Suchergebnisse

У статті досліджено дискусію між учнем Леся Курбаса Михайлом Верхацьким та ректором Харківського музично-драматичного інституту Дмитром Грудиною, яка розгорнулася на шпальтах журналу "Радянський театр" у 1930-ті роки. Розглянуто особливості теоретичного становлення М. Верхацького в "Березолі". Охарактеризовано ідеологічні та художні тенденції театрального мистецтва у кінці 20-х – на початку 30-х років ХХ століття. ; The article is an attempt to present and analyze the discussion between the student of Les Kurbas, Mykhailo Verhatsky and the rector of the Kharkiv Music and Drama Institute, Dmytro Grudyna, which unfolded on the pages of the Soviet theater magazine in the 1930's. At the same time, the peculiarities of the theoretical formation of M. Verkhatsky in the "Berezil" are accentuated in the context of sociopolitical processes of that time. Mykhailo Verhatsky is a director, historian and theoretician of the theater, a theatrical teacher, whose creative activity left a noticeable mark in the history of the Ukrainian theater of the twentieth century. Of particular interest is the emergence of the artist in the "Kharkiv" period: during his studies at the Theater Institute (1925–1935) and in the theater "Berezil" – because he still remains almost unexplored. In particular, it concerns the theoretical evelopment of the artist and the scientific and theoretical developments of this period, which require separate consideration. The purpose of this article is to discover and investigate theoretical work of M. Verkhatsky in the"Kharkiv" period in the context of the theatrical process of the late 1920's – the first half of the 1930's.In 1926 the theater "Berezil" moved to the Kharkiv. M. Verkhatsky was so enthralled with the plays of Berezil, which eventually became an integral part of the theatrical collective and entered the last set of the regiment with B. Balaban, V. Voronov, L. Dubovyk and V. Sklyarenko. M. Verkhatsky developed the understanding of the theater in the "Berezil" and subsequently demonstrated the theoretical developments on the pages of professional editions. This is about the article "To the question of dialectics at the theater", published in number 3–5 of the journal "Soviet Theater" for 1930. In this article the author violates fundamentally important issues regarding the development of the Ukrainian theater and, in fact, represents the theoretical basis of the Berezil. At a time when the harassment of the theater "Berezil" becomes the so-called "trend", each creative step of the actors of "Berezil" was regarded first of all from ideological positions. Therefore, Dmytro Grudyna, as a representative of Kurbas's criticism and rector of the Kharkiv Music and Drama Institute, could not fail to respond to the article by M. Verkhatsky. For the magazine "The Art Tribune" No. 3 of 1931, D. Grudyna wrote an article "A glass from Berezil".Due to the fact that M. Verkhatsky aesthetically formed as a actor of "Berezil", he was able to oppose the postgraduate position of the position of the rector of the institute D. Grudyna and respond to a squall of crushing criticism. Therefore, on the pages of the magazine "Soviet Theater" number 5–6 of 1931, we encounter two published articles: M. Verhatsky's "Against the Critique of Invented Mistakes", in which he opposed the misrepresentation of D. Grudyna's various facts; and D. Grudyna "The glass ." "is warriors" ("honesty" of the t. Verhatsky)", which not only gave a rebuke to M. Verkhatsky, but also caused another revealing "blow" "Berezil".M. Verkhatsky's discussion with D. Grudyna is an example of a fierce struggle that lasted in the artistic circles of the 1930's. Various aesthetic preference – one supporter of the classical theater, another so-called left – did not allow them to get to know each other. In addition, D. Grudyna fought with M. Verhatsky, attributing to him political perversions, and thus the theatrical discussion took on forms of political character. The position of M. Verkhatsky in this discussion is an attempt to present and defend the artistic guidelines, the theoretical foundations of the Berezil. His scientific terminology does not always seem convincing and requires clarification and concrete examples. Probably such records were, but the author did not manage to print them after the accusations. The artist remained faithful to the creative principles of Berezil and its leader, Les Kurbas, and even at the beginning of the political oppression of the theater, he boldly defended the Berezilian concept.

