Suchergebnisse

One of the most important challenges for Georgia is the growth and development of the country's economy, which requires active work in various directions. One of the contributing factors is the continuation of work on bilateral trade and investment relations with the United States, as our country's strategic partner, and the launch of a free trade agreement.For this purpose, the Ministry of Economy and Sustainable Development of Georgia started economic lobbying of Georgia in the USA in 2019 and hired three lobbying companies for that.One of such hired companies is Hulsen Media Services LLC, with which the contract is signed by the Ambassador of Georgia to the United States Giorgi Tsikolia.Registrant will assist The Minsistry of Economy and Sustainable Development of Georgia with outreach to state and federal lawmakers, US businesses and US audiences to raise awareness about economic opportunities presented by the country of Georgia, Outreach may include print, TVand digital ads. This company placed ad time on cable television inWashington, D.C, and Dallas Texas Media Markets. The company received $ 542,410 USD for the project alone.Also under the leadership of Ambassador Giorgi Tsikolia, the Ministry of Economy and Sustainable Development of Georgia hired the company JPW Communication. Registrant will also help interested businesses advocate for elevated U.S.-Georgia trade relations. Outreach will include meetings betweenU.S.and Georgia interests.Hill and Knowlton Strategies, LLC is another hired company with a contract signed by the then Minister of Economy and Sustainable Development of Georgia Giorgi Kobulia. This company works closely with the two companies mentioned and offers the same services to its clients. Underscore the need for theUnited States to expand its already close relationship withGeorgia as a reliable ally.H+K will work with the Client to encourage increased trade and investment between the United States of America and Georgia, in order to do this, company will: Conduct opinion research; Develop and recruit members for a regional business coalition, and design a website for said coalition.Client shall pay a project fee of $750,000 for H+K services, payable in seven equa) monthly installments of $107.142.86 USD.This company describes in detail about arranging meetings for the client, materials published in the media and other activities. The contracts with all three lobbying firms are currently terminated and the Ministry of Economy and Sustainable Development does not currently have a lobbyist operating in the US.

This article examines subnational actors' engagement with the European Union's structural funds, and whether these actors are significant in this policy sector. It examines this question by comparing one French regional council (Rhone-Alpes) with one set of Scottish local authorities (Highlands and Islands). It concludes that there are considerable similarities between the subnational actors studied, in spite of differences in their location and the constitutional structure within which they are located. The subnational actors have unilaterally developed a capacity for engaging in the policy sector. In both cases, however, this engagement is not evidence of a "by-passing" of the central government. Instead, the subnational authorities have worked alongside central government departments to achieve their goals. (Original abstract)

In the creation of trade policy, business actors have the most influence in setting policy. This article identifies and explains variations in how economic interest groups use policy networks to affect trade policymaking. This article uses formal social network analysis (SNA) to explore the patterns of articulation or a policy network between the government and business at the national level within regional trade agreements. The empirical discussion herein focuses on Brazil and the setting of exceptions list to Mercosur's common external tariff. It specifically concentrates on the relations between the Brazilian executive branch and ten economic subsectors. The article finds that the patterns of articulation of these policy networks matter and that sectors with stronger ties to key government decision-makers have a structural advantage in influencing trade policy and obtaining and/or maintaining their desired, privileged trade policies, compared with sectors that are connected to government actors with weak decision-making power, but might have numerous and diversified connections. Therefore, sectors that have a strong pluralist–clientelist policy structure with connections to government actors with decision-making power have greater potential for achieving their target policies compared with more corporatist policy networks.

Presents eight arguments to explain the glaring absence of environmental protests against the European Union (EU) compared to protests by other groups, especially farmers/agricultural organizations, even though environmental groups are active in protest politics at national/regional levels. Since environmentalists are actively involved in lobbying & the EU level, their avoidance of physical protests requires examining strategic options available in both their home countries & Brussels. The possible reasons include the following: (1) The role of EU environmental polices is minor in relation to national policies; (2) Use of domestic channels of influence is more favorable. (3) Lobbying is more effective than protest actions at the EU level. (4) Characteristics of interest representation at the EU level are likely to make protests more difficult. (5) There is a lack of resources. (6) It is difficult to motivate activists to protest in Brussels. (7) EU-based protests get less media attention. (8) Environmental issues are not as immediately consequential to people's livelihoods as farmer/worker issues. It is concluded that the situation is unlikely to change in the near future. 1 Table. J. Lindroth

Presents eight arguments to explain the glaring absence of environmental protests against the European Union (EU) compared to protests by other groups, especially farmers/agricultural organizations, even though environmental groups are active in protest politics at national/regional levels. Since environmentalists are actively involved in lobbying & the EU level, their avoidance of physical protests requires examining strategic options available in both their home countries & Brussels. The possible reasons include the following: (1) The role of EU environmental polices is minor in relation to national policies; (2) Use of domestic channels of influence is more favorable. (3) Lobbying is more effective than protest actions at the EU level. (4) Characteristics of interest representation at the EU level are likely to make protests more difficult. (5) There is a lack of resources. (6) It is difficult to motivate activists to protest in Brussels. (7) EU-based protests get less media attention. (8) Environmental issues are not as immediately consequential to people's livelihoods as farmer/worker issues. It is concluded that the situation is unlikely to change in the near future. 1 Table. J. Lindroth

AbstractUsing data on contributions to European Commission online consultations from 2001 to 2010, this article examines the level and character of engagement of foreign states in preparation of EU policy. The results show that regional differences in the overall participation of foreign actors are cancelled out when controlling for different demand‐ and supply‐side factors of regional representation. A country's volume of EU trade, level of development and degree of democracy all contribute to increasing participation. Moreover, variation in national economic and political structures helps explain the types of actors by which a country is represented.

This article examines subnational actors' engagement with the European Union's structural funds, & whether these actors are significant in this policy sector. It examines this question by comparing one French regional council with one set of Scottish local authorities. It concludes that there are considerable similarities between the subnational actors studied, in spite of differences in their location & the constitutional structure within which they are located. The subnational actors have unilaterally developed a capacity for engaging in the policy sector. In both cases, however, this engagement is not evidence of a 'bypassing' of the central government. Instead, the subnational authorities have worked alongside central government departments to achieve their goals. 1 Table, 81 References. Adapted from the source document.

How subnational interest groups respond to European economic integration; some focus on effects of regional power structures; case study of paired French and Italian business associations.