Suchergebnisse

Résumé
La Conférence de la Paix de La Haye (1899) a tenté de rendre la guerre
moins cruelle par deux sortes de mesures: l'adoption de règles
internationales qui protègent les victimes de la guerre, d'une part, et
l'interdiction de certaines armes particulièrement cruelles ou la limitation
de leur emploi, d'autre part. Les auteurs examinent l'impact de ces mesures
— qu'ils qualifient d'« approche humanitaire » — sur les négociations pour
un contrôle de l'armement par le désarmement. Souvent, l'interdiction pure
et simple d'une arme ou la limitation de son emploi n'ont pas réussi à faire
disparaître l'arme en question (par exemple, l'arme chimique). Ceci a amené
la communauté internationale à chercher une solution dans le cadre des
négociations pour le désarmement. Cependant, celles-ci obéissent
principalement à des considérations politiques et de sécurité. Mais les
auteurs font la démonstration que des réflexions d'ordre humanitaire puent
parfois un rôle important dans l'élaboration de mesures de désarmement. Des
chapitres sur les décisions internationales prises en matière d'armes
chimiques, biologiques et nucléaires, ou encore par rapport aux mines
antipersonnel et à quelques autres armes particulièrement cruelles, mettent
cette thèse en évidence.

Die Bemühungen um den Wiederaufbau Bosnien-Herzegowinas werden häufig mit der US-amerikanischen Hilfe für Europa nach dem Zweiten Weltkrieg im Rahmen des Marshall-Plans verglichen. Der Beitrag arbeitet die Gemeinsamkeiten und Unterschiede beider Rekonstruktionsmaßnahmen heraus. Während im Zuge des Marshall-Plans ein Geberland 16 Empfängerländern half, richten sich im Falle Bosniens umgekehrt die Anstrengungen von über 60 Ländern und internationalen Organisationen auf ein einziges Empfängerland. Darüber hinaus setzte die Hilfe für Bosnien im Vergleich sehr viel schneller direkt nach Kriegsende ein. Die wirtschaftlichen und politischen Zielvorstellungen beider Programme weichen zudem nicht unbeträchtlich voneinander ab. Unabhängig von allen Unterschieden spielt der Marshall-Plan durch die von ihm begründete Tradition einer umfassenden Hilfsaktion jedoch auch im Falle Bosniens eine wichtige Rolle. (BIOst-Mrk)

How should a principled nation which believes in the benefits of mutually beneficial trade respond to the predations of mercantilist trading partners and imbalanced trade? Many argue that the response should be to do little or nothing. Balanced Trade argues that achieving the full benefits of international trade requires an effective response. Although trade deficits provide short-term gains in consumption, these are combined with long-term losses in consumption, innovation, investment, employment and power. Furthermore, market mechanisms do not correct trade imbalances that result from mercantilism, nor do they compensate for the long term shift in production and consumption towards the mercantilist. Balancing trade can make important short run and long run contributions to economic stability and prosperity… [From Amazon.com] ; https://digitalcommons.odu.edu/politicalscience_geography_books/1033/thumbnail.jpg

The UN's record in peace operations is long, various, distinguished by both accomplishments and failures, and most importantly, innovative. Unfulfilled expectations and escalating violence in Somalia, Rwanda, and Bosnia forced retrenchment upon UN peace operations – but at the same time, a new opportunity to enhance capacities, review strategies, redefine roles, and reaffirm responsibilities has opened up. Here, a dynamic group of leading diplomats, academics, and journalists combines forces with UN policymakers and leaders including current Secretary-General Kofi Annan and former Secretary-General Boutros Boutros-Ghali to explore how the international community can improve its practice in negotiating and implementing peace. They look at what works and what doesn't in UN peacemaking and peacekeeping, and then map out alternative futures for UN action in the 21st century. ; https://scholarship.law.columbia.edu/books/1290/thumbnail.jpg

Gerard Quinn is the United Nations (UN) Special Rapporteur on the rights of persons with disabilities. A graduate of Harvard Law School, he founded and directed the Centre for Disability Law & Policy at the National University of Ireland for many years. He sat as a member of the Council of Europe's treaty body on social rights and served as a civil servant in the European Commission, where he drafted European Union disability policies. He has conducted many large studies for the UN, including a 2002 Study that helped launch the drafting of the UN Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities. He led the delegation of Rehabilitation International during the drafting of the treaty. He has received many lifetime awards for his work on international disability law from the US International Council on Disability, the European Association of Service Providers for Persons with Disabilities and Rehabilitation International. He was conferred with an honorary doctorate for his worldwide disability law work by Lund University in 2022. He has held honorary positions at the National Academy of Legal Studies and Research (NALSAR; Hyderabad, India), Wuhan University (China), Fudan University (Shanghai), University of New South Wales (Sydney), Deakin University (Melbourne), Harvard Law School and Haifa University (Israel). He served on the Council of State in Ireland where he advised the President on constitutional law matters. His hobbies include folk music and storytelling.

