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Deploying deep learning services for time-sensitive and resource-constrained settings such as IoT using edge computing systems is a challenging task that requires dynamic adjustment of inference time. Multi-exit architectures allow deep neural networks to terminate their execution early in order to adhere to tight deadlines at the cost of accuracy. To mitigate this cost, in this paper we introduce a novel method called Multi-Exit Curriculum Learning that utilizes curriculum learning, a training strategy for neural networks that imitates human learning by sorting the training samples based on their difficulty and gradually introducing them to the network. Experiments on CIFAR-10 and CIFAR-100 datasets and various configurations of multi-exit architectures show that our method consistently improves the accuracy of early exits compared to the standard training approach. ; This work was partly funded by the European Union's Horizon 2020 research and innovation programme under grant agreement No 957337, and by the Danish Council for Independent Research under Grant No. 9131-00119B. This publication reflects the authors views only. The European Commission and the Danish Council for Independent Research are not responsible for any use that may be made of the information it contains.

Cover -- Contents -- List of Tables and Figures -- Foreword -- Acknowledgements -- Introduction -- 1 The Great Recession, the Eurozone Crisis and European Integration -- 2 European Identity -- 3 Legitimacy: Democracy, Accountability and Credibility -- 4 Solidarity: Winners and Losers in European Integration -- 5 Sustaining European Capitalism -- 6 Sustaining Europe's Global Role -- 7 Rethinking European Integration -- Conclusion: Rethinking the Choices for Europe -- References -- Index.

AbstractSome women did not participate in the Women's March, rejecting its claims of unity and solidarity because white women mobilize only in their self‐interest. This is a form of exit with three features: (1) rejecting a political claim; (2) providing reasons to the power wielder and the broader public; and (3) demanding accountability both as sanction and as deliberation, which requires a discussion about the claim—in this case, the meaning of the group and the terms on which it understands itself. This combination of exit, voice, and deliberative accountability might accurately be called "discursive exit." Discursive exit addresses conceptual and normative limitations of standard accounts of exit, voice, and loyalty, in particular, when exit and voice are imperfect—because exit can be seen as disapproval of an entire cause—and morally problematic—because voice "from within" implies that cause trumps disagreement, leaving people morally complicit in an unwelcome exercise of power.

This new text introduces the history, evolution and contemporary state of one of the European Union's most important, expensive and controversial policies. It examines the role that cohesion policy plays in European integration, as well as in economic development across regions, and analyzes the key debates and issues at stake.

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Because of the asymmetric nature of cyber threats and the dynamics of their evolution, there is a tendency for a growing role of security cooperation activities in cyberspace through joint efforts of states and non-state actors in international relations. New challenges and threats caused by the global pandemic are linked with an increased internet activity. The recent spread of fake news related to COVID-19 illness caused by SARS-CoV-2 coronavirus might be seen as part of sharp power disinformation strategy applied by state actors. International organisations serve as a forum for discussion to disseminate and analyse knowledge about cybersecurity and the effects of cyber threats, they are at the same time creators of common principles of prevention, legal and institutional solutions, and are complementary to the activities of states in this field. By adopting the regional level of analysis as its methodological perspective, the article shows a natural evolution of cybersecurity means from the time of the 1990s and early 2000s when the focus was set on computer and cyberspace as a tool of serious and organised crime, through the stage when computer crime was endangering cyberspace of the EU Member States, to the period when finally the EU objectives were to achieve an open, safe and secure cyberspace keeping in mind the importance of raising awareness and acquiring skills and knowledge how to avoid or face cyber threats. At the early stages of establishing the EU cybersecurity policy, the documents focused on definitions and identifications of threats and trends. Later stages included organising institutional and legal framework, and setting up specialised institutions, centres and teams. Not only did the understanding of cyber-related issues changed but also the response of the EU to cyber threats. The transition is from the soft law instruments (recommendations) such as guidelines, communications, declarations, roadmaps, actions plans, and strategies towards more hard law instruments (obligations) such as directives and other legislative acts. The character of directives has also changed – from directives on cyber-related issues to those characterised as cyber-oriented, each being more ambitious than the previous one. The complete appraisal of the effectiveness of the EU cyber security policy is impeded by a specific nature of cyberspace and its security, as well as problems with gathering appropriate data.

This paper is about the ways that citizens perceive their place in the political world around them, through their political identities. Using a combination of comparative and quantitative methodologies, the study traces the pattern of citizens' political identifications in the European Union and Canada between 1981 and 2003 and explains the mechanisms that shape these political identifications. The results of the paper show that in the EU and Canada identity formation is a process that involves the participation of both individuals and political institutions yet between the two, individuals play a greater role in identity construction than do political institutions. The paper argues that the main agents of political identification in the EU and Canada are citizens themselves: individuals choose their own political identifications, rather than acquiring identities that are pre-determined by historical or cultural precedence. The paper makes the case that this phenomenon is characteristic of a rise of 'civic' identities in the EU and Canada. In the European Union, this overarching 'civic' identity is in its infancy compared to Canada, yet, both reveal a new form of political identification when compared to the historical and enduring forms of cultural identities firmly entrenched in Europe. The rise of civic identities in both the EU and Canada is attributed to the active role that citizens play in their own identity constructions as they base their identifications on rational assessments of how well political institutions function, and whether their memberships in the community will benefit them, rather than on emotional factors rooted in religion or race. In the absence of strongly held emotional identifications, in the EU and Canada political institutions play a passive role in identity construction by making the community appear more entitative to its citizens. These findings offer new theoretical scope to the concept of civic communities and the political identities that underpin them. The most important finding presented in the paper is that although civic communities and identities are manufactured by institutions and political elites (politicians and bureaucrats), they require thinking citizens, not feeling ones, to be sustained.