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Constitutional Patriotism has always been a topic of controversy. Usually linked to Habermas' idea, current authors rather refer to Sternberger's concept of constitutional patriotism, although there is no detailed analysis of it. By taking into account Sternberger's experience of National Socialism this paper will present a new approach of looking at constitutional patriotism. From this point of view, it becomes clear, that there is a three-dimensional conceptualization of constitutional patriotism which includes a cognitive, emotive, and agitive dimension. These three dimensions lead to a democratic concept of action, which combines emotionality with rationality. Sternberger's constitutional patriotism can therefore be meaningfully linked with the current landscape of political science. Adapted from the source document.

Известный российский ученый, главный научный сотрудник Института социологии РАН, доктор исторических наук, профессор Александр Абрамович Галкин является крупнейшим исследователем проблем германского национал-социализма. Его научные интересы связаны также с политической социологией, проблемами глобализации, общественным сознанием, современными политическими движениями и режимами. Он автор более 300 научных публикаций, среди которых 17 монографий. ; The known Russian scientist, the main research associate Insti-тута sociology of the Russian Academy of Sciences, the doctor of historical sciences, professor Alexander Abramovich Galkin is the largest researcher of problems ger-mansky national socialism. Its scientific interests are connected also with political sociology, globalization problems, public consciousness, modern political movements and modes. He is an author more than 300 scientific publications, among which 17 monographs.

Het werk van de evolutionair-morfoloog en wetenschapspopularisator Ernst Haeckel is uiterst omstreden. Zijn sociaaldarwinisme is na de Tweede Wereldoorlog om begrijpelijke redenen in een kwaad daglicht komen te staan. De meest expliciete veroordeling van Haeckel is waarschijnlijk Daniel Gasmans The Scientific Origins of National Socialism in Ernst Haeckel. Inmiddels hebben wetenschapshistorici het eenzijdig negatieve beeld genuanceerd. Volgens de standaardkritiek is het anachronistisch om latere ontwikkelingen terug te projecteren op het werk van Haeckel. Zo ziet Robert Richards in Haeckel geen voorloper van het nazisme, maar een late vertegenwoordiger van een Duitse romantische traditie, die teruggaat op Alexander von Humboldt en Goethe. Met andere woorden Richards is meer geïnteresseerd in de intellectuele achtergronden, dan in de politieke en culturele werking van Haeckels denken.

Les traditions constituent des fondements essentiels de la culture humaine. recherche de la « juste tradition » accompagne l'armée allemande depuis sa naissance. Pour les soldats d'outre-Rhin, cela implique de sélectionner sciemment les éléments de l'histoire qui sont dignes d'être transmis. Trois lignes essentielles se sont formées qui constituent les trois piliers de la tradition : les réformes prussiennes, la résistance de certains militaires contre le national-socialisme et les traditions propres à la Bundeswehr. Les traditions militaires allemandes et françaises révèlent des différences notables. La « tradition allemande brisée » a rencontré un monde de traditions français figé, construit au fil des générations sur des formes et des rituels. Les soldats, produits de différents processus de socialisation, devraient et doivent aujourd'hui travailler et vivre ensemble.

AbstractThe reason why a fuller understanding of the significance of the Hitler dictatorship did not emerge in prewar democracies remains a question of enduring historical interest. This article examines the way in which Unilever, one of the earliest multinational corporations, responded to the challenges of political risk posed by the Third Reich, and how aspects of business activity that gave rise to moral issues were weighed against the need to survive commercially. The realisation that Unilever could be seen as an unwitting accomplice in the dictatorship's criminal activities seems to have come late to the company. While corporate culture reflected the values of contemporary society, multinational business was partly responsible for the failure to sound the alarm over the unique dangers inherent in National Socialism.

Where better to begin talking about Viennese identity in the late twentieth century than in the work of Elfriede Jelinek and Thomas Bernhard—specifically, in two plays whose titles immediately evoke the city as well as pregnant moments in its history: Jelinek's Burgtheater (published 1982; premiered 1985 in Bonn) and Bernhard's Heldenplatz (premiered 1988 in Vienna's Burgtheater). Insofar as the two plays dramatize the extent to which National Socialism took hold and persisted in Austria, they epitomize both authors' perennial roles as keen observers and harsh critics of Austrian society. Burgtheater and the scandal it generated established Jelinek's function as "Nestbeschmutzerin," whereas Heldenplatz, appearing the year before Bernhard's death, can be regarded as the capstone of his career as a critic of Austrian mores and politics.

Coping with his own involvement into national-socialism was a central topic of Carl Schmitt's late works after 1945. However, what Schmitt really thought about Hitler is really shown only by his unpublished works. Max Kommerell's studies on Schiller became a hermeneutic key for him in this regard. Schmitt focused on the question why a civilized nation like Germany just chose Hitler as "pure persecutor" of the revenge for Versailles. This Hitler-interpretation as reflected by Kommerell's idea of Schiller is also a sub-text of his book on Shakespeare "Hamlet or Hekuba" from 1956. -- My essay reconstructs this very "esoteric" historical-political coping with Schiller as an example of the latter's actuality. Adapted from the source document.

