต่าง ๆ รวมทั้งการส่งเสริมให้เอกชนปลูกต้นไม้มีค่าทางเศรษฐกิจในที่ดินของเอกชนด้วยอันเป็นการช่วยเพิ่มพื้นที่สีเขียว โดยผืนป่าของเอกชนอีกทางหนึ่งมาตรการที่รัฐบาลออกมาเพื่อเสริมประสิทธิภาพในการอนุรักษ์ รักษาพื้นที่สีเขียวอีกทางหนึ่ง คือ ได้มีประกาศคณะรักษาความสงบแห่งชาติฉบับที่ 106/2557 ลงวันที่ 21กรกฎาคม พุทธศักราช 2557 เรื่อง แก้ไขเพิ่มเติมกฎหมายว่าด้วยป่าไม้ ซึ่งเดิมตามพระราชบัญญัติป่าไม้ พ.ศ. 2484 มีชนิดไม้เพียงสองชนิดคือ ไม้สัก และไม้ยาง ไม่ว่าขึ้นอยู่ที่ใดให้ถือว่าเป็นไม้หวงห้าม แต่ตามประกาศคณะรักษาความสงบแห่งชาติฉบับดังกล่าว ได้มีการแก้ไขเพิ่มเติมให้มีชนิดไม้มีจำนวนเพิ่มมากขึ้นอีก ซึ่งแม้ว่าไม้ชนิดดังกล่าว จะขึ้นอยู่ในที่ดินกรรมสิทธิ์ที่มีโฉนดที่ดินของเอกชน ก็ต้องถือว่า เป็นไม้หวงห้าม ต้องได้รับการอนุญาตจากทางราชการ โดยชนิดไม้ที่เพิ่มขึ้นอีก คือไม้ชิงชัง ไม้เก็ดแดง ไม้อีเม่ง ไม้พยุงแกลบ ไม้กระพี้ ไม้แดงจีน ไม้พยุง ไม้กระซิก ไม้กระซิบ ไม้พะยูง ไม้หมากพลูตั๊กแตน ไม้กระพี้เขาควาย ไม้เก็ดดำ ไม้อีเฒ่า และไม้เก็ดเขาควาย โดยไม้ชนิดดังกล่าว ไม่ว่าจะขึ้นอยู่ที่ใดในราชอาณาจักร เป็น ไม้หวงห้าม ประเภท ก.ดังนั้น การกำหนดให้ไม้ชนิดดังกล่าวเป็นไม้หวงห้าม ซึ่งการทำไม้ การตัดไม้ จะต้องได้รับการอนุญาตจากทางราชการ เห็นว่า เป็นนโยบายและมาตรการที่ไม่เหมาะสม ไม่สอดคล้องกับหลักการการมีส่วนร่วมของประชาชน เพราะในการบริหารจัดการทรัพยากรธรรมชาติ โดยเฉพาะป่าไม้ ต้องได้รับความร่วมมือจากประชาชนโดยผ่านกระบวนการการมีส่วนร่วมของประชาชนผู้ที่มีส่วนเกี่ยวข้องในพื้นที่ จึงจะก่อให้เกิดแรงบันดาลใจ ลงทุนลงแรงสร้างป่าโดยการปลูก บำรุง ดูแลรักษา จัดการโดยเอกชนนอกจากนั้นแล้ว มาตรการดังกล่าวไม่สอดคล้องกับหลักสิทธิมนุษยชน หลักการสิทธิพลเมือง หลักการสิทธิในทรัพย์สินหลักกรรมสิทธิ์ และหลักการเรื่องสิทธิในทรัพย์ส่วนควบซึ่งไม่ก่อให้เกิดความรักหวงแหน หรือแรงจูงใจต่อต้นไม้ในการที่จะปลูก บำรุงรักษา บริหารจัดการเพราะคิดว่าต้นไม้นั้นอาจกลายเป็นไม้หวงห้ามของรัฐ ทั้งการขออนุญาตตัดไม้ดังกล่าวก็มีกระบวนการทางกฎหมาย ระเบียบ และขั้นตอนที่ยุ่งยากและล่าช้า ดังนั้น มาตรการดังกล่าวอาจเป็นอุปสรรคต่อการสร้างแรงจูงใจในการปลูกป่าและการบริหารจัดการป่าโดยเอกชนซึ่งจะทำให้การเพิ่มพื้นที่ป่าโดยเอกชนไม่บรรลุเป้าหมาย คำสำคัญ : สิทธิ ,ไม้หวงห้ามนอกเขตป่า,ป่าABSTRACTForests are natural resources accordingly affecting other kinds of natural resources in which being valuable things and also providing the great worth and use to Thailand and Thaipeople. When the forest areas have gradually been decreasing, impacts to secure sustainable livelihoods will be occurred. Currently a total forest area tends to be reduced every year. Currently the protection and restoration of protected areas and stopping encroachment and destruction of forest resources is an important policy of the Government. A target for reclamation of forest land has been set at an estimated forest cover of 40% of a total land area of Thailand. Government sectors rendered reservation regulations to prevent and protect to maintain the forest meanwhile to help enhance the people in each area to plant and recover the forest areas and the non-government sectors to plant the valuable timber in their own lands to fulfill the evergreen lands of Thailand. The Announcement of the National Council for Peace and Order (NCPO) No. 106/2557, 21st July, 2014, has recently been legislated to execute the regulations and measurements forpreservation the evergreen lands following the Forestry Act B.E. 2484 (1941) and its latest amendment that declared only two reserved timber species: Teaks and Dipterocarps (in Thai called yang - resin). These two species of timber were strictly reserved wherever they grown up. However, under NCPO, the measurements have been amended to accrue the timber species to be more reserved even though they have probably been grown inside the private sectors' lands. These other newly reserved timber species were as follows: Ching-Chung, Ged-Daeng, E-Meng, Payoong-Glaeb, Krapee, Daeng-Chin, Kayoong, Krasik, Krasib, Payoong, Makplu-Taktaen, Krapee-Kaokwai, Ged-Dum, E-Thao, and Ged-Kaokwai. These species will be determined as the first forbidden rank of reservation. According to the determination of these timber types as reserved, the logging and forestry are officially necessary to ask for the permission from the government sectors. By