Suchergebnisse

Dr. Marcus Smith, Dr. Dale Walton and Dr. Brian Arendt discuss US Foreign Policy in Afghanistan and Iraq and the Future. "Dr. Marcus" Smith (BA Anderson University, MA University of Cincinnati, Ph.D. Purdue University) is a historian of Modern Middle Eastern and Global history. Born and raised in Ohio, a deployment to Iraq in 2005 with the U.S. Army sparked an interest in the history and cultures of the region which led to subsequent travels in Israel-Palestine and Jordan. Research topics focus on social, political, and cultural relations of minority communities including case studies of Muslim Americans living in Columbus, Ohio 1980s-Present, and the Jewish community in Baghdad, Iraq 1951-Present. His love of history stems from a curiosity about the factors that make for peace or violence in our modern world and is closely linked with social engagement and community service projects. Dr. Brian Arendt is an Assistant Professor of Chinese Studies and International Relations at Lindenwood University. He has earned a Ph.D. in History from Georgetown University in 1993, and also holds a Master's degree from SUNY at Stony Brook and a Bachelor's degree from UM-St. Louis. He has taught courses in South Korea, interned at the World Trade Center in St. Louis, and served as an adjunct instructor with Lindenwood, St. Louis University, Washington University, and Concordia University. He has taught a wide variety of courses, including World History, modern Chinese history, traditional Chinese history, the history of Asia, and international politics. He has presented papers on aspects of Chinese history to the Midwest Association of Asian Studies and the Missouri Conference on History. In 2013 he published an article in Lindenwood University's Confluence journal entitled, "China and the Louisiana Purchase Exposition." He is currently working on a project in modern international relations. Dr. C. Dale Walton is associate professor of International Relations at Lindenwood, as well as a senior research fellow with the John W. Hammond Institute for Free Enterprise. Prior to coming to Lindenwood, he taught at the University of Reading (UK) and Missouri State University. Dr. Walton has published three monographs: Grand Strategy and the Presidency: Foreign Policy, War, and the American Role in the World (2012); Geopolitics and the Great Powers in the Twenty-first Century: Multipolarity and the Revolution in Strategic Perspective (2007); and The Myth of Inevitable U.S. Defeat in Vietnam (2002). He also is one of the co-authors of Understanding Modern Strategy, 2nd ed. (Cambridge University Press, 2016). His academic interests include strategic theory and history, great power politics, and the future of US domestic governance and foreign policy. ; https://digitalcommons.lindenwood.edu/thinking_aloud/1008/thumbnail.jpg

This essay explores the implications of what we call attachments to innocence for critical scholarship and progressive politics. After tracing the appearance of innocence in various strands of contemporary thought, we turn to how it shields individuals and groups from examining the depth of our own participation in oppression and harm. This evasion of responsibility works in our perspective as a hindrance to understanding power and engaging with others ethically. The essay more concretely examines how the reductionist and authoritarian dimensions of innocence dovetail with the neoliberal uptake of 'progressive' politics in university and activist settings. We are interested in how academics and activists of different kinds are rewarded for cultivating their innocent-selves through discursive and material interventions that leave power relations untouched. It is not merely monetary or status rewards that perpetuate this, but the crisis produced by our implication in the very violence we reject. Working with and through the mobility of agency, power, abuse, and justice, we explore what is at stake in shedding our attachments to innocence in the hope of a different sort of encounter – one that proceeds from the recognition that innocence is not a precondition for our engagement in political life. ; Este artículo explora las implicaciones para la academia y la política de lo que llamamos apegos a la inocencia. Luego de rastrear las formas en que la inocencia aparece en diferentes corrientes del pensamiento contemporáneo, nos concentramos en cómo ella protege a individuos y grupos de confrontar nuestra participación profunda en la opresión. Esta evasión de la responsabilidad funciona, en nuestra perspectiva, como un obstáculo para comprender el poder e interactuar éticamente. El artículo también examina cómo las dimensiones reduccionistas y autoritarias de la inocencia se fusionan con la apropiación neoliberal de la política progresista en la academia y el activismo. Nos interesan los modos en que académicos y activistas son recompensados por cultivar un yo-inocente a través de intervenciones discursivas y materiales que mantienen intocadas las relaciones de poder. No son las recompensas meramente monetarias o de estatus las que perpetúan esto, sino la crisis que produce nuestra implicación personal y colectiva en la violencia que supuestamente rechazamos. Trabajando con y a través del carácter móvil de la agencia, el poder, el abuso y la justicia, exploramos qué está en juego a la hora de poder, o no, superar los apegos a la inocencia. Hacemos esto con la esperanza de delinear otro tipo de encuentro: el que procede del reconocimiento de que la inocencia no es una condición para nuestra participación en la vida política