У статті досліджено дискусію між учнем Леся Курбаса Михайлом Верхацьким та ректором Харківського музично-драматичного інституту Дмитром Грудиною, яка розгорнулася на шпальтах журналу "Радянський театр" у 1930-ті роки. Розглянуто особливості теоретичного становлення М. Верхацького в "Березолі". Охарактеризовано ідеологічні та художні тенденції театрального мистецтва у кінці 20-х – на початку 30-х років ХХ століття. ; The article is an attempt to present and analyze the discussion between the student of Les Kurbas, Mykhailo Verhatsky and the rector of the Kharkiv Music and Drama Institute, Dmytro Grudyna, which unfolded on the pages of the Soviet theater magazine in the 1930's. At the same time, the peculiarities of the theoretical formation of M. Verkhatsky in the "Berezil" are accentuated in the context of sociopolitical processes of that time. Mykhailo Verhatsky is a director, historian and theoretician of the theater, a theatrical teacher, whose creative activity left a noticeable mark in the history of the Ukrainian theater of the twentieth century. Of particular interest is the emergence of the artist in the "Kharkiv" period: during his studies at the Theater Institute (1925–1935) and in the theater "Berezil" – because he still remains almost unexplored. In particular, it concerns the theoretical evelopment of the artist and the scientific and theoretical developments of this period, which require separate consideration. The purpose of this article is to discover and investigate theoretical work of M. Verkhatsky in the"Kharkiv" period in the context of the theatrical process of the late 1920's – the first half of the 1930's.In 1926 the theater "Berezil" moved to the Kharkiv. M. Verkhatsky was so enthralled with the plays of Berezil, which eventually became an integral part of the theatrical collective and entered the last set of the regiment with B. Balaban, V. Voronov, L. Dubovyk and V. Sklyarenko. M. Verkhatsky developed the understanding of the theater in the "Berezil" and subsequently demonstrated the theoretical developments on the pages of professional editions. This is about the article "To the question of dialectics at the theater", published in number 3–5 of the journal "Soviet Theater" for 1930. In this article the author violates fundamentally important issues regarding the development of the Ukrainian theater and, in fact, represents the theoretical basis of the Berezil. At a time when the harassment of the theater "Berezil" becomes the so-called "trend", each creative step of the actors of "Berezil" was regarded first of all from ideological positions. Therefore, Dmytro Grudyna, as a representative of Kurbas's criticism and rector of the Kharkiv Music and Drama Institute, could not fail to respond to the article by M. Verkhatsky. For the magazine "The Art Tribune" No. 3 of 1931, D. Grudyna wrote an article "A glass from Berezil".Due to the fact that M. Verkhatsky aesthetically formed as a actor of "Berezil", he was able to oppose the postgraduate position of the position of the rector of the institute D. Grudyna and respond to a squall of crushing criticism. Therefore, on the pages of the magazine "Soviet Theater" number 5–6 of 1931, we encounter two published articles: M. Verhatsky's "Against the Critique of Invented Mistakes", in which he opposed the misrepresentation of D. Grudyna's various facts; and D. Grudyna "The glass ." "is warriors" ("honesty" of the t. Verhatsky)", which not only gave a rebuke to M. Verkhatsky, but also caused another revealing "blow" "Berezil".M. Verkhatsky's discussion with D. Grudyna is an example of a fierce struggle that lasted in the artistic circles of the 1930's. Various aesthetic preference – one supporter of the classical theater, another so-called left – did not allow them to get to know each other. In addition, D. Grudyna fought with M. Verhatsky, attributing to him political perversions, and thus the theatrical discussion took on forms of political character. The position of M. Verkhatsky in this discussion is an attempt to present and defend the artistic guidelines, the theoretical foundations of the Berezil. His scientific terminology does not always seem convincing and requires clarification and concrete examples. Probably such records were, but the author did not manage to print them after the accusations. The artist remained faithful to the creative principles of Berezil and its leader, Les Kurbas, and even at the beginning of the political oppression of the theater, he boldly defended the Berezilian concept.

