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In the wake of the Iraq War, what lies ahead for the United Nations as peacekeeper and nation-builder? What lessons were learnt in Afghanistan and Iraq, what reforms could they entail, how do UN efforts fare as compared with those of the United States, and what will be, in the next decade, the most pressing challenges confronting the Organization? Will the United Nations, in its current form and within the new global power structure, be able to remain relevant, retain its ideals and still respond meaningfully to mounting international tensions? These were some of the questions tackled by a group of eminent scholars and practitioners, many directly and personally involved with multilateral or unilateral peace operations. In addition to the larger issues of peacekeeping and peace-building and the recommendations for historical reform suggested by the 'UN High-level Panel on Threats, Challenges and Change' in December 2004, the group debated some of the most complex recent interventions, including Afghanistan, East Timor and Iraq. This volume, which contains all the presentations and discussions of the UNITAR/IPS Conference on "United Nations as a Peacekeeper and Nation-Builder: Continuity and Change - What Lies Ahead?" will be a valuable addition to the collections of experts or laypersons interested in the future role of the United Nations in general and in peacekeeping and post-conflict state-building in particular

We consider a Gellnerian model to study the transformation of a two-region state into a nation state. Industrialization requires the elites to finance schooling. The implementation of statewide education generates a common national identity, which enables cross-regional production, while regional education does not. We show that statewide education is chosen when cross-regional production opportunities and productivity are high, especially when the same elite holds power at both geographical levels. By contrast, a dominant regional elite might prefer regional schooling, even at the loss of large cross-regional production opportunities if it is statewide dominated. The model is consistent with evidence for five European countries in 1860–1920. ; This work was supported by the Spanish Ministry of Economy and Competitiveness, through the Severo Ochoa Programme for Centres of Excellence in R&D (grant number SEV-2015-0563), CICYT (grant number ECO2012- 37065), and the government of Catalonia ; Peer reviewed

This work is described about the India role in the nation building of Afghanistan for peace initiative. Indian government how control terrorism through nation building approach. This work has cover almost all such initiative made by the India towards Afghanistan to resolve dispute and enhance relationship between two countries.

We model a two-region country where value is created through bilateral production between masses and elites (bourgeois and landowners). Industrialization requires the elites to finance schools and the masses to attend them. Schooling raises productivity, particularly for matches between masses and bourgeois. At the same time, only country-wide education (unified schoolingî) renders the masses mobile across regions. Alternatively, schools can be implemented in one region alone (regional education) or the regionally dominant group can choose to implement schooling in its own region but refuse to share the costs/proceeds within the wider country-level group (secession). We show that schools are more likely to be set-up when the bourgeoisie dominates, but that this is not necesarily socially e¢ cient. Unified schooling is always chosen if the identity of the dominant elite at the regional and country level is the same and/or the industrialization shock is sufficiently high. If instead the bourgeoisie is dominant in one region and landowners are dominant countrywise, the bourgeoisie of that region may promote the secession of the region, and this can be socially e¢ cient. The model is shown to be consistent with evidence for 19th century France and Spain. ; Hauk acknowledges Önancial support from the Spanish Ministry of Economy and Competitiveness, through the Severo Ochoa Programme for Centres of Excellence in R&D (SEV-2011-0075) and through CICYT project number ECO2012-37065 and from the government of Catalonia ; Peer reviewed

Paper presented at the Strathmore University Annual Ethics Conference 2011 ; One of the key reforms of the constitution is the establishment of devolution through the country's government. It is in the current constitution and will only come into effect after the next general elections, when the county assemblies and governors will be elected. (Ghai, Y& Ghai, J,) In this paper we have talked about devolution and related it to the dignity of the human person. First we have given a definition for devolution as per the Kenyan context. Secondly, we will look at how the United Kingdom has being impacted since devolution was enforced. Thirdly, we looked at three aspects of devolution; objects and principles of a devolved government, financial aspect of devolution and the gender aspect of devolution. We came to the basis of these aspects by looking at how the common "mwananchi" will be affected by them. Lastly, we have given a summary of the responses we got from conducting an interview. We interviewed our fellow students and lecturer's on their thoughts about devolution being implemented in Kenya. This includes the positive and negative effects of devolution and whether the country can afford this form of government.