AbstractIn recent non-international armed conflicts in countries such as the Central African Republic, Iraq, Libya, Nigeria, South Sudan, Syria, Ukraine and Yemen, various non-State armed groups (NSAGs) have exercised control over territory and people living therein. In many cases, and for a variety of reasons, NSAGs perform some form of governance in these territories, which can include the maintenance of order or the provision of justice, health care, or social services. The significance of such measures became particularly apparent when in 2020 not only governments but also armed groups took steps to halt the spread of the COVID-19 pandemic. This article examines key legal issues that arise in these contexts. First, it analyzes the extent to which international humanitarian law protects the life and dignity of persons living under the control of NSAGs, rebutting doubts as to whether this field of international law has a role in regulating what is sometimes called "rebel governance". Second, it provides a brief overview of aspects of the lives of people in armed group-controlled territory that are addressed by international humanitarian law and aspects that instead fall into the realm of human rights law. Third, the article discusses whether and to what extent human rights law can be said to bind NSAGs as a matter of law and flags issues that need further attention in current and future debates.

AbstractThis article looks at the legal position of the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) on situations in which a State, a coalition of States or an international or regional organization intervenes in a pre-existing armed conflict, either giving support to one of the parties or exercising control over a non-State armed group party to the armed conflict (hereafter "non-State party"). For the purposes of this article, foreign intervention is considered to be a form of "co-belligerency" of such a degree that it makes the intervening power a party to the armed conflict. Situations in which there is no objective link between the foreign intervention in the territory of a third State and a pre-existing armed conflict in that same territory are therefore excluded from the scope of this article.The aim of this article is to describe how the ICRC determines the applicability of international humanitarian law to such situations, based on the existing law and an approach that examines each bilateral relationship between belligerents separately.The article also explains why the ICRC abandons the use of the term "internationalized internal armed conflict", which is misleading in that it suggests that only the law of international armed conflict applies. The ICRC is therefore using new terminology for the legal classification of such situations; this change is intended to align the terminology used with the realities of the applicable law.

It has been a great year for the journal: our most successful ever. This edition marks three years of publication of the International Journal for Crime, Justice and Social Democracy. In 2015 the journal was selected for inclusion into Scopus and Web of Science data bases. This is a terrific success story and testimony to the high quality of the articles, the editorship, the reviewing and the international readership of the journal. We are grateful as ever to our distinguished International Editorial Board and all our reviewers who are anonymous to readers and authors due to the norms of blind peer reviewing. We also thank the out-going foundational co-editor-in-chief Reece Walters for his efforts in making this journal the success it is. The journal has now surpassed 150,000 abstract views and 100,000 full PDF downloads. This journal is one of only a few in the world of criminology to support fully on-line free-to-download articles, and to promote creative commons copyright: that is, authors' rights to reproduce their own material. We support the democratisation of knowledge and are delighted to be leaders in high quality international journal publishing.Download the PDF file here for the Chief Editors' introduction to this issue and be motivated by the eclectic and impressive range of topics offered by our contributors to read further.

Why should political science students be concerned with money, financial instruments and international capital movements? The standard interdisciplinary answer is that finance and politics "affect" one another. For instance, governments have to pay close attention to the stocks and bond markets, whereas investors depend on political and legal conditions; economic performance and class positions are influenced by, and in turn bear on interest rates and asset values; and international interdependence is further complicated by cross-boarder capital movements. The seminar deals with such connections but also goes beyond them, seeking to understand finance itself as a dominant form of politics. Discussion is organized around several key themes, including: (1) Concepts and Building Blocks: What are financial markets, who are the key players and why are they there? (2) The Alchemy of Finance: How do financial markets work? What different theories and ideologies are used to explain, justify and criticize the functioning of modern finance? How is finance a form of "governance"? Who is being governed, by whom and to what end? (3) The Globalization of Finance: What is capital flow and how is it related to ownership and power? What is the connection between the power of capital, state sovereignty and international monetary stability? How have their relationships changed over time? (4) Political Economy of Global Finance: Is international finance a precondition for prosperity, or is it a "fictitious" bubble, de-linked from the underlying "real" political economy and hence a source of global instability? What types of international financial architectures are possible, and what do they imply for the political economy of power and well being, locally as well as globally?