Sabemos que el novelista Estanislao de Cosca Vayo, como otros románticos, profesaba una ideología liberal; no obstante, en su periódico El Constitucional (1836) podemos observar textos llenos de recelo hacia otros liberales, en especial aquellos que regresaban del exilio. Vayo defiende siempre la libertad, pero solo si es obtenida sin recurrir a la violencia, y condena las actitudes más extremas de algunos de su bando, a quienes en parte culpabiliza de las represiones habidas durante la década ominosa. Estas mismas ideas podían apreciarse ya en su novela Los expatriados o Zulema y Gazul (1834), que narra la expulsión de los musulmanes de la ciudad de Valencia por el rey Jaime, expatriación presentada como un hecho injusto; pero el narrador, lejos de apoyar cualquier rebelión violenta, se inclina mayormente a la defensa de la vía pacífica y considera que ninguna radicalización es lícita por muchos motivos que pueda tener. Esta novela, por tanto, puede ser interpretada como un gesto político, como una advertencia a los liberales que regresaban del exilio, a fin de que renunciaran a sus posturas más radicales en favor del perdón y la reconciliación. ; It is known that the novelist Estanislao de CoscaVayo, like other romantics, professed a liberal ideology; however, in his newspaper El Constitucional (1836) he wrote some texts full of suspicion towards other liberals, especially those who returned from exile. Vayo always defends freedom, but just if it is obtained without resorting to violence, and he condemns the most extreme attitudes of some people of his faction, whom he partly blames for the repressions during the ominous decade. These same ideas could already be seen in his novel Los expatriados o Zulema and Gazul (1834), which narrates the expulsion of the muslims from the city of Valencia by the King Jaime, an expatriation presented as an unjust fact; however, the narrator, far from supporting any violent rebellion, is mainly inclined to defend the peaceful path, and he considers that no radicalization is lawful for whatever reasons it may have. Therefore, this novel can be interpreted as a political gesture, as a warning to liberals who were returning from exile, in order to renounce their most radical positions in favor of forgiveness and reconciliation. ; Este artículo es uno de los resultados de los proyecto de investigación "Leer y escribir la nación: mitos e imaginarios literarios de España (1831-1879)" —LEyENMIESXIX—, financiado por AEI/FEDER, UE, con referencia FFI2017-82177-P, e "Idea de Andalucía e idea de España en los siglos XVIII-XIX. De la prensa crítica al artículo de costumbres" (PID2019-110208GB-I00/AEI/10.13039/501100011033).

This article refers to the results of a survey on policy implementation of public policies for inclusive education and the experiences of school inclusion of students with visual impairments at the Adelino Magalhães Municipal School, located in Niterói, state of Rio de Janeiro, with the primary objective of characterizing the experiences on pedagogical praxis with students with visual impairments considered to be in a situation of inclusion. The theoretical-methodological framework adopted in the problematization of the object of study and data analysis was the critical theory of society. The study included: two visually impaired students considered to be in a situation of inclusion, a teacher from the inclusive classroom, a teacher from the multifunctional resources room and a teacher of pedagogical support for school inclusion. The results revealed that the Adelino Magalhães Municipal School is developing inclusive education, mainly due to the implementation of public education policies in the municipality of Niterói, which prioritize the inclusion of students with disabilities. It was found that inclusive education demands collective political-pedagogical commitment from teachers, administrators and family members in favor of public schools and their democratization. Consequently, inclusive education enables solidary teaching and learning experiences centered on the humanization of students with disabilities, thus making them able to recognize themselves as participants in society, in which the violence present in competitiveness prevails. ; Este artigo refere-se aos resultados de uma pesquisa sobre a implementação de políticas públicas de educação inclusiva e as experiências de inclusão escolar de estudantes com deficiência visual na Escola Municipal Adelino Magalhães, localizada em Niterói, estado do Rio de Janeiro, e tem por objetivo central caracterizar as experiências sobre a práxis pedagógica com estudantes com deficiência visual considerados em situação de inclusão. O referencial teórico-metodológico adotado na problematização do objeto de estudo e análise dos dados foi a teoria crítica da sociedade. Participaram do estudo: dois estudantes com deficiência visual considerados em situação de inclusão, uma professora da sala de aula inclusiva, uma professora da sala de recursos multifuncionais e uma professora de apoio pedagógico à inclusão escolar. Os resultados revelaram que a Escola Municipal Adelino Magalhães está desenvolvendo a educação inclusiva, sobretudo em decorrência da implementação das políticas públicas de educação no município de Niterói, que estabelecem como prioridade a inclusão escolar de estudantes com deficiência. Foi constatado que a educação inclusiva demanda compromisso político-pedagógico coletivo de professores, gestores e familiares em prol da escola pública e de sua democratização. Consequentemente, a educação inclusiva possibilita experiências de ensino e aprendizagem solidárias, centradas na humanização de estudantes com deficiência, tornando-os, assim, aptos a se reconhecerem como partícipes da sociedade, na qual impera a violência presente na competitividade.

