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There is new international attention being given to the old problem of corruption. It has been taken up by international organisations, and driven by economic analysis. It is impatient of cultural justifications, and suspicious of state action. It is concerned with corruption prevention as much as detection, investigation and prosecution. Corruption and Anti-Corruption deals with the international dimensions of corruption, including campaigns to recover the assets of former dictators, and the links between corruption, transnational and economic crime. It deals with corruption as an issue in political theory, and shows how it can be addressed in campaigns for human rights. It also presents case studies of reform efforts in Philippines, India and Thailand.

The book explains the doctrines of a well-established domestic anticorruption agency. It is based on research to develop a curriculum for a unique international training course on 'Corruption and Anti-Corruption', designed and taught by academics at The Australian National University, the Australian Institute of Criminology and public servants in the New South Wales Independent Commission Against Corruption. Versions have been taught in Canberra, and several countries in South East Asia.

There is new international attention being given to the old problem of corruption. It has been taken up by international organisations, and driven by economic analysis. It is impatient of cultural justifications, and suspicious of state action. It is concerned with corruption prevention as much as detection, investigation and prosecution. Corruption and Anti-Corruption deals with the international dimensions of corruption, including campaigns to recover the assets of former dictators, and the links between corruption, transnational and economic crime. It deals with corruption as an issue in political theory, and shows how it can be addressed in campaigns for human rights. It also presents case studies of reform efforts in Philippines, India and Thailand. The book explains the doctrines of a well-established domestic anticorruption agency. It is based on research to develop a curriculum for a unique international training course on 'Corruption and Anti-Corruption', designed and taught by academics at The Australian National University, the Australian Institute of Criminology and public servants in the New South Wales Independent Commission Against Corruption. Versions have been taught in Canberra, and several countries in South East Asia.

There is new international attention being given to the old problem of corruption. It has been taken up by international organisations, and driven by economic analysis. It is impatient of cultural justifications, and suspicious of state action. It is concerned with corruption prevention as much as detection, investigation and prosecution.Corruption and Anti-Corruption deals with the international dimensions of corruption, including campaigns to recover the assets of former dictators, and the links between corruption, transnational and economic crime. It deals with corruption as an issue in political theory, and shows how it can be addressed in campaigns for human rights. It also presents case studies of reform efforts in Philippines, India and Thailand.The book explains the doctrines of a well-established domestic anticorruption agency. It is based on research to develop a curriculum for a unique international training course on 'Corruption and Anti-Corruption', designed and taught by academics at The Australian National University, the Australian Institute of Criminology and public servants in the New South Wales Independent Commission Against Corruption. Versions have been taught in Canberra, and several countries in South East Asia

The security crisis, in a broader sense, which is noticeable on a national, regional and planetary level, is an incentive for science to highlight problems and generate proposals for establishing balance in society. The challenges facing the Republic of Serbia will not be eliminated by the passive attitude of the state in the face of the ramifications of socially dangerous phenomena. In this direction, one of the most destructive destructive phenomena is corruption. Qualified as a serious crime, corruption causes the breakdown of society, intolerance towards eradication, creating resistance to defining action plans for its neutralization. The strategic plan at the national level requires the formation of a steel working group in a silk suit, conspiratorial action in its detection, prevention and elimination as a phenomenon.

Are national leaders really invested in curbing corruption in their countries? The present paper addresses the realpolitik basis of national anti-corruption measures by positing the persistence of a political cost-benefit analysis behind initiatives to curb public malfeasance, which leads to the adoption and implementation of mostly symbolic policies regardless of public discourse. The model is tested by reviewing in detail the adoption and political management of the Peruvian National Anti-Corruption Office between 2007 and 2008. The analysis confirms the theoretical expectations and provides ample evidence of the political instrumentalization of the anti-corruption agenda during the administration of President Alan García Pérez (2006-2011).