Исследование посвящено выяснению проблем становления и функционирования судебной системы Тамбовской губернии в период осуществления НЭПа. Современная социально-правовая действительность обусловила необходимость обращения к идейно-теоретическому и практическому наследию предшествующих поколений, представляющему собой серьезный пласт бесценного опыта, способствующего объективному определению дальнейших ориентиров развития российского общества и государства. Особый интерес в этой связи представляет анализ процессов реформирования, свойственных периоду осуществления новой экономической политики в советской России, как попытка выхода из кризисной ситуации посредством преобразования всех сфер общества и государства, включая систему судов. Исследовательский интерес к означенной проблеме опосредуется тем, что именно выяснение принципиальных особенностей становления и развития системы судов в отдельно взятый исторический период в рамках определенного региона, делает возможным проекцию означенных процессов на современную государственно-правовую действительность. Подобный подход позволяет не только провести исторические параллели, но наметить перспективы дальнейшего развития, с учетом выясненной в процессе исследования специфики становления отечественной судебной системы. Соответственно, обращение к проблемам судоустройства в отдельно взятом регионе, а именно в Тамбовской губернии, в период осуществления новой экономической политики, обусловлено тем, что успешное преобразование системы судов не представляется возможным в отрыве от исторической ретроспективы. Подобный исследовательский подход призван способствовать формированию целостной картины эволюции системы судов в период НЭПа в призме государственно-правовых реалий. Учитывая тот факт, что современная правовая действительность характеризуется назревшей необходимостью судебных преобразований, обусловленных трансформациями в экономической сфере, целесообразным представляется обращение к означенному опыту создания, апробации и модификации органов государства, что в свою очередь призвано обеспечить укрепление современных демократических основ судопроизводства. Таким образом, представляя собой сложное государственно-правовое явление, суды Тамбовской губернии в означенный период не выступали в качестве предмета исследования государствоведов и правоведов, и анализ имевших место процессов проводился только в рамках работ, носивших обобщающий характер. Таким образом, специфические аспекты формирования и развития системы судов в Тамбовской губернии данного периода носят малоизученный характер. ; Research is about clarification of problems of formation and functioning of judicial system of the Tambov province during implementation of the New Economic Policy. The modern social and legal reality caused need of the appeal to ideological theoretically and practical heritage of the previous generations representing serious layer of the invaluable experience promoting objective definition of further reference points of development of the Russian society and state. In this regard the analysis of the processes of reforming peculiar to the period of implementation of new economic policy in the Soviet Russia, as attempt of an exit from a crisis situation by means of transformation of all spheres of society and the state, including system of courts is of special interest. Just clarification of basic features of formation and development of system of courts during separately taken historical period within a certain region mediates research interest in the marked problem It does possible a projection of the marked processes to modern state and legal reality. Similar approach allows not only to draw parallels in history, but to plan prospects of further development, taking into account the specifics of formation of domestic judicial system which author found out in the course of research. The fact that successful transformation of system of courts isn't possible in a separation from a historical retrospective causes, respectively, the appeal to judicial system problems in separately taken region, especially in the Tambov province, during implementation of new economic policy. Similar research approach has to promote formation of a complete picture of evolution of system of courts in the period of the New Economic Policy in a prism of state and legal realities. Considering that fact that the ripened need of the judicial transformations caused by transformations in the economic sphere characterizes the modern legal reality the appeal to the marked experience of creation, approbation and modification of bodies of the state that is in turn urged to provide strengthening of modern democratic basis of legal proceedings is expedient. Thus, representing the difficult state and legal phenomenon, courts of the Tambov province during the marked period didn't act as an object of research of political scientists and men of law, and the analysis of taking place processes was only within the works which had the generalizing character. Thus, specific aspects of formation and development of system of courts in the Tambov province of this period have the low-studied character.