Nine months after the 1 February 2021 military coup in Myanmar, an estimated 2,000 soldiers of the 300,000-350,000 strong Myanmar military, the Tatmadaw, had defected. This has occurred in the context of massive popular resistance to the coup, which the military leadership has tried to quell with large-scale arrests, killings of civilians and various forms of intimidation. Since the first defections in late February, resistance has shifted from being exclusively non-violent to waging a low intensity and defensive warfare against the Tatmadaw's troops. As a result, the gap between the civilian population and the armed forces has widened, with significant loses on both sides. Yet this trend has been challenged mainly by some of the younger, lower-ranking soldiers, who have joined 'the people's side'. Some defectors take part in the armed resistance, while others are actively engaged in campaigns to mobilise more soldiers to leave the army or to tacitly circumvent orders from within. Increasingly, these defector groups have been supported by the political opposition to the military. This report draws on the narratives of active defectors to analyse what has motivated soldiers to defect after the military coup, and to conversely understand what obstacles there are to an increased scale of defections. We argue that while moral concerns regarding the violence against civilians after the coup has been a strong motivating factor, defections are also driven by deep dissatisfaction with the internal workings of the military system that existed prior to the coup. The support mechanisms, exit options, and alternative visions of order proclaimed by the civilian opposition to the coup also play an increasingly important role and would likely be decisive in motivating more defections. Yet the obstacles to defection are also pertinent and are intrinsically woven into the fabric of the Tatmadaw's long tradition of nurturing cohesion and loyalty among its armed forces - e.g., through ideological programming, isolation, hierarchical patron-client relations and a stringent system of commands, rewards, and punishments. While defectors suggest that many more rank-and-file soldiers would desert or defect if they did not fear punishment and for their family's security, our analysis also points to the fundamental structural obstacles that likely inhibit the cultivation of wide-spread motivations to split from the Tatmadaw. This report offers insights into the increasingly strong conviction that the disintegration of the Tatmadaw through internal splits and large-scale mutinies will be decisive in reversing the coup and for bringing Myanmar onto a genuinely democratic path. So far in Myanmar, there are no clear signs of impending major military splits, but the defections that have occurred can be considered a significant, albeit mainly symbolic, blow to the Tatmadaw's internal coherence and stability.

Episode 8 Guests, Dr. Marcus Smith, Dr. Dale Walton and Dr. Brian Arendt, discuss Afghanistan: what happened and what comes next. "Dr. Marcus" Smith (BA Anderson University, MA University of Cincinnati, Ph.D. Purdue University) is a historian of Modern Middle Eastern and Global history. Born and raised in Ohio, a deployment to Iraq in 2005 with the U.S. Army sparked an interest in the history and cultures of the region which led to subsequent travels in Israel-Palestine and Jordan. Research topics focus on social, political, and cultural relations of minority communities including case studies of Muslim Americans living in Columbus, Ohio 1980s-Present, and the Jewish community in Baghdad, Iraq 1951-Present. His love of history stems from a curiosity about the factors that make for peace or violence in our modern world and is closely linked with social engagement and community service projects. Dr. Brian Arendt is an Assistant Professor of Chinese Studies and International Relations at Lindenwood University. He has earned a Ph.D. in History from Georgetown University in 1993, and also holds a Master's degree from SUNY at Stony Brook and a Bachelor's degree from UM-St. Louis. He has taught courses in South Korea, interned at the World Trade Center in St. Louis, and served as an adjunct instructor with Lindenwood, St. Louis University, Washington University, and Concordia University. He has taught a wide variety of courses, including World History, modern Chinese history, traditional Chinese history, the history of Asia, and international politics. He has presented papers on aspects of Chinese history to the Midwest Association of Asian Studies and the Missouri Conference on History. In 2013 he published an article in Lindenwood University's Confluence journal entitled, "China and the Louisiana Purchase Exposition." He is currently working on a project in modern international relations. Dr. C. Dale Walton is associate professor of International Relations at Lindenwood, as well as a senior research fellow with the John W. Hammond Institute for Free Enterprise. Prior to coming to Lindenwood, he taught at the University of Reading (UK) and Missouri State University. Dr. Walton has published three monographs: Grand Strategy and the Presidency: Foreign Policy, War, and the American Role in the World (2012); Geopolitics and the Great Powers in the Twenty-first Century: Multipolarity and the Revolution in Strategic Perspective (2007); and The Myth of Inevitable U.S. Defeat in Vietnam (2002). He also is one of the co-authors of Understanding Modern Strategy, 2nd ed. (Cambridge University Press, 2016). His academic interests include strategic theory and history, great power politics, and the future of US domestic governance and foreign policy. ; https://digitalcommons.lindenwood.edu/thinking_aloud/1007/thumbnail.jpg