The aim of the investigation was to determine the most appropriate avenues for further implementation of the European concept of anti-corruption. To carry out this article, general and special research methods have been applied, such as systems analysis, dialectical, formal logical and structural functional methods, as well as a series of empirical methods. Statistical analysis has been used to demonstrate anti-corruption measures, undertaken in 2016 - 2020. The anti-corruption mechanism has been analyzed through the prism of combined institutional and instrumental systems, with the aim of preventing corruption. The priorities for transforming the anti-corruption mechanism have been defined as follows: (a) increased accountability for corruption offences; (b) introduction and appropriate application of corruption detection tools. It is concluded that the current trend demonstrates a decline in the implementation of anti-corruption preventive tools in Ukraine due to the following factors: change of the vector of public interest towards compliance with anti-Covid-19 measures, destabilization of authority and lack of collaboration between authorized subjects in solving corruption problems.

The article considers the current conditions in which such anti-corruption bodies as the National Anti-Corruption Bureau of Ukraine, the Specialized Anti-Corruption Prosecutor's Office, and the Supreme Anti-Corruption Court of Ukraine have to operate. Based on the opinions of scientists and experts, it has been established that anti-corruption bodies now face the following challenges: constant pressure from the authorities, irresponsibility of the majority of people's deputies, which makes it very difficult for these bodies to work; most citizens of our state perceive corruption as a relatively simple way to solve problems quickly. Ordinary citizens are accustomed, so to speak, to solving either complex or simple issues (in health care or education institutions, courts and other public institutions) "mainly through bribes to officials of lower levels of government who abuse their official position, using it for the purpose of illegal profit or for other selfish purposes; obvious abuse of power by top officials, misappropriation of state property, land, concealment of wealth. In view of this, corruption has been perceived for many years by scholars and ordinary citizens as perhaps the greatest threat to the progress of socio-economic development of the state, its formation as a democracy. The problem of combating corruption as one of the most dangerous phenomena of modern Ukrainian society, which has penetrated almost all spheres of life, is extremely acute not only in Ukraine but also in many developed European countries, including Italy, Germany, Great Britain, etc.). It has been proved that anti-corruption bodies have never become independent and autonomous in their activities. They are often pressured by the Prosecutor General's Office, deputies, and interfere in the investigation, which, of course, alarms international partners and civil society ; В статье рассмотрены условия, в которых приходится действовать таким антикоррупционным органам, как Национальное антикоррупционное бюро Украины, Специализированная антикоррупционная прокуратура и Высший антикоррупционный суд Украины. Опираясь на мнения ученых и экспертов, установлено, что перед антикоррупционными органами сейчас стоят такие вызовы. Доказано, что антикоррупционные органы не стали независимыми и самостоятельными в своей деятельности. На них часто давят сотрудники Генеральной прокуратуры, депутаты, вмешиваются в ход расследования, что, конечно, настораживает международных партнеров и гражданское общество ; У статті розглянуто умови, в яких сьогодні доводиться діяти таким антикорупційним органам, як Національне антикорупційне бюро України, Спеціалізована антикорупційна прокуратура та Вищий антикорупційний суд України. Охарактеризовано виклики, що стоять перед антикорупційними органами. Доведено, що у своїй діяльності вони так і не стали незалежними й самостійними. На них чинять тиск Генеральна прокуратура, у хід розслідування втручаються депутати різних рівнів, що, звісно, насторожує міжнародних партнерів і громадянське суспільство

By exploring the anti-corruption strategies in six countries, this book is the first detailed, cross-national analysis on techniques to address corruption. It highlights the importance of understanding that quality of governance is critical to tackling corruption and that only when this link is truly appreciated can inroads into corruption be made.

Despite progress made over the past two decades, current international anti-corruption efforts continue to struggle with implementation issues in individual nations. The present study proposes an approach to anti-corruption policy implementation that considers the fight against public malfeasance in terms of its potential costs and benefits for political leadership. The existence of a political cycle for anti-corruption initiatives is proposed and tested through an examination of Peru's National Anti-Corruption Commission from 2001 to 2005. The empirical analysis supports the theoretical tenets, showing how the government of President Toledo created and later devolved the anti-corruption commission due to private interests and political circumstances.