this, the government policy and inappropriate measures will inconsistently manipulate the people with implementation to be expedited. Considering natural resources administration and management, the process of the locals' participation in each area is required to conform the activities to help raise the motivation, restoration, reclamation from the private sectors. Besides, the measures as mentioned were not congruent with the relevant principles such as human rights, fundamental rights of people, rights of property, ownership or titles, and coexisting component part rights. In addition, this will not cause and produce the effective sense of belonging or motivation for maintenance and administration and management. Main reasons were complicated and delayed process of laws, regulations and procedures about asking permission to deal with the reserved timber. The people would think that such species of timber were still reserved. So these measures likely were the obstacles and problems to increase trees in the preserved forests and the natural resources administration and management of the private sectors would not reach their goals. Keywords : rights, reserved timber species outside of the forest areas

29 p. ; En el desarrollo de este ensayo se abordarán temas que llevarán a la identificación de las habilidades de liderazgo gerencial aplicables en el desminado humanitario. Así como las estrategias que están siendo y las que deben ser implementadas, esto acorde con la tarea multimisión que cumple el Ejército Nacional y que juega un papel importante dentro del postconflicto, ya que el desminado humanitario es una de las principales estrategias y tareas que abrirá la puerta a otros proyectos importantes incluidos en los acuerdos de paz. En esta etapa del proceso y haciendo un gran aporte a la seguridad nacional, el Ejército Nacional crea la Brigada de Ingenieros de Desminado Humanitario No. 1, cuya misión es salvar vidas y entregar a las comunidades tierras libres de sospecha de minas antipersona, para esta tarea se han convocado cerca de cinco mil personas que hoy integran ésta dependencia y de los que aproximadamente dos mil tienen la categoría de líderes que desempeñan sus labores en Estudios No Técnicos, Estudios Técnicos y Despeje en diferentes municipios del territorio nacional, por esta razón resulta importante hacer un análisis de las habilidades de liderazgo e identificar las características de liderazgo gerencial nivel cinco que pueden ser aplicadas e implementadas con miras a obtener resultados óptimos y eficaces en este proceso de alto impacto social y de responsabilidad. ; Resumen 2 Abstract 2 Introducción 4 Identificación De Habilidades De Liderazgo Gerencial Aplicables En El Desminado Humanitario 6 Problemática de las minas antipersonal en Colombia. 6 Desafíos y métodos de aplicación del desminado humanitario en Colombia 7 El desminado en Colombia: ¿qué se ha hecho? 9 El plan estratégico 2021 10 Los retos y desafíos para la implantación del plan estratégico 2021 12 La seguridad del territorio en función del ejercicio de derechos 12 Desafíos políticos - sociales - vs coincidencias en las reivindicaciones 13 Trabajos de desminado de la Brigada de Ingenieros de Desminado Humanitario 15 Análisis de los tipos de liderazgo existentes en la fuerza y la resistencia al cambio. 18 Mejores tipos y estrategias de liderazgo aplicables al desminado humanitario. 22 Adecuado proceso de selección de los líderes de desminado humanitario 24 Capacitaciones y actualizaciones constantes, adecuadas y direccionadas para cada líder 24 Liderazgo que obtiene resultados por Daniel Goleman 26 Conclusiones 27 Referencias 29 ; The development of this essay will address issues that will lead to the identification of managerial leadership skills applicable to humanitarian demining, the strategies that are being and should be implemented, in keeping with the multimisión task of the National Army and Which plays a very important role in post-conflict, since the humanitarian demining is one of the main bets and tasks that will open the door to other