Paradiplomacy as an instrument of local governments to develop international cooperation in the era of industrial revolution 4.0 requires some thoughts and policies relevant to information technology. Website constitutes an important platform for local governments to exercise their Paradiplomacy as a regional practice of conducting international relations. The website becomes a world window for local governments to communicate and cooperate with local government partners and institutions abroad. This article conducts an evaluation study towards local government websites in Indonesia related to the readiness to face the industrial revolution 4.0 in the issue of international cooperation through digital diplomacy means. The preferred research method is to analyze the content of website structure of the Indonesian local government, be it from front-line, content, and/or backline. This article found that the platform of Indonesian local government websites is fairly fragile in the institutionalization of paradiplomacy using website as the instrument. Comprehensive policies from the central and local governments eventually become indispensable in order to make the practice of digital diplomacy by local governments in Indonesia more productive.Keywords: Paradiplomacy, Digital Diplomacy, e-GovernmentParadiplomasi sebagai instrumen pemerintah daerah untuk mengembangkan kerja sama internasional di era revolusi industri 4.0 memerlukan beberapa pemikiran dan kebijakan yang relevan dengan teknologi informasi. Website merupakan platform penting bagi pemerintah daerah untuk melaksanakan Paradiplomasi mereka sebagai praktik regional dalam melakukan hubungan internasional. Website menjadi jendela dunia bagi pemerintah daerah untuk berkomunikasi dan bekerja sama dengan mitra dan lembaga pemerintah daerah di luar negeri. Artikel ini melakukan kajian evaluasi terhadap website pemerintah daerah di Indonesia terkait kesiapan menghadapi revolusi industri 4.0 dalam isu kerja sama internasional melalui sarana diplomasi digital. Metode penelitian yang dipilih adalah dengan menganalisis isi dari struktur website pemerintah daerah Indonesia, baik dari front-line, content, dan/atau backline. Artikel ini menemukan bahwa platform website pemerintah daerah Indonesia cukup rapuh dalam pelembagaan paradiplomasi dengan menggunakan website sebagai instrumennya. Kebijakan yang komprehensif dari pemerintah pusat dan daerah pada akhirnya menjadi sangat diperlukan agar praktik diplomasi digital oleh pemerintah daerah di Indonesia semakin produktif.Kata-kata kunci: Paradiplomasi, Diplomasi Digital, e-Government

Wenn Wechselseitigkeit nicht mehr als selbstverständliche Grundlage aller rechtlichen und politischen Beziehungen anerkannt ist, sondern als Gunst des Mächtigen selektiv und im Sinne einer Doppelmoral gewährt wird, zerbricht der bisherige regulative Bezugsrahmen von Politik. Dieser nach dem 11. September 2001 und insbesondere mit dem Irakkrieg demonstrativ herbeigeführte Politikwandel der US-Regierung wirkt auf allen Ebenen des politischen Prozesses. Was auf der Ebene der internationalen Beziehungen als Angriff eines imperialen Unilateralismus auf den Multilateralismus völkerrechtlich geordneter Beziehungen beschreibbar ist, stellt mit der Aufkündigung eines partnerschaftlichen Beziehungsmusters durch die Supermacht nicht nur Regierungen vor eine nötigende Wahl zwischen Gefolgschaft und Stigmatisierung. These des vorliegenden Beitrags ist, dass das Konzept einer moralischen Zweiteilung der Welt - der Unterscheidung von Drinnen und Draußen, von Freund und Feind - als Matrix aller politischen Beziehungen fungiert und deshalb auch die Individuen als Subjekte der politischen Willensbildung innerhalb der Staaten betrifft und sie vor die Wahl zwischen Gefolgschaft und Teilhabe, Anpassung und Widerstand stellt, d.h. vor die Frage, ob sie Citoyens bleiben oder wieder Untertanen werden wollen. (ICI2)

Israel routinely uses AI to violate Palestinian rights-highlighting the need for international ethical and legal frameworks to regulate the emerging technology.

Imber, Mark F.: Re-reading Mitrany: a pragmatic assessment of sovereignty. - In: Review of International Studies, 10 (April 1984) 2, S. 103-123

International law in general — Relation to municipal law — Concordat between Poland and Holy See — Termination of — Effect in municipal law — The law of Poland.

The individual in international law — Nationality — Acquisition of — Migration — Indian Constitution, Article 6 — Whether intention to reside permanently necessary — The law of India.