Problems of prevention and fight against corruption are important priorities in the state policy of Ukraine. This phenomenon, like corruption, impedes the reform of modern Ukrainian society, worsens the socio-economic situation of the state, affects negatively all spheres of the life of a national society. One of the priority directions and strategies in the state anti-corruption policy is the creation and development of innovative anti-corruption institutions. One of the important foundations for the formation of such innovative institutions is their independence, professionalism, systemicity, legitimacy, legality, etc. The National Anti-Corruption Bureau of Ukraine, the National Anti-Corruption Bureau of Ukraine, the Specialized Anti-Corruption Prosecutor, the State Investigation Bureau, the National Agency for the Detection, Investigation and Asset Recovery of Corruption and Other Crimes, and the Highest Anticorruption Court were established during 2015-2018. At the same time, the effectiveness of anti-corruption policy is not yet. According to experts, the new anti-corruption authorities have a selective approach to the identification of suspects and political interdependence, a certain dependence on the influence of representatives of financial-industrial groups and political-ruling elites and, accordingly, the possibility of their use to persecute political opponents. Among other shortcomings of the fight against corruption in Ukraine, foreign experts point out the lack of professionalism, inexperience and lack of independence in the decision-making of the leaders and ordinary staff of NABU and SAP. Serious doubts raise the justification for replacing the criterion of professionalism with the criterion of "new faces" in the formation of the state of NABU and other anti-corruption bodies, their excessive activity in the media, to hide the lack of real results, public scandals and corporate wars between the "old" (primarily the Prosecutor General's Office) and "new "Anti-corruption institutions, which leads to a conflict of jurisdiction and worsens the performance of activities. The problem of streamlining and optimizing the subjects of prevention and counteraction to corruption in order to implement the effective and effective state anti-corruption policy, reducing the manifestations of corruption in Ukraine, is being activated today. In our opinion, rationalization and optimization of anti-corruption bodies of state power should be carried out according to the following algorithm: formation of a problem field - in particular, raising the level of anti-corruption culture, forming preventive mechanisms for the prevention of corruption; carrying out reengineering of anti-corruption bodies of state power; reforming anti-corruption bodies of state power. Equally important is the problem of the formation of a professional corps of anti-corruption bodies of state power on the one hand, and the impartial and transparent formation of the leadership of anti-corruption bodies, regardless of the policy of the state - on the other hand. The analysis provides the basis for determining the following clusters of problems of the formation and development of anti-corruption institutions of state power. First, there is no single concept for the formation and development of anti-corruption bodies in Ukraine. Secondly, the lack of specially trained specialists, who would be knowledgeable not only in law issues but also in the formation and development of public policy, were able to conduct financial audits, collate and analyze data. That is, there was an urgent need to form a new generation of specialists of anti-corruption bodies of state power. Thirdly, there is no system for auditing the effectiveness and effectiveness of the anti-corruption institutions itself. Thus, the state spends a lot of money and resources on the creation and development of anti-corruption institutions than the funds and resources provided by such bodies of state power. Fourthly, there are no real mechanisms for punishing corruption offenses. Fifthly, there is no institution of voluntary confiscation of funds provided that it is impossible to explain the origin of the stakes. This would allow offenders to avoid or mitigate criminal liability. Sixth, the Highest Anticorruption Court does not work so far, dampening all the efforts of other anti-corruption institutions. ; Проблеми запобігання та боротьби з корупцією є важливими пріоритетами в державній політиці України. Саме це явище, як корупція, гальмує реформування сучасного українського суспільства, погіршує соціально-економічне становище держави, негативно впливає на всі сфери життєдіяльності національного суспільства. Однією з пріоритетних напрямів та стратегій у державній антикорупційній політиці – створення та розвиток інноваційних антикорупційних інституцій. Одним з важливих засад формування таких інноваційних інституцій є їх незалежність, професійність, системність, легітимність, законність та ін. Протягом 2015-2018 років були створені Національне агентство з питань запобігання корупції, Національне антикорупційне бюро України, Спеціалізована антикорупційна прокуратура, Державне бюро розслідувань, Національне агентство України з питань виявлення, розшуку та управління активами, одержаними від корупційних та інших злочинів, Вищий Антикорупційний суд. Разом з тим, ефективності від антикорупційної політики поки що немає. За оцінками експертів, новим антикорупційним органам властивий вибірковий підхід до визначення підозрюваних і політична заангажованість, певна залежність від впливу представників фінансово-промислових груп та політико-владних еліт і, відповідно, можливість їх використання для переслідування політичних опонентів. Серед інших недоліків боротьби з корупцією в Україні іноземні експерти відзначають непрофесіоналізм, недосвідченість і несамостійність у прийнятті рішень керівників і рядових співробітників НАБУ і САП. Серйозні сумніви викликає виправданість заміни критерію фаховості на критерій «нових облич» при формуванні штату НАБУ та інших антикорупційних органів, їх надмірна активність у ЗМІ, покликана приховати відсутність реальних результатів, публічні скандали і корпоративні війни між «старими» (насамперед Генпрокуратурою) і «новими» антикорупційними інститутами, що зумовлює конфлікт юрисдикцій і погіршує результативність діяльності. Проведений аналіз дає підстави, що на сьогодні актуалізується проблема раціоналізації та оптимізації суб'єктів запобігання та протидії корупції з метою реалізації ефективної та результативності державної антикорупційної політики, зменшення проявів корупції в Україні. На нашу думку, раціоналізацію та оптимізацію антикорупційних органів державної влади потрібно здійснювати за таким алгоритмом: формування проблемного поля – зокрема підвищення рівня антикорупційної культури, формування превентивних механізмів запобігання корупції; проведення реінжинірингу антикорупційних органів державної влади; реформування антикорупційних органів державної влади. Не менш важлива проблема – це проблема формування професійного корпусу антикорупційних органів державної влади з однієї сторони, та неупереджене та прозоре формування керівництва антикорупційних органів не залежно від політики держави – з іншої сторони. Проведений аналіз дає підстави визначити наступні кластери проблем формування та розвитку антикорупційних інституцій державної влади. По-перше, відсутність єдиної концепції формування та розвитку антикорупційних органів в Україні. По-друге, відсутність спеціально підготовлених фахівців, які б були обізнані не тільки у питаннях правознавства, а й формування та розвитку державної політики, вміли проводити фінансовий аудит, співставляти та аналізувати дані. Тобто виникла нагальна потреба у формуванні нової генерації фахівців антикорупційних органів державної влади. По-третє, відсутня система аудиту ефективності та результативності самих антикорупційних інституцій. Так, держава витрачає в рази більше коштів та ресурсів на створення та розвиток антикорупційних інституцій, ніж кошти та ресурси, які приносить діяльність таких органів державної влади. По-четверте, відсутні реальні механізми покарання за корупційні правопорушення. По-п'яте, відсутній інститут добровільної конфіскації коштів при умові неможливості пояснити походження статків. Це давало б можливість винним особам уникнути кримінальної відповідальності або її пом'якшити. По-шосте, до сих пір не працює Вищий Антикорупційний суд, що зводить нанівець всі зусилля інших антикорупційних інституцій.