important projects included in the peace agreements. At this stage of the process and making a great contribution to national security, the National Army creates the Humanitarian Demining Engineers Brigade No. 1, whose mission is to save lives and to provide communities with land free of suspicion of antipersonnel mines for this Approximately five thousand people that today are part of this dependency and of which approximately two thousand have the category of leaders who carry out their work in Non-Technical Studies, Technical Studies and Clearance in different municipalities of the national territory, for this reason results It is important to make an analysis of the leadership skills in this component and to identify the characteristics of managerial leadership level five that can be applied and implemented with a view to obtain optimal results in this process of high social impact and responsibility. ; Desminado Humanitario

Penelitian ini bertujuan mendeskripsikan (1) gambaran dunia remaja dalam novel Aisyah Putri The Series: Jilbab In Love karya Asma Nadia dan (2) peranan novel Aisyah Putri The Series: Jilbab In Love dalam menunjang pendidikan karakter di sekolah menengah. Penelitian ini menggunakan ancangan deskriptif kualitatif. Data dikumpulkan menggunakan metode dokumentasi dengan teknik mungutip dan mencatat. Instrumen dalam pengumpulan data adalah peneliti sendiri dengan bantuan kartu data. Hasil penelitian ini menunjukkan (1) gambaran dunia remaja muslimah dalam novel Aisyah Putri The Series: Jilbab in Love meliputi, (a) jilbab sebagai identitas remaja muslimah, (b) pandangan remaja muslimah berjilbab terhadap hubungan dengan lawan jenis, (c) hubungan remaja muslimah berjilbab dengan keluarga, dan (d) kepedulian sosial remaja muslimah. (2) Peranan novel Aisyah Putri The Series: Jilbab In Love tampak dari muatan nilainya yang mengandung 15 nilai pendidikan karakter berdasarkan rumusan 18 nilai karakter oleh Puskur Kemendiknas 2010. Nilai tersebut meliputi, nilai religius, jujur, toleransi, disiplin, kerja keras, kreatif, mandiri, demokratis, rasa ingin tahu, menghargai prestasi, bersahabat/komunikatif, cinta damai, gemar membaca, peduli sosial, dan tanggung jawab. Dapat disimpulkan bahwa novel Aisyah Putri The Series: Jilbab In Love menggambarkan kehidupan remaja muslimah dan dapat bermanfaat dalam menunjang pendidikan karakter di sekolah menengah. Adapun saran dalam penelitian ini, yaitu (1) penelitian selanjutnya perlu diarahkan pada penelitian teenlit yang bersifat nonmuslim, (2) jika digunakan untuk pembelajaran, novel ini perlu dipertimbangkan pemanfaatannya ketika berhadapan dengan siswa nonmuslim, dan (3) penting adanya pedoman penggunaan nilai-nilai pada novel ke dalam proses pendidikan karakter.Kata Kunci : novel, remaja, nilai pendidikan karakter In this research there are two purposes, as follows; (1) the over view of the teenage world in the novel entitled Aisyah Putri The Series: Jilbab In Love by Asma Nadia, and (2) the role of novel entitled Aisyah Putri's The Series: The Jilbab In Love by Asma Nadia in supporting the characters education in senior high school. This research uses descriptive qualitative approach. The data is collected by citing and noted. The instrument of data collection is the researcher it self and the use of data card. The result of this research are (1) the over view of teenage world in the novel entitled Aisyah Putri The Series: Jilbab In Love by Asma Nadia, such as (a) Jilbab as the identity of Muslim teenagers, (b) The point of views of Muslim teenagers toward the relationships with the opposite sex, (c) The relationship of Muslim teenagers who are wearing jilbab with their family, and (d) The social awareness of Muslim teenagers. (2) The role of novel entitled Aisyah Putri The Series: Jilbab In Love is shown from the values that contain 15 educational characters which based on 18 educational characters by Puskur Kemendiknas 2010. These values are, religious, honesty, tolerance, discipline, hard work, creative, independent, democracy, curiosity, nationalisme, achievement