In many ways, Tomas Venclova's life mirrors the history of Lithuania during the last half century. Translator, poet and essayist, Venclova was born in 1937 in the Lithuanian seaport of Klaipeda. His father, Antanas Venclova, belonged to the radical Lithuanian literary circle, The Third Front, in the early 1930s. During the first Soviet occupation of the country, from 1940 to 1941, Antanas Venclova was appointed Minister of Education of the new Soviet Lithuanian government. After the war he remained a member of the Central Committee of the Lithuanian Communist Party, and a writer, says his son, 'of a strict Soviet persuasion' who 'belonged to the Soviet élite'. Tomas Venclova was also a member of this élite. In the first years after Stalin's death he attended the University of Vilnius, lived in Moscow and Leningrad, and formed much closer ties to Russian culture than most Lithuanians. At the University, he occasionally taught courses on Western literature, published a book on his own poetry, The Sign of Language (1972), two books of essays The Rockets, the Planets, and Us (1962) and Golem, or the Artificial Man (1965), and wrote articles for the literary press. His chief interest, however, was translation. Fluent in four languages — Lithuanian, Russian, Polish, and English — and with a working knowledge of French, Spanish, Italian, Czech, and Ukrainian, Venclova introduced the Lithuanian reading public to many modern and classic works of world literature. He translated poems by W. H. Auden (In Memory of Yeats and September 1, 1939), T. S. Eliot (The Waste Land), short stories by Jorge Luis Borges, plays by Shakespeare, Harold Pinter, Eugene O'Neill, Garcia Lorca, excerpts from the works of James Joyce, Cavafy, and others. In this he harked back to the tradition of the radical Third Front his father had belonged to during Lithuania's years of independence. This group tried to introduce writers and poets such as Walt Whitman, Carl Sandburg, John Dos Passos, Alfred Doeblin, and Vladimir Mayakovsky to their fellow-countrymen. The younger Venclova also found something in common with other goals espoused by the Third Front. They wanted, he said, 'to air out literature, to bring Lithuanian letters out of provincialism, to bring it to maturity and to modernise it…'. Often this was done 'through humour — frequently angry and strident, but nevertheless humour — which in Lithuania is a rather rare thing; it was always much more fashionable with us to strike a suffering and tragic pose'. Yet the literary activity that had propelled Antanas Venclova into becoming part of the new Soviet establishment served to alienate Tomas Venclova from it. His own efforts to 'air out literature' during the post-war Soviet years led to increasing frustrations and obstacles. He recalls: 'Once I translated four of Borges' short stories, and brought them to the editorial offices of a magazine. The first thing the editor asked me was, "Is this Borges an enemy of the Soviet system?" I answered that I didn't think Borges was so much against the Soviet system as he was against the solar system. The editor got a little nervous and said, "I'll check to see if he might be on the blacklist." I asked him, "Maybe you could show me this blacklist, so that I would know once and for all, who can be translated and who cannot." The editor replied, "I don't have it, and myself am not quite sure where it is." And in some vague way he checked to see if Borges was on it. In the end they published two of the four stories.' Tomas Venclova's increasing confrontation with the censor spelled his eventual expulsion from the élite. He was pushed out of it, he says, 'in part through my own efforts, in part through the efforts of others. There is great competition to win a spot among the élite and people set up obstacles for one another'. Of the difficulties this caused with his father, Venclova says, 'We argued with one another, but our relationship stayed intact. It was simply that he belonged to one party and I to another. That often happens and people still find something in common to talk about. We tried to do the same.' Venclova's future in Lithuanian life did not remain intact. In the early 1970s he applied for membership in the Writers' Union as a translator and his application was turned down. He, it seems, did not meet the criteria of the first paragraph of the Union's by-laws, which stipulate that through his work, a writer must contribute to building Communist society. In addition, Venclova turned more and more to dissident and human rights activities, joining the Lithuanian Helsinki Agreements Monitoring Group in 1976. He began applying for permission to emigrate. Several writers in the West — including Arthur Miller, who wrote a letter on his behalf to the Chairman of the Central