The Partition of India was one of the crucial moments marking the transition between the colonial and postcolonial era. Partition has become ever since a long-term process that continues to elicit political, cultural and emotional contexts in South Asia. The creation of Pakistan as a homeland for South Asian Muslims involved the division of Bengal and Punjab along religious lines and while the celebratory narratives of decolonization and nationhood marked the official historiographies of 1947, trauma, loss and displacement were not part of the narrative. The following article focuses on the experience of abducted women in Bengal in the communal riots during the Partition of India. This analysis stems from a brief overview of the silence that has permeated the partition of Bengal within historiography and the scarce literary response that has articulated those silences. It moves on to the analysis of the violence that abducted women suffered in this context. Finally, it deals with two short stories, "The Lost Ribbon" and "Embrace," which situate gender trauma narratives by showing two radically different responses to the event of becoming a mother of an abductor's child on the other side of the border and the effect that displacement and forced repatriation has upon female bodies. ; La partición de la India constituye unos de los momentos cruciales que han marcado la transición entre la era colonial y poscolonial. Desde entonces, la partición se ha erigido como un proceso a largo plazo que sigue propiciando contextos políticos, culturales y emocionales en Asia del Sur. La creación de Pakistán como patria para los musulmanes asiáticos del Sur tuvo como resultado la división de Bengala y Punjab según divisiones religiosas. Mientras que la historiografía oficial de 1947 estaba marcada por relatos triunfalistas de decolonización y nacionalismo, elementos como el trauma, la pérdida o el desplazamiento quedaron fuera del relato. El siguiente artículo se centra en la experiencia de las mujeres secuestradas en Bengal, en los disturbios entre comunidades durante la partición de la India. Este análisis parte de una breve aproximación al silencio que ha presidido la historiografia de la partición de Bengala y la escasa respuesta literaria que ha articulado estos silencios. El artículo trata la violencia que las mujeres secuestradas sufrieron en este contexto y finalmente se centra en los dos relatos breves, "The Lost Ribbon" y "Embrace", que sitúan el relato del trauma y el género mediante dos respuestas radicalmente diferentes al hecho de ser madre de un hijo de secuestrador más allá de la frontera. Así mismo analiza el efecto que el desplazamiento y la repatriación forzosa tiene sobre los cuerpos femeninos.

This article refers to the results of a survey on policy implementation of public policies for inclusive education and the experiences of school inclusion of students with visual impairments at the Adelino Magalhães Municipal School, located in Niterói, state of Rio de Janeiro, with the primary objective of characterizing the experiences on pedagogical praxis with students with visual impairments considered to be in a situation of inclusion. The theoretical-methodological framework adopted in the problematization of the object of study and data analysis was the critical theory of society. The study included: two visually impaired students considered to be in a situation of inclusion, a teacher from the inclusive classroom, a teacher from the multifunctional resources room and a teacher of pedagogical support for school inclusion. The results revealed that the Adelino Magalhães Municipal School is developing inclusive education, mainly due to the implementation of public education policies in the municipality of Niterói, which prioritize the inclusion of students with disabilities. It was found that inclusive education demands collective political-pedagogical commitment from teachers, administrators and family members in favor of public schools and their democratization. Consequently, inclusive education enables solidary teaching and learning experiences centered on the humanization of students with disabilities, thus making them able to recognize themselves as participants in society, in which the violence present in competitiveness prevails. ; Este artigo refere-se aos resultados de uma pesquisa sobre a implementação de políticas públicas de educação inclusiva e as experiências de inclusão escolar de estudantes com deficiência visual na Escola Municipal Adelino Magalhães, localizada em Niterói, estado do Rio de Janeiro, e tem por objetivo central caracterizar as experiências sobre a práxis pedagógica com estudantes com deficiência visual considerados em situação de inclusão. O referencial teórico-metodológico adotado na problematização do objeto de estudo e análise dos dados foi a teoria crítica da sociedade. Participaram do estudo: dois estudantes com deficiência visual considerados em situação de inclusão, uma professora da sala de aula inclusiva, uma professora da sala de recursos multifuncionais e uma professora de apoio pedagógico à inclusão escolar. Os resultados revelaram que a Escola Municipal Adelino Magalhães está desenvolvendo a educação inclusiva, sobretudo em decorrência da implementação das políticas públicas de educação no município de Niterói, que estabelecem como prioridade a inclusão escolar de estudantes com deficiência. Foi constatado que a educação inclusiva demanda compromisso político-pedagógico coletivo de professores, gestores e familiares em prol da escola pública e de sua democratização. Consequentemente, a educação inclusiva possibilita experiências de ensino e aprendizagem solidárias, centradas na humanização de estudantes com deficiência, tornando-os, assim, aptos a se reconhecerem como partícipes da sociedade, na qual impera a violência presente na competitividade.