respect, friendly/communicativeness, peace love, reading habit, social care and responsibility. The result proves that novel of Aisyah Putri The Series: Jilbab in Love describes the life of Muslim teenagers and beneficial to support the educational characters. As for suggestions for this research, which are (1) further research should be directed to research teenlit that are nonMuslim, (2) if used for learning, this novel need to be considered its use when dealing with nonMuslim students, (3) important to have guidelines for using the values of the novel into the process of character education.keyword : novel, teenage, character education

The philosophies of Pachamama and good living are points of reference for indigenous peoples and are present in the constitutions of Ecuador and Bolivia, to harmonize cultural differences and add traditions to local politics. The philosophies take as a base an Andean myth: the one who believes that nature is a living organism and subject of rights and make room to the biocentric vision of the world, shared by global bioethics. Nature no longer manages to recompose itself for the biotechno-logical innovations imposed by man, which forces humanity to find new paradigms, the New Latin American Constitutionalism, represented by the constitutions, is one of them. This article descri-bes and critically analyzes these two constitutions, relating them to the worldview of the Pachama-ma and the philosophy of good living in the context of global bioethics. In this sense, the Universal Declaration on Bioethics and Human Rights, by associating bioethics as a particular normative field in the attention and care of life and health, with human rights as a basic universal normative field of moral and legal obligations for all forms of living humanly, presents the fundamental values of a global ethic sustained by human dignity, equality of rights, freedom, justice, fraternity and peace, as defended in article 17, of the protection of the environment, of the biosphere and biodiversity ; Las filosofías de la Pachamama y del Buen Vivir son puntos de referencia de los pueblos indígenas y están presentes en las constituciones de Ecuador (2008) y Bolivia (2009), con el fin de armonizar las diferencias culturales y añadir las tradiciones a la política local. Las filosofías toman por base un mito andino, el que cree ser la naturaleza un organismo vivo y sujeto de derechos, y se abren espacio a la visión biocéntrica del mundo, compartida por la Bioética Global. La naturaleza ya no logra recomponerse por las innovaciones biotecnológicas impuestas por el hombre, lo que obliga la humanidad a encontrar nuevos paradigmas – el Nuevo Constitucionalismo Latinoamericano, representado por las constituciones de Ecuador e Bolivia, es uno de ellos. En este artículo se describe y analiza críticamente estas dos constituciones, relacionándolas con la visión de mundo de la Pachamama y de la filosofía del Buen Vivir en el contexto de la Bioética Global. ; As filosofias da Pachamama e do bom viver são pontos de referência dos povos indígenas e estão presentes nas constituições do Equador e da Bolívia, a fim de harmonizar as diferenças culturais e agregar as tradições às políticas locais. As filosofias são baseadas em um mito andino: aquele que acredita que a natureza é um organismo vivo e sujeito de direitos e se abre espaço para a visão bio-cêntrica do mundo, compartilhada pela bioética global. A natureza já não consegue recompor-se pe-las inovações biotecnológicas impostas pelo homem, o que obriga à humanidade a encontrar no-vos paradigmas, o Novo Constitucionalismo Latino-americano, representado pelas constituições, é um deles. Neste artigo se descrevem e analisam criticamente essas duas constituições, relacionan-do-as com a visão de mundo da Pachamama e da filosofia do bom viver no contexto da bioética glo-bal. Nesse sentido, a Declaração Universal sobre Bioética e Direitos Humanos, ao associar bioética como campo normativo particular na atenção e cuidado da vida e da saúde, com direitos humanos como campo normativo universal básico de obrigações morais e legais para todas as formas de viver humano, apresenta os valores fundamentais de uma ética universal sustentada pela dignidade hu-mana, a igualdade de direitos, a liberdade, a justiça, a fraternidade e a paz, como é defendido no ar-tigo 17, da proteção do meio ambiente, da biosfera e da biodiversidade