Problem setting. For many years, international and internal experts have stressed that since Independence, Ukraine has been heavily influenced by corruption both in the public administration and in the private sector. Accordingly, a considerable demand for active action of the state in the sphere of combating corruption as the mass phenomenon has formed in our society. For the sake of effectiveness, it is necessary to have the clear understanding of the strategy and directions of the state anti-corruption policy.Recent research and publications analysis. Recent research and publications analysis testifies to the popularity of researches into the problems of forming and implementing public policies in the field of corruption prevention. Various aspects of anti-corruption policy were investigated by Z. Zhivak, S. Kondratyuk, and I. Revak (in terms of managing economic processes in society); V. Vasilevich, T. Vasilevska, V. Nestyrovich, Y. Kovbasyuk and others. (formation and implementation of the state anti-corruption policy), O. Bereza (as a factor in the implementation of socio-economic reforms). The separate block of sources on anti-corruption activities of the state are laws and accompanying documents, as well as reports of international organizations and experts. On the other hand, during 2019 a number of significant state-political changes took place in Ukraine. That mainly influenced the visions and strategic decisions in various spheres of social and political life, including in the sphere of combating corruption.Highlighting previously unsettled parts of the general problem. There are new visions to the development of anti-corruption policy in Ukraine based on the needs of society and the tendencies of administrative decisions, which are embodied in normative legal acts.Paper main body. In the Corruption Perceptions Index (CPI), which is compiled by Transparency International's global anti-corruption organization and based on estimates from entrepreneurs and analysts, our country ranked 120th in the 2018 list of 180 countries in the world.The article analyzes the Laws of Ukraine:– "On Amendments to Certain Legislative Acts of Ukraine on Ensuring the Effectiveness of the Institutional Mechanism for Corruption Prevention";– "On Amendments to the Law of Ukraine" On Corruption Prevention "for Corruptors";– "On Prevention of Corruption" state anti-corruption policy in Ukraine (Anti-corruption strategy) for 2014 – 2017";– Draft Law of Ukraine "On Anti-Corruption Strategy 2018 – 2020";– Program Provisions of the Government of Ukraine Plan on Combating Corruption;– Survey Report on Entrepreneurs, Experts and the Population as a whole "Corruption in Ukraine: Understanding, Perception, Prevalence" 2018.Conclusions of the research and prospects for further studies. The analysis of the program documents showed the existence of certain main directions of the state policy in the sphere of prevention of corruption, implementation of which is necessary for overcoming (maximum reduction) of this phenomenon. From the point of view of the modern Ukrainian politicum the following areas are:– improvement of legal regulation of issues of prevention, detection and counteraction of corruption;– formation in society of intolerant corruption in all spheres of public life and in the private sector;– information interaction with the society and communication support for reforms, access to information;– creation of a virtuous public service (special attention is needed by the judiciary, law enforcement agencies, employees of state-owned enterprises, representatives of political parties);– the introduction of effective mechanisms for identifying, preventing conflicts of interest, as well as declaring property, income, expenses and liabilities of the financial nature of public authorities, which provides for cross-checking by means of all available registers and electronic accounting systems;– effective activity of the entire law enforcement system, which carries out anti-corruption measures;– counteracting corruption in the process of privatization and management of public resources, eliminating corruption preconditions for doing business, forming a favorable climate for corrupting the business climate and intolerant business attitude to corruption. ; Проаналізовано стратегічні напрями запобігання корупції в Україні. Визначено причини їх зміни та суспільний запит на такі дії керівництва держави. Охарактеризовано базові нормативно-правові документи, які регламентують діяльність держави у напрямі запобігання корупції. Базуючись на аналізі останніх змін, визначено тенденції розвитку процесів запобігання корупції, властиві розвитку нашого суспільства на сучасному етапі.