ABSTRACTStart from basic assumptions of soft power, the ability to influence others using their attraction, so other people can affected become voluntary or without threats and violence. Brazil uses soft power instruments through the Telenovela media as the nation's branding, Brazil's telenovela becomes one of Brazil's country icons, telenovela series scheduled in prime time prove how the public love to watch telenovelas, with optimism the film makers put a large capital to make this show seven bigger, they exporting Brazil telenovela to many countries not only in Latin America but also telenovela spread to other continents. Brazil telenovela is not just a money machine but also a political media of culture, tourism, a picture of social construction and romance in Brazil, telenovela becomes a melodrama series that takes the background story from Brazilian people lifes, Brazilian telenovela is often interpolated with Brazilian art such as capoeira, samba dance, actors accent, trend fashion in Brazil, camera settings that shows the beauty of the Brazilian city, the camera perspective make us want to travel or visit the city had make telenovelas story before, Brazilian telenovelas make us know what is Brazil by watching it, that show Brazil made national branding in international society.Keywords: telenovela, Brazil, soft power, nation brandingBerangkat dari asumsi dasar soft power sebagai kemampuan untuk mempengaruhi orang lain menggunakan daya tarik yang dimiliki, sehingga orang lain yang terpengaruh dan bersifat voluntary atau tanpa ancaman dan kekerasan. Brasil menggunakan instrumen soft power melalui media Telenovela sebagai nation brandingnegaranya, telenovela Brasil menjadi salah satu icon negara Brasil, penempatan serial telenovela pada prime time menunjukkan bagaimana masyarakat sangat menggemari telenovela, dengan optimisnya para pembuat film mereka meletakkan modal yang cukup besar untuk membuat tayangan ini lebih besar lagi, dengan mengekspor telenovela Brasil ini ke banyak negara tidak hanya di Amerika Latin saja tetapi telenovela Brasil merambat hingga benua lain tetapi telenovela Brasil bukan hanya sekedar mesin uang tetapi juga merupakan media politik kebudayaan, pariwisata, dan gambaran konstruksi sosial serta romansa percintaan masyarakat Brasil, telenovela menjadi serial melodrama yang mengambil latar belakang cerita dari kehidupan masyarakat Brasil secara tidak langsung telenovela Brasil sering disisipi kesenian Brasil seperti capoeira, samba dance, penggunaan logat para aktornya dan tren berpakaian yang digunakan, seting tempat dengan sudut pandang kamera yang memperlihatkan keindahan kota Brasil seakan menuntun kita untuk ingin bepergian mendatangi kota negara tersebut dengan melihat aspek-aspek tersebut meskipun kita belum pernah mendatangi negara Brasil kita akan dapat mengerti kehidupan budaya dan keadaan alam disana, begitulah cara Brasil menggambarkan atau membranding negaranya agar dapat dikenal oleh masyarakat internasional.Kata Kunci: telenovela, Brazil, soft power, nation branding DOI : https://doi.org/10.33005/jgp.v8i03.2392