Este trabajo surge de la propuesta académica hecha para el seminario electivo del Doctorado en Educación de la Universidad Santo Tomás en Bogotá Colombia 'La violencia simbólica en la obra de Pierre Bourdieu y el acto pedagógico'. En un escenario muy particular que se presenta en la nación colombiana en los últimos meses en que el escenario académico político, económico y cultural busca salir de décadas de guerra entre el gobierno y los grupos armados de oposición, es necesario que este tema entre en el aula y reflexionar sobre estas tensiones muy acentuadas y particulares que cada día se luchan en escuelas, colegios o universidades. En este sentido, uno de ellos tiene que ver con las relaciones de poder entre maestros y estudiantes, el estudio de su génesis, su desarrollo y evolución; son esenciales para entender la escuela de hoy como el escenario en el que están educando a la nueva generación de colombianos que aparentemente , será el primero en vivir en un país en paz.Por lo tanto, se supone que las ideas del autor sobre la teoría de Bourdieu provienen de la experiencia de trabajar en Colombia como profesor en varias escuelas y universidades. Después de años de experiencias pedagógicas, esto haría una interesante visión, a través de la visión de Bourdieu, en el enfoque educativo pedagógico dominante en un país que es percibido como inestable por otras naciones. Este documento analiza cómo los estudiantes pueden ser discriminados u oprimidos debido a las luchas de poder o las tensiones dentro del aula y lo que Bourdieu podría llamar los arbitrarios culturales, haría lectura interesante. Para este análisis, se supone que la teoría de Pierre Bourdieu puede ser útil para entender este fenómeno, ya que permite abordar el tema desde lo teórico pero también deja la posibilidad de entender el fenómeno desde la práctica docente y la escuela. ; This discussion paper arises from the academic proposal made for elective seminar of the Doctorate in Education from Universidad Santo Tomás in Bogotá Colombia 'la violencia simbólica en la obra de Pierre Bourdieu y el acto pedagógico'. In a very particular scenario being presented in the Colombian nation in recent months in which the political, economic and cultural academic country seeks ways out of decades of war between the government and armed opposition groups, it is necessary that this topic enters into the classroom and reflect about these very pointed and particular tensions that every day are fought at schools, colleges or universities. In this sense, one of them has to do with power relationships between teachers and students, the study of its genesis, its development and evolution are essential for understanding today's school as the setting in which they are educating the new generation of Colombians who, apparently, will be the first to live in a country at peace. It is assumed therefore that the author's ideas on Bourdieu's theory stem from the author's experience of working in Colombia as a teacher in several schools and universities. After years of pedagogical experiences, this would make an interesting insight, through the lens of Bourdieu, into the dominant educational pedagogical approach in a country which is perceived to be unstable by other nations. A position paper on how students may be discriminated against or oppressed because of the power struggles or tensions within the classroom and what Bourdieu might call cultural arbitraries, would make interesting reading. For this analysis, it is assumed that the theory of Pierre Bourdieu can be helpful to understand this phenomenon, since it allows to address the issue from the theoretical but also leaves the possibility of understanding the phenomenon from teaching practice and the school.

