Suchergebnisse

The fundamental aim of the text below is to deal with the concept and models of global security as one of the crucial topics of global political studies. We have to keep in mind that a term and notion of security usually imply a kind of sense of protection and safety from different possible harms coming from "outside".

The research topic of this article is the "Ukrainian Question" in perspective of "Kosovo precedent" within the framework of international law, current stream of international relations, contemporary world politics and global security. The aim of the article is to investigate the possible solutions for the current Ukrainian political crisis through the prism of "Kosovo precedent" and global security perspectives. The article consists of nine sections dealing with the Ukrainian identity, historical ackground of the Ukrainian statehood, the 2014 Euromaidan coup d'étatand the beginning of the Ukrainian crisis, "Kosovo precedent" and the "Ukrainian Question", the possible political solution of the current Ukrainian crisis founded on the example of "Kosovo precedent", a global geopolitical context of the "Ukrainian Question" and "Kosovo precedent", the geopolitical convergence between the US and Russia as a geostrategic background of the "Ukrainian Question", Russian geopolitical and national interest in Ukraine, and finally conclusions of the investigation. The fundamental conclusion of the research is that "Kosovo precedent" has already served and will further serve in the near future as the foundation for territorial decomposition of Ukraine by neighbouring Russia , opening the doors for a new age of global security and international relations.

The research topic of this article is the "Ukrainian Question" in perspective of "Kosovo precedent" within the framework of the international law, international relations and global politics. The aim of the article is to investigate the possible solutions for the current Ukrainian political crisis through the prism of "Kosovo precedent". The article is composed by five sections dealing with the Ukrainian identity, historical background of the Ukrainian statehood, the 2014 Euromaidan coup and the beginning of the Ukrainian crisis, "Kosovo precedent" and the "Ukrainian Question" and finally with the possible political solution of the current Ukrainian crisis founded on the example of "Kosovo precedent". The fundamental conclusion of the research is that "Kosovo precedent" already serves and will further serve in the recent future as the foundation for the territorial decomposition of Ukraine by neighbouring Russia.

The research topic of this article is the "Ukrainian Question" in perspective of "Kosovo precedent" within the framework of the international law, international relations and global politics. The aim of the article is to investigate the possible solutions for the current Ukrainian political crisis through the prism of "Kosovo precedent". The article is composed by five sections dealing with the Ukrainian identity, historical background of the Ukrainian statehood, the 2014 Euromaidan coup and the beginning of the Ukrainian crisis, "Kosovo precedent" and the "Ukrainian Question" and finally with the possible political solution of the current Ukrainian crisis founded on the example of "Kosovo precedent". The fundamental conclusion of the research is that "Kosovo precedent" already serves and will further serve in the recent future as the foundation for the territorial decomposition of Ukraine by neighbouring Russia.

"the father of Albanian nation", who established Albanian inde- pendence on November 28th, 1443. After falling down under Ottoman sway in 1479, the Albanians had to wait till November 28, 1912 when the Albania's independence was re-announced. Nevertheless, when Albanian sate borders were drawn in 1913 by the Great European Powers, nearly half of ethnic Al- banians were left out-side-most notably in the Serbia's province of Kosovo and Metochia and western Macedonia. It was a result of clashes of opposite interests of both Great European Powers and Balkan national states in regard to strategically very significant land of Albania. Every powerful European state at the end of the 19th century and the begin- ning of the 20th century was interested in the Southeastern Europe. Territory of Albania became a part of this interest. Russia's crucial driving force in her Balkan policy was the wish to acquire an exit to the "warm sea". Germany of the Second Empire saw the territory of the Southeastern Europe as the trans- versal area for its Drang nach Osten towards the Middle East and Central Asia. Austria-Hungary was seeking to occupy the seaport of Salonica and to establish its footholds on the territory of Albania. While Italy did not show great interest concerning the question of Salonica, its foreign policy in regard to Albanian territory became the main obstacle for Viennese plans about the "land of Skanderbeg". Similarly to the Great Britain's policy of European po- wer-balance, France was pursuing the policy of status quo on the Balkans.

The ame of this article -nvestigate the nature and results of electoral politics in Serbia during the period of the beginning of violent dissolution of ex-Yugoslavia and the first multiparty elections in 1990. Two levels of elections are taken into consideration: presidential and parliamentary. Oppositely to other Central and East European states, Serbia in the beginning of 1990s has not been involved into the process of political transformation from totalitarian one-party elections controlled system into democratic multi-party free elections model. "Transition without transition" was a formula implied by the ruling party to political life of Serbia during the process of Yugoslavia's dissolution. Political life has seen the adoption of some of the formal attributes of democracy, but without the stable institutional support to that system. The ruling Socialist Party of Serbia imposed its own rules and control over presidential and parliamentary elections in order to discredit the democratic values. As a result, authoritarian political system was thriven to serve the interests of the former ruling nomenclature rather than represent the majority of Serbia's citizens.

