Suchergebnisse

Al pensar una estrategia de política exterior sin dudas que la premisa a considerar para la configuración de la agenda externa mantendrá un equilibrio entre los condicionantes internos y los externos que moldearán las decisiones, propuestas y acciones. Sin dudas, el factor externo ha sido y continuará siendo en el corto y mediano plazo el desarrollo de la pandemia de coronavirus. Como enunciamos en informes anteriores, el gobierno de Fernández encuentra esta coyuntura en sus inicios. Es decir, se hallaba hacia la llegada de la pandemia en una fase de construcción temprana. La agenda política se centra entonces en la cuestión sanitaria, posponiendo de forma indefinida los proyectos y lineamientos generales que en materia de política interna y externa el Presidente había definido en su discurso ante la Asamblea Legislativa, pero que sostienen un proyecto externo con mirada regional. Dichos lineamientos a nivel regional respondieron a: 1) multilateralismo y globalización solidaria4, 2) política de desendeudamiento y gobernanza de las finanzas internacionales, 3) Defensa y promoción de los Derechos Humanos, 4) cuestiones de género y diversidad, 5) agenda verde, biodiversidad y cambio climático, y 6) Soberanía territorial - Cuestión Malvinas ; Centro de Reflexión en Política Internacional ; Instituto de Relaciones Internacionales

Este artículo revisa la producción académica sobre la inmigración china a Cuba y al Perú. Su pregunta principal es porqué han producido resultados tan diferentes. Halla su explicación en el terreno de la política, pues el origen social y los vínculos transnacionales fueron muy semejantes. Los chinos de Cuba participaron en la lucha por la independencia y fueron rápidamente asimilados como parte de las fuerzas que terminaron con el colonialismo español. Sin embargo, décadas después, la revolución cubana expropió los pequeños negocios y los chino cubanos iniciaron un éxodo que los llevó a migrar masivamente a los EEUU. Por su lado, los colonos chinos del Perú se rebelaron contra el régimen de plantación en el contexto de la Guerra del Pacífico que opuso a Chile contra la alianza del Perú y Bolivia. Por ello, una parte de los culíes actuó en favor del ejército de Chile y la comunidad sufrió mucho para ser aceptada como parte de las fuerzas constitutivas de la nación peruana. Sin embargo, progresivamente los chino peruanos lograron una asimilación exitosa, a partir de su contribución a la economía de servicios incluyendo su innovación gastronómica que cautivó el paladar de los peruanos. De este modo, se produjo una situación paradójica, la comunidad chino cubano que se integró rápidamente y en forma exitosa acabó dejando Cuba, mientras que los chinos peruanos que sufrieron mucho para ser aceptados han terminado siendo una de las migraciones internacionales mejor aceptadas y en constante renovación hasta el día de hoy. Asimismo, este artículo revisa la historia actual de las relaciones de China con ambos países, observando cómo el nuevo puesto de China como segunda potencia mundial ha acabado definiendo la vida social y económica de los chinos latinoamericanos.

On June 4, 2019, the Center for Archaeological Research (CAR) at The University of Texas at San Antonio (UTSA) conducted an archaeological assessment of four excavation pits located at the south side, or rear, of three historic buildings that are owned by GrayStreet Partners and are being rehabilitated. The buildings are part of a group of historic buildings located at the southwest corner of Dolorosa and S. Flores streets known as Kallison Square. Since it is a privately funded project on privately owned property, the project is not subject to regulatory review by the Texas Historical Commission (THC). The three properties, however, are located within the Main and Military Plaza Historic District; therefore, the project is subject to regulatory review by the City of San Antonio (COSA) Office of Historic Preservation (OHP) under the COSA Unified Development Code (Article 6 35-630 to 35-634). Dr. Paul Shawn Marceaux served as the Principal Investigator during the fieldwork portion of the project, and after Dr. Marceaux's departure from CAR, Dr. Raymond Mauldin served as the Principal Investigator for the final stages of the project. José Zapata served as the Project Archaeologist. The purpose of the archaeological assessment was to determine if any cultural features and/or cultural material had been inadvertently compromised as a result of the mechanical excavations. During the assessment, CAR determined that a significant amount of disturbance was present. Undiagnostic glass, ferrous metal, and construction debris were observed within the exposed stratigraphy of several of the pits, but none of the material was collected. CAR staff determined that the area had been previously disturbed as a result of recurring building construction dating to at least 1877. The building rehabilitation project was, therefore, allowed to proceed. However, CAR recommends that any additional mechanical excavations planned by the property owner in this area be coordinated with COSA-OHP.