This article pursues two aims. On the empirical level, it challenges the view of Belarus as a 'denationalised', or 'failed' nation, and exposes the country as an area of intensive nation-building. The article demonstrates that, unlike most post-communist states, two versions of national identity have been advanced in Belarus since 1989, with divergent results for their proponents. On the theoretical level, such an atypical experience places qualifications on the instrumentalist approach, that regards nation-building as a political tool. The analysis of identity creation in Belarus suggests that nation-building as a political strategy may be limited by the existing attitudes in the society in question, the socio-economic structures, as well as by the influence of foreign actors. (Nations and Nationalism,ECMI)

Der Verfasser setzt sich zunächst auf theoretischer Ebene mit unterschiedlichen Konzeptionen von Nation, Nationalismus und nationaler Minderheit auseinander. Vor diesem Hintergrund schlägt er einen Ansatz vor, der die Sprache und Sprachenpolitik in den Mittelpunkt der Analyse rückt. Die Tragfähigkeit dieses Ansatzes wird anhand einer Reihe von Beispielen überprüft, bei denen es um die Aufwertung des Status' einer Sprache in einer Gesellschaft geht. Dabei werden Tendenzen einer sprachlichen Diversifizierung in den im wesentlichen unilingual geprägten Gesellschaften Nordamerikas (USA, Kanada) Entwicklungen in den Nachfolgestaaten der UdSSR gegenübergestellt, die umgekehrt von der Mehrsprachigkeit in Richtung auf eine einzige, einheitliche Staatssprache hin verlaufen. In einer politischen Diskussion seiner Untersuchungsergebnisse weist der Verfasser darauf hin, daß sowohl eine unilingual orientierte Sprachenpolitik als auch der Schutz von Minderheitensprachen akzeptable kulturpolitische Optionen sein können. (BIOst-Wpt)

This book addresses the question, 'Why has UN state-building so consistently failed to meet its objectives?'. It proposes an explanation based on the application of complexity theory to UN interventions in South Sudan and DRC, where the UN has been tasked to implement massive stabilization and state-building missions.

Intro -- Foreword -- Contents -- List of Figures -- 1 Stabilization and Reconstruction -- Introduction -- We Don't Do Nation Building! -- Why Reconstruction? -- Analytic Method -- 2 The Cross-Cutting Principles -- Introduction -- Cross-Cutting Principles: Conditions and Approaches -- Assessment -- 3 Stabilization and Reconstruction End States -- Introduction -- Safe and Secure Environment -- Assessment -- Rule of Law -- Assessment -- Sustainable Economy -- Assessment -- Stable Governance -- Assessment -- Social Well-Being Introduction -- Assessment -- 4 Observations and Recommendations for Future Stabilization -- Introduction -- Lack of Planning -- "Woefully Under-Resourced" -- Voter Fatigue -- The Civil-Military Dilemma and the Structure of Governance -- Governance -- Home Rule of Law -- Embrace Stabilization as a Mission -- Guiding Principles: Proposed Revision and Application -- Framework for Developing Stabilization Task List and Evaluation Tool -- Address Elite Bargaining as Part of Political Primacy -- Conclusion -- Annex I: Approaches, Conditions, and End States for Stabilization and Reconstruction from the Guiding Principles -- Index.

This book challenges the commonly held belief that Nationalism is a recent phenomenon. It surveys European history from the tribal stage to 1989-90, and concludes with a commentary on events between 1990 and the European Elections of May 2019. During this review, it comments on the growth of nations across the European scene and the early signs of the various types of nationalism. Nationalism demands many qualifying adjectives, and this is examined as its variations occur. The study explores humanity's propensities, especially the sense of alienation towards those who speak another language or

This work examines how the economic survival strategies of former fighters in Liberia can help explain the trajectories of war-to-peace transitions.

"This book picks up where its predecessor, Somalia between Jihad and Restoration, left off, examining international efforts to stabilize war-torn Somalia. It analyzes major political events in Somalia in the years since 2006, examining opportunities for restoration of the country based on the United Nations-backed plan known as the "Roadmap for the End of the Transition," improved security conditions, and international economics and financial support. The author notes that the time of transition may be over, according to the timetable of the United Nations, but it is clear that the work of transformation is just beginning. In considering whether political and social chaos in Somalia is ending, Shay sees two possible futures. One possibility is the establishment of a reform government that unifies Somali society; another is continued strife that accelerates Somalia's descent into the endless violence of a failed state. Shay believes the international approach to Somalia requires a thorough reassessment. He argues it has been limited to two Western priorities-terrorism and piracy-while largely ignoring domestic issues of critical concern to Somalis. As a result, many Somalis have come to view those participating in the international effort as a foreign occupation."--Provided by publisher.