Problem setting. For many years, international and internal experts have stressed that since Independence, Ukraine has been heavily influenced by corruption both in the public administration and in the private sector. Accordingly, a considerable demand for active action of the state in the sphere of combating corruption as the mass phenomenon has formed in our society. For the sake of effectiveness, it is necessary to have the clear understanding of the strategy and directions of the state anti-corruption policy.Recent research and publications analysis. Recent research and publications analysis testifies to the popularity of researches into the problems of forming and implementing public policies in the field of corruption prevention. Various aspects of anti-corruption policy were investigated by Z. Zhivak, S. Kondratyuk, and I. Revak (in terms of managing economic processes in society); V. Vasilevich, T. Vasilevska, V. Nestyrovich, Y. Kovbasyuk and others. (formation and implementation of the state anti-corruption policy), O. Bereza (as a factor in the implementation of socio-economic reforms). The separate block of sources on anti-corruption activities of the state are laws and accompanying documents, as well as reports of international organizations and experts. On the other hand, during 2019 a number of significant state-political changes took place in Ukraine. That mainly influenced the visions and strategic decisions in various spheres of social and political life, including in the sphere of combating corruption.Highlighting previously unsettled parts of the general problem. There are new visions to the development of anti-corruption policy in Ukraine based on the needs of society and the tendencies of administrative decisions, which are embodied in normative legal acts.Paper main body. In the Corruption Perceptions Index (CPI), which is compiled by Transparency International's global anti-corruption organization and based on estimates from entrepreneurs and analysts, our country ranked 120th in the 2018 list of 180 countries in the world.The article analyzes the Laws of Ukraine:– "On Amendments to Certain Legislative Acts of Ukraine on Ensuring the Effectiveness of the Institutional Mechanism for Corruption Prevention";– "On Amendments to the Law of Ukraine" On Corruption Prevention "for Corruptors";– "On Prevention of Corruption" state anti-corruption policy in Ukraine (Anti-corruption strategy) for 2014 – 2017";– Draft Law of Ukraine "On Anti-Corruption Strategy 2018 – 2020";– Program Provisions of the Government of Ukraine Plan on Combating Corruption;– Survey Report on Entrepreneurs, Experts and the Population as a whole "Corruption in Ukraine: Understanding, Perception, Prevalence" 2018.Conclusions of the research and prospects for further studies. The analysis of the program documents showed the existence of certain main directions of the state policy in the sphere of prevention of corruption, implementation of which is necessary for overcoming (maximum reduction) of this phenomenon. From the point of view of the modern Ukrainian politicum the following areas are:– improvement of legal regulation of issues of prevention, detection and counteraction of corruption;– formation in society of intolerant corruption in all spheres of public life and in the private sector;– information interaction with the society and communication support for reforms, access to information;– creation of a virtuous public service (special attention is needed by the judiciary, law enforcement agencies, employees of state-owned enterprises, representatives of political parties);– the introduction of effective mechanisms for identifying, preventing conflicts of interest, as well as declaring property, income, expenses and liabilities of the financial nature of public authorities, which provides for cross-checking by means of all available registers and electronic accounting systems;– effective activity of the entire law enforcement system, which carries out anti-corruption measures;– counteracting corruption in the process of privatization and management of public resources, eliminating corruption preconditions for doing business, forming a favorable climate for corrupting the business climate and intolerant business attitude to corruption. ; Проаналізовано стратегічні напрями запобігання корупції в Україні. Визначено причини їх зміни та суспільний запит на такі дії керівництва держави. Охарактеризовано базові нормативно-правові документи, які регламентують діяльність держави у напрямі запобігання корупції. Базуючись на аналізі останніх змін, визначено тенденції розвитку процесів запобігання корупції, властиві розвитку нашого суспільства на сучасному етапі.