This paper reviews the academic production regarding the Chinese inmigration to Cuba and Peru. It's main inquiry is why both cases have produced so different results despite a similar background and social origin. The answer is politics: the Chinese in Cuba fought in the Independence campaign and were quickly assimilated as part of the army that defeated Spanish colonialism. Years later, the Cuban revolution expropiated small business of the Chinese, and they were forzed to massively migrate to the U.S.A. On the other hand, the Chinese in Peru rebelled against the plantation regime during the War of the Pacific, in which Chile defeated a joint Peru-Bolivia Alliance. A portion of the culíes helped the Chilean army, and subsecuently the community suffered a lot to be accepted as part of the forces that constituted the peruvian nation. Nevertheless, the Peruvian Chinese progressively assimilated successfully, through their contribution to the service economy, including their gastronomic innovation, which captivated the Peruvians. In this way, paradoxically, the Cuban Chinese, which integrated faster and successfully, ended up leaving Cuba, while the Peruvian Chinese, which suffered to be accepted, have ended becoming one of the most accepted and in constant renovation even as of today. Likewise, this paper reviews the contemporary history of the relations between China and both countries, observing how China's new position as the second World Power has defined the social and economical life of the Latin-American Chinese. ; Este artículo revisa la producción académica sobre la inmigración china a Cuba y al Perú. Su pregunta principal es porqué han producido resultados tan diferentes. Halla su explicación en el terreno de la política, pues el origen social y los vínculos transnacionales fueron muy semejantes. Los chinos de Cuba participaron en la lucha por la independencia y fueron rápidamente asimilados como parte de las fuerzas que terminaron con el colonialismo español. Sin embargo, décadas después, la revolución cubana expropió los pequeños negocios y los chino cubanos iniciaron un éxodo que los llevó a migrar masivamente a los EEUU. Por su lado, los colonos chinos del Perú se rebelaron contra el régimen de plantación en el contexto de la Guerra del Pacífico que opuso a Chile contra la alianza del Perú y Bolivia. Por ello, una parte de los culíes actuó en favor del ejército de Chile y la comunidad sufrió mucho para ser aceptada como parte de las fuerzas constitutivas de la nación peruana. Sin embargo, progresivamente los chino peruanos lograron una asimilación exitosa, a partir de su contribución a la economía de servicios incluyendo su innovación gastronómica que cautivó el paladar de los peruanos. De este modo, se produjo una situación paradójica, la comunidad chino cubano que se integró rápidamente y en forma exitosa acabó dejando Cuba, mientras que los chinos peruanos que sufrieron mucho para ser aceptados han terminado siendo una de las migraciones internacionales mejor aceptadas y en constante renovación hasta el día de hoy. Asimismo, este artículo revisa la historia actual de las relaciones de China con ambos países, observando cómo el nuevo puesto de China como segunda potencia mundial ha acabado definiendo la vida social y económica de los chinos latinoamericanos.

Introduction: In this study, the author examined the association between general self-efficacy (GSE) and employment status in working-age adults with retinitis pigmentosa (RP; N = 183). The author further examined the associations between employment status and factors that were previously found to be linked to employment outcomes in individuals with visual impairments: educational attainment, mobility tool use (i.e., use of dog guide or cane), ability to drive, age, gender, and age at onset of visual impairment. Methods: Multiple logistic regression was used to analyze cross-sectional data collected online in 2015. Results: Findings indicated that individuals with RP who have a bachelor's degree or higher had significantly higher odds of being employed ( p < .01) and that individuals with RP who use a cane or dog guide had significantly lower odds of being employed ( p < .01). Although not statistically significant, findings further indicated that individuals with RP who have higher GSE had higher odds of being employed ( p = .07) and that individuals who are able to drive had 130% higher odds of being employed ( p = .06). Discussion: Results demonstrated an association between GSE and employment status, after controlling for factors that were previously linked to employment outcomes in individuals with visual impairment. Implications for practitioners: Self-efficacy is an alterable cognitive construct and may be the target of interventions to increase employment outcomes for adults with RP or other eye conditions.