The objective of this article is to contribute to an understanding of Hannah Arendt's special place in present-day political theory by means of a contrast between her Origins of Totalitarianism and four important political science studies of National Socialism and totalitarianism, three written by authors who shared the status of involuntary emigrant with Arendt, that are offered as constituting the original context of her work. A critical appreciation of the seminal works by Ernst Fraenkel, Franz L. Neumann, Sigmund Neumann, and Carl Joachim Friedrich and Zbigniew Brezinski, with special emphasis on questions of method, opens the way to a reconsideration of the distinctly philosophical character of Arendt's work, and its shocking challenges to the scientific orientations of political science.

Outlines the contributions of the Heidelberg Instit of Social & Political Science to the social sciences as well as its contribution regarding the development of democratic leaders through interdiscipline & discourse. During the ten years of its existence, a remarkable number of social scientists emerged thanks to the cooperation of different sciences & the very talented Alfred Weber, younger brother of Max Weber. The divestiture by National Socialism spelled the end for the Instit. The most important contribution of the Instit was to the political formation of the German Federal Republic. Alfred Weber was a representative of the continuity of democratic thinking in Germany. The Constitution & governance practice of the German Federal Republic follow in many points his concepts. 31 References. E. Sanchez

The ideology of the French New Right is routinely dismissed with facile comparisons to other "Third Way" movements such as fascism & National Socialism. While the movement's embrace of certain tenets of the thought of Nietzsche & Heidegger seems to lend credence to its critics' claims, the French New Right is more complex than a mere recycling of Nazism. The movement rejects both modernity (& what it perceives as the chief avatar of modernity: the US) & Christianity as "foreign" & inimical to a truly European identity. It harks back to Europe's pagan & Indo-European past (viewed more in cultural rather than racial terms) & seeks to use this past in order to reshape the future. 142 References. K. A. Larsen

German sociologist & anthropologist Helmuth Plessner has tried to explain the ascent of national socialism in Germany with the belated formation of the German nation. Not only was it formed later than other West European nations, but also it was formed in a different manner. While West European nations were formed by countering the monarchy with the novel concept of the state as a republic, the German nation was founded on the culture within the Reich, which was "a great power devoid of the idea of the state." The author has tried to prove the limited analytical value of Plessner's distinction between the belated & timely nations of pointing out that culture & tradition are an essential medium for the formation of nations. Adapted from the source document.

The German sociologist and anthropologist Helmuth Plessner has tried to explain the ascent of national-socialism in Germany with the belated formation of the German nation. Not only was it formed later than other West European nations, it was formed in a different manner. While West European nations were formed by countering monarchy with the novel concept of the state as a republic, the German nation was founded on the culture within the Reich which was "a great power devoid of the idea of the state". The author has tried to prove the limited analytical value of Plessner's distinction between the belated and the timely nations by pointing out that culture and tradition are an essential medium for the formation of nations. (SOI : PM: S. 206)

German sociologist & anthropologist Helmuth Plessner has tried to explain the ascent of national socialism in Germany with the belated formation of the German nation. Not only was it formed later than other West European nations, but also it was formed in a different manner. While West European nations were formed by countering the monarchy with the novel concept of the state as a republic, the German nation was founded on the culture within the Reich, which was "a great power devoid of the idea of the state." The author has tried to prove the limited analytical value of Plessner's distinction between the belated & timely nations of pointing out that culture & tradition are an essential medium for the formation of nations. Adapted from the source document.

The development of European unification in the twentieth century is examined via a reading of Karl Schmitt's Die Lage der europaischen Rechtswissenschaft ([The Plight of European Jurisprudence] Turbingen: Internationaler Universitats-Verlag, 1950), which takes as its starting point the obsolescence of the state & the nationalism it fostered. Schmitt traces the rise of European consciousness from its religious foundations in Judeo-Christian traditions, through its secularization in European & Roman law, to the disintegration of the jus publicum Europoeum. Schmitt's relationship to national socialism is discussed, & his understanding of both the crisis of European jurisprudence & consciousness is examined. Schmitt's reflections are drawn on to speculate on the future of Europe & the emergence of a new international order. W. Howard

Views concerning the philosophy of T. Adorno are presented in 2 main areas: the ideological existence of the bourgeois individual, & the politics of National Socialism. The objective contradiction revealed in Adorno's theory springs from the fact that Germany lacks "historical preconditions for a rational discussion of the historical legitimacy of militancy." Ramifications of Adorno's subsequent misunderstanding of political reality within the theoretical framework of the times are described with special reference to the student movement. Adorno's last work "Negative Dialectics" (no publication information available) is analyzed in terms of social praxis, & specificity. A "progressive process of abstraction from historical process" is identified which contributes to the inadequacy & increasing antiquity of Adorno's Critical Theory. C. Grindle.