Armed forces are currently in the environment with moral ambiguity and multiple cultures. In face of the chaos, corruption, and wasteful trend in current social value system, continuous conflict is bothering the cultivation and atmosphere of military character. Under the situation, officers and soldiers could easily fall into bad belief and become indifferent to surrounding affairs with apathy. Various military discipline events appear in domestic armed forces in past years; besides, the exaggeration and report of print media and electronic media, and even some officers and soldiers spilling, smearing, and slandering each other to defile others' innocence destroy the image of armed forces. Military character presents close relations with integrity building action. Aiming at military personnel in Ministry of National Defense, total 420 copies of questionnaire are distributed, and 347 valid copies are retrieved, with the retrieval rate 83%. The research results are summarized as below. Factors in the effectiveness of armed forces personnel's anti-corruption governance contain micro aspects of lack of legal and disciplinary ideas and value deviation of armed forces personnel as well as macro aspect of complicated approval operation and rules resulting in lobbying interfering businesses. The effectiveness of armed forces personnel's anti-corruption governance not being affirmed by the society is related to the engagement of supervisors at all levels in anti-corruption work, as armed forces personnel are restricted to the political environment and aging senior customs personnel that the director's engagement in anti-corruption work is not manifested. Armed forces personnel involving in internal anti-corruption problems are minimized to largely reduce the effectiveness of anti-corruption governance. According to the results, suggestions are proposed, expecting to improve problems resulted from military discipline and to promote the armed forces' image of integrity, being close to the people, and loving the people.