This article is a systematic exercise of an im-portant organizational experience of Medellín created by a group of friends embarked on the task of building an alternative media corporation since 2004 (Periferia), whose first step was the establishment of a newspaper with national distribution, but whose goal was to be the raid on the various media and com-munication processes that can actually deve-lop a communication process articulated al-ternative to social transformation, economic and political demands of Colombian society ; El presente artículo pretende ser un ejercicio de sistematización de una importante expe-riencia organizativa de Medellín creada por un grupo de amigos que se embarcaron en la tarea de construir una corporación de comunicación alternativa desde el 2004 (Periferia )1, cuyo primer paso fue la constitución de un periódi-co con distribución nacional, pero cuya meta debía ser la incursión en los diversos medios y procesos de comunicación que permitieran efectivamente desarrollar un proceso de comu-nicación alternativa articulado a la transforma-ción social, económica y política que demanda la sociedad colombiana.

This dissertation argues that Mexican people have made the Southern Plains into one of their homelands since the late eighteenth century. Since then, ethnic Mexicans have shaped the region's continually changing economy, physical infrastructure, and social-cultural milieu. My research, thus, counters the depiction of ethnic Mexicans as only recent immigrants to the United States and asserts their long-term presence beyond the Southwest. In so doing, my work contributes to the ongoing scholarly project of expanding Chicana/o history outward from the core Southwest to include other regions, such as the South and the Great Plains, where the settlement of ethnic Mexicans has shaped the way these regions and societies have developed and changed over time. Overall, my research demonstrates how Chicana/o history is a fundamental part of American history from before the concept of the United States was imagined to the present-day. Initially, Mexican people crossed ethnic and national borders to exchange goods, gifts, captives, and bloodlines with Plains Indians. To a large extent, the Southern Plains' economy and society functioned through ethnic Mexican captives and traders. Moreover, Mexicans hunted bison and grazed livestock on the plains. They formed their foodways, economy, and various parts of their folk culture via the plains. When the U.S. Army dispossessed Plains Indians of their territory in the 1870s, ethnic Mexicans from New Mexico were among the first to build communities deep in the region. Throughout the twentieth century, Mexicans became the laboring class of much of the Southern Plains, building the region's rail and road infrastructure along with growing its agriculture. During the 1960s and 1970s, ethnic Mexicans joined the Chicana/o Civil Rights Movement and worked towards achieving social justice in their communities by way of student activism, protests, political participation, and in particular, anti police brutality activism. By the 1980s, Mexicans started becoming the majority in communities from southwest Kansas to the Oklahoma and Texas Panhandles.

The resurgence of South-South Cooperation (SSC) in Latin America during the first decade of the 21st century is linked to the transformations of power and the gradual reconfiguration of the systemic structures of the international order. After a historical-critical review of the dominant theoretical approaches in the discipline of International Relations and Development Studies, this article aims to analyze the "South" unraveling the Eurocentric prism that crosses its analysis in the social sciences and examine its rise in the exercise of the foreign policy of the Latin American countries in three areas: a) economic and financial cooperation, b) regional integration, c) technical cooperation. The article aims to answer the following research question: why does SSC re-emerge in Latin America, and what spaces, agendas and policies does it prompt during the first decade of the 21st century? The central argument is that SSC brought back "the politics" to question traditional models of development and generated spaces of consensus, institutions and public policies, which reflect the consolidation of a critical mass that reaffirms the aspirations of autonomy and defense of national interest of the countries. ; El resurgimiento de la Cooperación Sur-Sur (CSS) en América Latina a partir de la primera década del siglo XXI se encuentra vinculado a las transformaciones de poder y la paulatina reconfiguración de las estructuras sistémicas del orden internacional. Tras un repaso histórico-crítico de los enfoques teóricos dominantes en la disciplina de las Relaciones Internacionales y los Estudios del Desarrollo, el artículo se propone analizar al "Sur" desenmarcándose del prisma eurocentrista que atraviesa su análisis en las ciencias sociales y examinar su auge en el ejercicio de la política exterior de los países latinoamericanos en tres ejes: a) cooperación económica y financiera, b) integración regional, c) cooperación técnica. Se busca responder la siguiente pregunta guía ¿Por qué resurge la CSS en América Latina y qué espacios, agendas y políticas produce su auge a partir de la primera década del siglo XXI? El argumento central que se sostiene es que la CSS trajo de vuelta lo político para cuestionar modelos tradicionales de desarrollo y generó espacios de concertación, institucionalidades y políticas públicas, que reflejan la consolidación de una masa crítica que reafirma las aspiraciones de autonomía y defensa del interés nacional de los países.