Анализируется состояние политической культуры российского общества, определяются причины, которые препятствуют эффективному развитию политической системы на современном этапе: правовой нигилизм населения; низкий уровень доверия граждан к существующим институтам публичной власти; отсутствие инициатив со стороны региональных и местных властей в вопросе информационного сопровождения избирательного права. Автор обосновывает необходимость политического просвещения со стороны органов государственной власти и местного самоуправления для решения проблемы, связанной с аполитичностью поведения российского общества. Отмечена необходимость разработки и принятия Целевой программы политического просвещения общества. Обосновываются причины, побуждающие к данной инициативе. Во-первых, низкая явка, неуверенность в легитимности избранных политических сил и социальная напряженность в обществе способны привести к акциям протеста, митингам и шествиям, представляющим угрозу мирному процессу передачи власти. Во-вторых, рассматривая молодежь как стратегический ресурс государства, следует ориентироваться на серьезную работу с ней. Результаты научных исследований показывают, что молодые люди, в частности студенты, не всегда могут определить политические предпочтения и сделать осознанный выбор, примкнув к одной из политических идеологий. Сформулирована цель, которая состоит в повышении уровня политической культуры граждан, включая степень осведомленности и юридической грамотности общества. Задачами являются: создание условий, обеспечивающих формирование политической культуры населения Российской Федерации и ее субъектов; повышение информированности населения о действующем законодательстве в сфере избирательного права и интереса общества к исследованию вопросов, напрямую связанных с реализацией прав и свобод в указанной области; обеспечение свободного доступа гражданского общества к информации о деятельности органов власти и ее должностных лиц. Сделан вывод о необходимости создания эффективной системы комплексного, всеобъемлющего и систематического политического просвещения населения в рамках целевых программ, финансируемых из бюджетов федерального, регионального и муниципального уровней ; The article analyzes the state of the political culture of the Russian society. The factors that impede the efficient development of the political system at the present stage are determined: legal nihilism of the population; low level of public trust in the existing institutions of public authority; lack of a systematic approach of regional and local authorities in the information support of the electoral law. The author proves the necessity of political education from the direction of public authorities and local governments to address the problem of political apolitical behavior of Russian society. The necessity of the development and adoption of the target program of political education of society is stressed. The causes of this initiative are determined. Firstly, the low turnout, questioned legitimacy of the elected political forces and social tensions could lead to protests, rallies and marches, a threat to peace process of the transfer of authorities. Secondly, considering the youth as a strategic resource of the state, there is a need to work with it. Sociological data shows that young people, in particular, students cannot always determine political preferences and make an informed choice, joining one of the political ideologies. The author has formulated the goal, which is to raise the level of political culture of citizens, including the level of awareness and legal literacy of society. The tasks are: creating conditions for the formation of population's political culture in the Russian Federation and its subjects; increase public awareness of the current legislation in the area of electoral law and level of public interest in the investigation of issues directly related to the implementation of rights and freedoms in this area; provision of a free civil society access to information about the activities of authorities and its officials. The conclusion about the need to establish an effective system of integrated, comprehensive and systematic political education of the population through targeted programs financed from the federal budget, regional and municipal levels is made

Рассматриваются проблемы политической деятельности большевиков и левых эсеров в рамках Президиума ВЦИК II-IV созывов в ноябре 1917 июле 1918 г. На основании документальных источников реконструируется политическая деятельность большевиков и левых эсеров в Президиуме ВЦИК, который являлся важным государственным органом в двухпартийной системе советской власти. Главное внимание уделяется процессу формирования Президиума ВЦИК и принятию им политических решений в период существования двухпартийности. Исследуется изменение партийного состава Президиума ВЦИК II-IV созывов и его влияние на работу данного государственного органа. На основании архивных документов анализируется процесс принятия решений в Президиуме ВЦИК. Автор приходит к заключению о существовании периодов успешного взаимодействия большевиков и левых эсеров в Президиуме ВЦИК и периодов, когда их взаимодействие переживало кризисы. ; This article is devoted to the study of the interaction between the Bolsheviks and the Left SRs in the framework of the Central Executive Committee Presidium of II-IV convocations, which influenced the formation of the Soviet governmental institutions in 1917-1918. The aim of this study is to determine the characteristics of the interaction between the Bolsheviks and the Left SRs in the CEC Presidium, as well as the degree of participation of the two parties in the formation of the Soviet state-political system. The main objective of my research is a comprehensive review of the participation of these two parties in the organization and functioning of the CEC Presidium and the study of the principles of their joint activities in this state body on the basis of archival documents and sources of personal origin. In the Soviet period researchers have paid considerable attention to this issue, however, they investigated the process of the formation of the Soviet political system only through a prism of the struggle between the Bolsheviks and the Left SRs. In modern studies of this problem the political activities of the Left Socialist-Revolutionaries in the СЕС Presidium has not become the subject of a separate study. In this connection, investigation of participation of these two parties in the Soviet government is the most actual issue. The joint work of the Bolsheviks and the Left SRs in the СЕС Presidium was a characteristic feature of the Soviet state in the post-revolutionary period that proves the existence of the two-party system. When interacting with each other, they were forced to make compromises. The CEC Presidium of III IV convocations, which included only two parties, became the public authority, which made state decisions. The adoption of these decisions was accompanied by discussions between the representatives of the Bolsheviks and the Left SRs on various issues. The two-party system emerged at the end of 1917 beginning of 1918 that allowed the Bolsheviks to neutralize political opponents of the Council of People's Commissars. The conflict between the Bolsheviks and the Left SRs on the question of the Brest peace treaty was the cause of the first crisis in the two-party system. The change in the party composition of the CEC in the spring of 1918 led to the Bolshevik's number and its influence increase in the CEC Presidium. Due to the beginning of the food dictatorship policy the confrontation between these two political forces became constant. This led to the collapse of the Soviet two-party system in the CEC Presidium. On the basis of archival documents we can conclude that their cooperation in the first post-revolutionary months was the most successful. Subsequently, this interaction acquired a character of crisis that was accompanied by the increase of conflicts among the leaders of the Bolsheviks and the Left SRs. Despite of contradictions between the parties, the two-party system in the CEC of II IV convocations was very important for the Soviet political system development.