Islam is a religion of peace, meaning that Islam does not justify violent practices, in a radical way to achieve a political goal or to maintain a belief that is considered sacred. Religion, which should be a guide for a friendly and tolerant life, has resulted in violence and terrorism. This means that there is a mistake in understanding and implementing fundamental religious teachings. Isn't it the opposite, Islam taught by the Prophet Muhammad SAW, in fact, proves to be a religion that upholds peace, compassion, and respects peace? The mission of Islam brought by the Prophet Muhammad SAW to mankind is peace (salam), this is why this religion is not called Mohammadanism, Arabism, or other isms, but this religion is called Islam which means safety, peace and peace, anyone who preaches Islam must have the principle of prioritizing peace not the other way around. Terrorism and religious radicalism are actually not only a problem of the perpetrators, and not the people who are victims of these actions, but terrorism and radicalism that must be paid attention to are problems of theological beliefs, meaning that the perpetrators can be arrested, imprisoned, and killed, but ideological beliefs and doctrines are not easily abolished. Therefore, it is necessary to discuss a friendly, tolerant, and soothing paradigm of Islamic understanding. This understanding is more suitable for Islamic moderation (Islam Wasathiyah). Islam adalah agama damai, artinya Islam tidak membenarkan praktek kekerasan, dengan cara radikal untuk mencapai suatu tujuan politik atau untuk mempertahankan keyakinan yang dianggap suci, sangat tidak Islami. Agama yang seharusnya menjadi panduan hidup yang ramah dan toleran jusru menjadi timbulnya kekerasan dan terorisme. Hal ini berarti ada kesalahan dalam memahami dan mengimplementasi ajaran agama yang fundamental. Bukankah sebaliknya, Islam yang diajarkan oleh Nabi Muhammad SAW, justru membuktikan sebagai agama yang menjunjung tinggi perdamaian, kasih sayang, dan memahargai perdamaian? misi Islam yang dibawa oleh Nabi Muhammad SAW kepada ummat manusia adalah perdamaian (salam), dari sinilah mengapa agama ini tidak dinamakan Mohammadanisme, Arabisme, atau isme lain, akan tetapi agama ini dinamakan Islam yang berarti selamat, tentram dan damai, siapapun yang mendakwahkan Islam harus berprinsip mengutamakan perdamaian bukan sebaliknya. Terorisme dan radikalisme agama sebenarnya tidak hanya masalah pelakunya, dan bukan pula para orang-orang yang menjadi korban dari aksi tersebut, akan tetapi terorisme dan radikalisme yang harus di perhatikan adalah masalah keyakinan teologis, artinya pelaku bisa ditangkap, dipenjarakan, dan dibunuh, akan tetapi keyakinan dan doktrin ideologinya tidak mudah dihapuskan begitu saja. Oleh karena itu, perlu mewacanakan paradigma pemahaman keislaman yang ramah, toleran, dan menyejukkan. Pemahaman ini lebih cocok pada moderasi Islam (Islam Wasathiyah)

This essay begins by addressing the security context in Africa and the structural violence that is felt throughout the Continent. Later, it addresses the main threats that are manifest in such a differentiated space, emphasizing that in the current context it seems to be the fragility of the States the greatest threat, incapable of guaranteeing their inhabitants the ultimate ends - security, justice and well-being. Despite the failure of the state, people continue to live in these spaces, having various forms of social organization, which subsist and compete with other state structures, in the collection of taxes, in the use of force and also having different forms of social responsibility over the populations they control. The second threat emphasized in the essay, is one of those social structures that seek to impose itself in several geographic spaces: global subversion, which today is materialized in the two main factions of the global jihadist movement (al-Qaeda and Daesh), which seek the conquest of spaces and power also in Africa, using not only political mechanisms, but also, and when necessary, violent actions. Finally, a spectral analysis of other security threats in Africa, whether natural, such as climate change and pandemics, or man-made, such as organized crime and piracy, is presented. ; Este ensaio começa por abordar o contexto securitário em África e a violência estrutural que se manifesta um pouco por todo o Continente. Posteriormente aborda as principais ameaças que se manifestam naquele espaço tão diferenciado, destacando-se a que no atual contexto parece ser a maior ameaça, a fragilidade dos Estados incapazes de garantir aos seus habitantes os fins últimos – segurança, justiça e bem-estar. Apesar do Estado falhar, as populações continuam a viver nesses espaços, possuindo diversas formas de organização social, que subsistem e que competem com as restantes estruturas do Estado, na cobrança de impostos, no uso da força e na responsabilidade social sobre as populações que controlam. A segunda ameaça a que se dá ênfase no ensaio é uma dessas estruturas sociais que se procura afirmar em diversas geografias, a subversão global, que hoje se materializa nas duas principais fações do movimento jihadista global (al-Qaeda e o Daesh), que procuram a conquista de espaços e Poder também em África, recorrendo a mecanismos não apenas políticos, mas também, e quando necessário, a ações violentas. Por fim, é feita uma análise espectral das outras ameaças à segurança em África, sejam elas naturais como as alterações climáticas e as pandemias, ou causadas pela ação do homem, como o crime organizado e a pirataria. ; info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion

The pattern of a knowledge-based society relies to a large extent on digital technologies and intangible outputs and generate considerable transnational financial flows and gains. These technologies also play a key role in providing free access to data and information, encouraging citizen participation in public decision-making, fostering transparency and scrutiny of government action and mobilising new players capable of identifying alternative means of civic and political participation worldwide. At the same time, the increasingly impact of online platforms in manipulating transnational public debates, and the surge in extremist groups using the digital ecosystem to incite hatred, hostility and violence are a warning sign that these modes of communication may be having an adverse effect on democracy and that the boundary between fact and fiction is not as clear as we may like to think. The US presidential election campaign and the Brexit referendum (2016), the theories about COVID-19 (that have flooded the web since 2019), the terrorist attack against French teacher Samuel Paty (16 October 2020) all highlight these trends. When the majority of the world's citizens are using online media as their main source of information, the proliferation of disinformation and the related threat of radicalism and extremism have led to a growing awareness of these issues at international- and European Union level. What can be done to tackle the situation? How should the democratic states with new forms of private power in the algorithmic society? Where should the line be drawn between freedom of expression and media pluralism on the one hand, and intrusion and censorship of dissenting opinions on the other? How should information be defended as a fundamental right? Is there a moral or ethical code when it comes to information? How can be created an environment that is conducive to inclusive, pluralistic public debate? How to equip citizens to develop a critical approach and to take informed decisions? How to balance innovation with the need to ensure transparency and fairness? Could we be witnessing a situation in which algorithms are "dissolving" democracy? Drawing on the archives of the international and European multilateral organisations (UN/UNESCO, Council of Europe, the Organisation for Security and Cooperation in Europe, the European Union) and several public and private stakeholders worldwide, this chapter proposes: a) to take stock of the issues and challenges raised by the proliferation of fake news, social media and algorithms, and their impact on freedom and democracy; b) to review the regulatory provisions implemented in this area at European and international level; and c) to identify future prospects.

YÖK Tez No: 710072 ; Sık ormanlarla kaplı, engebeli, dağlık olarak nitelendirilen Balkan Yarımadası, tarihsel olarak Osmanlı İmparatorluğu ve daha sonra modern Türkiye için oldukça önemli bir bölge olmuştur. Türkiye'yi Avrupa'ya bağlayan Balkan Yarımadası, jeostratejik öneminin yanı sıra ekonomik, güvenlik, kültürel faktörler sebebiyle de Türkiye'nin bölgede etkin rol almasında oldukça etkili olmuştur. Soğuk Savaş döneminde uluslararası sistemin iki kutuplu yapısı gereği Batı bloğunda yer alan Türkiye, Doğu bloğunda yer alan Balkan ülkeleri ile aktif dış politika geliştirememiştir. 1990 sonrasında Doğu bloğunun yıkılması ve beraberinde Yugoslavya'nın sancılı dağılma sürecinde Türkiye, Bosna-Hersek ve Kosova sorunlarında askeri ve barışçıl misyonlara katılarak Balkan bölgesinde aktif rol oynamaya başlamıştır. Bu durum Yugoslavya'nın dağılmasını istemeyen ve ülkeyi şiddetle bir arada tutarak "Büyük Sırbistan" hayalini gerçekleştirmek isteyen Sırbistan ile Türkiye arasındaki ikili ilişkilerde gerginliğe sebep olmuştur. 2000'li yılların başlarından itibaren Türkiye siyasetinde yaşanan dönüşüm ve aktif dış politika, Bosna-Hersek ve Sırbistan ile ikili ilişkileri geliştirmeyi, sorunları çözerek işbirliği yapmayı amaçlamıştır. Bu çalışmada, Soğuk Savaş'ın sona ermesinden günümüze kadar Türkiye'nin Bosna-Hersek ve Sırbistan ile siyasi, ekonomik ve kültürel ilişkileri incelenerek, ikili ilişkilerde kamu diplomasisi ve yumuşak gücün etkisinin olup olmadığı analiz edilmektedir. ; peaceful missions in Bosnia-Herzegovina and Kosovo problems. This situation caused Defined as densely forested, rugged and mountainous, the Balkan Peninsula has historically been a very important region for the Ottoman Empire and later for modern Turkey. The Balkan Peninsula, which connects Turkey to Europe, has been very effective in Turkey's taking an active role in the region due to its geostrategic importance as well as economic, security and cultural factors. Due to the bipolar nature of the international system during the Cold War, Turkey, which was in the Western bloc, could not develop an active foreign policy with the Balkan countries in the Eastern bloc. After the collapse of the Eastern bloc and the painful disintegration of Yugoslavia after 1990, Turkey started to play an active role in the Balkan region by participating in military and tension in the bilateral relations between Serbia and Turkey, which did not want Yugoslavia to disintegrate and wanted to realize the dream of "Greater Serbia" by keeping the country together with violence. The transformation in Turkish politics and active foreign policy since the early 2000s aimed to develop bilateral relations with Bosnia-Herzegovina and Serbia, and to cooperate by solving problems. In this study, Turkey's political, economic and cultural relations with BosniaHerzegovina and Serbia, from the end of the Cold War to the present, are analyzed, and it is analyzed whether public diplomacy and soft power have an effect on bilateral relations.