The ame of this article -nvestigate the nature and results of electoral politics in Serbia during the period of the beginning of violent dissolution of ex-Yugoslavia and the first multiparty elections in 1990. Two levels of elections are taken into consideration: presidential and parliamentary. Oppositely to other Central and East European states, Serbia in the beginning of 1990s has not been involved into the process of political transformation from totalitarian one-party elections controlled system into democratic multi-party free elections model. "Transition without transition" was a formula implied by the ruling party to political life of Serbia during the process of Yugoslavia's dissolution. Political life has seen the adoption of some of the formal attributes of democracy, but without the stable institutional support to that system. The ruling Socialist Party of Serbia imposed its own rules and control over presidential and parliamentary elections in order to discredit the democratic values. As a result, authoritarian political system was thriven to serve the interests of the former ruling nomenclature rather than represent the majority of Serbia's citizens.

The ame of this article -nvestigate the nature and results of electoral politics in Serbia during the period of the beginning of violent dissolution of ex-Yugoslavia and the first multiparty elections in 1990. Two levels of elections are taken into consideration: presidential and parliamentary. Oppositely to other Central and East European states, Serbia in the beginning of 1990s has not been involved into the process of political transformation from totalitarian one-party elections controlled system into democratic multi-party free elections model. "Transition without transition" was a formula implied by the ruling party to political life of Serbia during the process of Yugoslavia's dissolution. Political life has seen the adoption of some of the formal attributes of democracy, but without the stable institutional support to that system. The ruling Socialist Party of Serbia imposed its own rules and control over presidential and parliamentary elections in order to discredit the democratic values. As a result, authoritarian political system was thriven to serve the interests of the former ruling nomenclature rather than represent the majority of Serbia's citizens.

The goal of this study is to explore the role of language and alphabet in constructing the national identities and ideologies of the Croats and Serbs from the territory of the Triune Kingdom of Dalmatia, Croatia and Slavonia, from the beginning of the Revolution of 1848/1849 to the first session of the Croatian-Slavonian Parliament (Sabor) in Zagreb in 1861, during the period of the Austrian chancellor Alexander Bach, who attempted to centralize the multiethnic and multilinguistic Habsburg Empire administratively. The study reaches the following conclusions: 1) The South Slavs within the Habsburg Monarchy had been deeply imbued with linguistic nationalism after the Revolution of 1848/1849 as a reaction against the intolerant minority policy by the leaders of the Hungarian uprising and revolution against the Habsburgs. What the Hungarian liberals required from the Habsburgs as national rights in the Habsburg Monarchy they did not wish to be granted to non-Hungarians within the greater Hungarian Kingdom, which included Croats and Serbs in the Triune Kingdom. The Hungarian liberals intended for only ethnolinguistic Hungarians to enjoy the rights of a "political nation", and thus, in their view, the Hungarian language had to be the only official/public medium of communication in a greater historical Hungary. 2) There are two basic reasons for the expression of linguistic nationalism by Croats and Serbs in the Triune Kingdom after 1849: a) a deep conviction by both that language and script (in addition to confession) were the crucial cornerstones of national identity; and b) a reaction to the decisions by the Hungarian Parliament (Dieta) in 1839–1840 and 1843–1844 to introduce Hungarian as the official language in all provinces of the Hungarian Kingdom. 3) Serbian linguistic nationalism was basically aimed against the Croatian attempt to impose Croatian as the sole official language within Dalmatia, Croatia and Slavonia (in 1847 and later) and to proclaim only ethnic Croats as holders of full-scale political rightse. In other words, Serbian linguistic nationalism was a protest against the Croatian policy of ethnolinguistic assimilation of the Serbs in the Triune Kingdom. 4) Both the Croats and Serbs understood the Hungarian requirement of the Hungarian (Magyar) language as the sole official language in a greater historical Hungary as an attempt both to Magyarize all non-Hungarians and to homogenize the multiethnolinguistic Hungarian Kingdom. 5) Proof that the Central European Romanticist idea of language as a pivotal national determinator was sincerely accepted by the South Slavs within the Habsburg Monarchy is the fact that the Croatian and Serbian national intelligentia neglected the use of the Landsprache, but fought for the using a language or languages named after their own ethnic group(s) (Croatian and Serbian) in public affairs. 6) The Serbs in the Triune Kingdom politically struggled for inclusion of the Serbian ethnic name into the compound name for the official language in public use in Dalmatia, Croatia and Slavonia (i.e., the Croato-Serbian language) in order to preserve their national identity within these provinces and to fight against Croatization of their ethnolinguistic identity.

This article focuses on the role of language in the 19th century development of national identities among the Croats and Serbs in Croatia, Dalmatia, Slavonia, Bosnia and Herzegovina. The issues of national self-determination, the ideas and goals of nationhood, and the methods and means for attainment of such goals were of considerable importance for 19th century Croatian and Serbian intellectuals and politicans. From the early 19th century on, language and ortography were the most significant features of ethnic distinction between the Croats and Serbs.

The main research task is to answer the questions: 1) what does European unification process means in terms of identity? and 2) will the success of the EU rest solely in economic and political interdependence or will a strong pan-European identity emerge in a fashion similar to what we see in the United States, Australia, France, New Zealand, etc? As the secondary research task this case study will try to identify already existing views and models in regard to the creation of the pan-European identity before addressing additional factors which also have to be taken into consideration.