La dirigencia deportiva en Colombia presenta dos grandes problemas: las personas que son elegidas para los cargos públicos en los entes deportivos territoriales, cuentan con influencia y/o padrinazgo en el campo político; y en el sector privado (asociado), éstos dirigentes regularmente son ex deportistas o familiares de un deportista, sin contar con suficiente conocimiento sobre las funciones y habilidades en el sector. El segundo problema se refiere a la formación. Los actuales dirigentes deportivos no tienen una formación académica que les otorgue las competencias necesarias para desarrollar una adecuada gestión (o gestión de calidad), ni están formados académicamente en administración y gestión deportiva, conocimiento del sector y manejo de un segundo idioma. Normalmente sólo cumplen las 40 horas requeridas para ocupar cargos de dirección deportiva, según la Resolución 00547 del 2010 de Coldeportes. Si se apunta al logro de resultados trascendentes y al desarrollo del sector, un dirigente deportivo debe ser un gerente preparado para asumir con efectividad la gestión y administración de los productos y servicios deportivos. El presente estudio sobre el perfil profesional del Dirigente Deportivo Regional Valle del Cauca y Risaralda - va de la mano con la política pública del sector Plan Decenal del Deporte, la recreación, la actividad física y la educación física en Colombia para el desarrollo humano, la convivencia y la paz 2009-2019, cuyo primer lineamiento está direccionado al fortalecimiento de las organizaciones del sector y para ello se requiere de dirigentes competentes. Se trata de un estudio descriptivo, desarrollado por medio de encuesta aplicada a la población total de presidentes de las Ligas Deportivas de los dos departamentos, con el fin fundamental consiste en conocer su nivel de formación sobre administración y gestión deportiva y su experiencia en el sector en cargos de dirección. ; The country's sport authorities have had two major problems: for government officials at the territorial sport entities, the people who are chosen have influence in politics; and regarding the private sector, associate sector, they are chosen for being ex-athletes or an athlete's relative, without taking into account their knowledge on the sector's functions and abilities. The second problem refers to their training. The current sports managers do not have an academic background that grants the necessary competences to put into practice an appropriate management (or quality management), the academic background in administration and sports management, the knowledge of the sector and the use of a second language. They usually comply with the 40 hours that are requested to hold a sports management position, according to the 00547 resolution of 2010 by Coldeportes.If the aim is to achieve significant results and the sector's development, a sports manager has to be a well prepared manager to assume effectively the management and administration of the sport products and services. The current study about the career profile of the regional sports manager – Valle del Cauca and Risaralda, goes hand in hand with the sector's public politics sports ten-year plan, the recreation, the physical activity and the physical education in Colombia for human development, cohabitation and peace 2009-2019, which first lineament is addressed to the strengthening of the sector's organizations and in order to achieve that competent sports managers are required. It is a descriptive study, developed through a survey that was administered to the total population, sports leagues presidents of the two states (Valle del Cauca and Risaralda), which main characteristic is to know their academic background in sports management and administration and their experience in the sector's managing positions.