This paper makes a historical overview of the evolution of counterinsurgency in order to understand that this concept has not been rigid and static through the ages. It intends to explain why the understanding of counterinsurgency, its objectives and scope, the actors involved in its practice, and especially the legal and legitimate methods applied, are as they are conceived today. In essence, what began as the use of violence to destroy the insurgency along with its social base through all available means became a political enterprise to build state institutions in every region in a specific country. This, in order to erode the insurgency's connection with communities while providing the services required for social and economic development. It also makes an observation of one of the future dilemmas of the debate on counterinsurgency. ; El presente ensayo hace una revisión histórica de la evolución de la contrainsurgencia para entender que este concepto no ha sido rígido o estático a través de los años. Pretende explicar por qué la perspectiva existente de contrainsurgencia, sus objetivos y alcance, los actores involucrados en su práctica, y en especial, la legitimidad de los métodos aplicados, son como son en la actualidad. En esencia, lo que comenzó como el uso de la violencia para destruir directamente a las insurgencias incluyendo sus bases sociales de apoyo, a través de todos los medios disponibles, se convirtió en una empresa política para la construcción de instituciones del estado en las regiones de un país determinado. Esto, con el objetivo de erosionar la conexión entre insurgencia y comunidades, mientras se provee de los servicios necesarios para el desarrollo económico y social. Se hará también una observación de uno de los dilemas futuros para el debate de contrainsurgencia. ; El presente ensayo hace una revisión histórica de la evolución de la contrainsurgencia para entender que este concepto no ha sido rígido o estático a través de los años. Pretende explicar por qué la perspectiva existente de contrainsurgencia, sus objetivos y alcance, los actores involucrados en su práctica, y en especial, la legitimidad de los métodos aplicados, son como son en la actualidad. En esencia, lo que comenzó como el uso de la violencia para destruir directamente a las insurgencias incluyendo sus bases sociales de apoyo, a través de todos los medios disponibles, se convirtió en una empresa política para la construcción de instituciones del estado en las regiones de un país determinado. Esto, con el objetivo de erosionar la conexión entre insurgencia y comunidades, mientras se provee de los servicios necesarios para el desarrollo económico y social. Se hará también una observación de uno de los dilemas futuros para el debate de contrainsurgencia.

With the end of Cold War, intra state civil conflicts grew in number, length and intensity; demanding a new priority scheme in the objectives of international agents interested in postconflict reconstruction. An appropriate diagnose of investment dynamics, and the response of private sector to the efforts made in this regard by both local and international institutions, is a core issue in order to optimize the reconstruction process of the economic and political life in post-conflict scenarios. This document explores those dynamics focusing on the core variables that define the enabling environment to strengthen institutions and building social capital, grouping them into 4 categories known to be essential in the effort to avoid cyclical violence in civil conflicts. These variables: Socioeconomic Stability; Infrastructure; Public Engagement and Institutional Consolidation are central to a proposed model of organization and optimization for resource allocation in peace building efforts. ; Con el fin de la Guerra Fría, los conflictos de carácter intraestatal escalaron en número, duración e intensidad; demandando una reorganización de los objetivos de los agentes internacionales interesados en la reconstrucción subsiguiente. El diagnóstico apropiado de las dinámicas de inversión y la respuesta del sector privado a los esfuerzos que en esta materia hacen instituciones locales e internacionales, es de importancia capital para optimizar los procesos de reconstrucción de la vida política y económica en escenarios de posconflicto. El presente documento explora esta dinámica con foco en las variables que generan un ambiente propicio para el fortalecimiento institucional y la construcción de capital social, áreas más vulnerables en los conflictos civiles y que desde 1989 han cobrado especial relevancia en los esfuerzos para la construcción de una paz duradera. ; Com o fim da Guerra Fria, os conflitos intra-estatais de caráter escalado em número, duração e intensidade; exigindo uma reorganização dos objetivos dos atores internacionais envueltos na reconstrução posterior. O correto diagnóstico da dinâmica de investimento e de resposta do sector privado para os esforços nesta área tornam as instituições locais e internacionais, é de suma importância para otimizar o processo de reconstrução da vida política e económica em cenários pós-conflito. Este artigo explora essa dinâmica com foco nas variáveis que criam um ambiente propício para o fortalecimento institucional ea construção de capital social, agrupando-os em quatro tipos considerados essenciais no esforço para prevenir a reativação do ciclo de violência em conflitos civis. Tais variáveis: estabilidade econômica; Infra-estrutura; Envolvimento Público e Fortalecimento Institucional; são a espinha dorsal de um modelo de base para planos de ação estruturação e otimização de recursos para os objectivos a curto, médio e longo prazo no caminho da construção de uma paz duradoura.