Committee of the Lithuanian Communist Party — gave him their support. Eventually, Czeslaw Milosz arranged a special lectureship at the University of Columbia, and Venclova was permitted to take the post in early 1977. Soon after he left the USSR, his citizenship was revoked by a unanimous vote of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet. In the West, Venclova has continued to publicise both the restrictions on literary expression and violations of human rights in the Soviet Union. He still writes, he says, mainly for readers in Lithuania. It is the thought that his translations, poems, and essays will reach them that underpins his work. While still in Lithuania, one of his principal aims as a translator was to 'broaden people's cultural horizons and bring them closer to world culture'. This purpose has not changed. His fourth book to be published in the West — which will appear later in 1984 — Texts on Texts, is an example. It is a collection of essays on literature and literary figures from various cultures, written by Venclova in several languages, which he himself translated into Lithuanian. (Venclova's books, whether published in the USSR or the West, have appeared only in Lithuanian.) The three other books he has published in the West consist of two collections of poetry — 98 Poems (1977) by himself, and Voices (1979) poems by others that he translated into Lithuanian — and a collection of essays, Lithuania in the World (1981). Covering a broad spectrum of cultural and political topics, this book sold out almost immediately, reflecting the central role Venclova plays in Lithuanian cultural life today. Historian Romas Misiúnas says of Venclova, 'He is one of a handful of Lithuanians who are discussed as much in Lithuania as in the émigré (post-World War Two) community, and who have left their footprints in both surroundings.' Venclova has made an impact outside this boundary as well. As Misiúnas writes on Lithuania in the World, ' (Venclova) concerns himself first with the common problems of humanity. But his analysis of them is from a Lithuanian and Eastern European intellectual standpoint…' The very broad forum where Venclova's work has appeared reflects this. His poems have been translated into English, Polish, and Russian. His essays have appeared in Polish and Russian literary journals, as well as English-language publications such as Encounter and the New York Review of Books. As a member of PEN Writers in Exile, he has travelled extensively in the past seven years. In all, Venclova has visited over thirty countries. He attributes this to a passion for globetrotting: 'When the Bolsheviks took history away from us, well, somehow we lived with that. But when they took away geography — that was too much!' Currently, Tomas Venclova teaches Russian literature at Yale University in New Haven, Connecticut. He has no regrets about having emigrated, but his focus never veers far from Lithuania and the Soviet Union. His experience reflects what many who have emigrated from that part of the world in the past fifteen years have gone through. As he explains: 'For about three years after I arrived in the West, I occasionally dreamt the following dream. I dreamt that I had returned to Vilnius, and sat together with my friends in the Neringa cafe, drinking coffee and cognac (this, in the Neringa cafe, is unavoidable). I talked to them, just as I talk here. Yet no one arrested me, no one hauled me into the secret police. I walked freely through my beloved city of Vilnius. I saw St Ann's Church, the cathedral, and everything was infinitely pleasant. Suddenly, through my dream, I remembered — my dear God, I don't have my American passport anymore, I can't leave! I bolted screaming from my sleep, turned on the light, and with relief, realised that I was in New Haven… This dream… hounded me a long time… We will all return, but the situation is such that most of us will return only through our works….'

The article analyzes the social and political activities of Gregory Yakhimovich – famous Ukrainian public and political figure in the context of national revival in Galicia in the first half of the nineteenth century. Characterized the life and career of G. Yakhimovich. Reveals the background and consequences of the national revival in Galicia in the first half of the nineteenth century. Considerable attention was paid to the analysis of the influence of Gregory Yakhimovich on the national revival in Galicia in the period under study.It is noted that G. Yakhimovich played an important role in the revival of the national consciousness of Ukrainian Galicia, and during the revolution and after it played, as noted above, G. Yakhimovich, because in the second half of the nineteenth century. the restoration of the struggle for the political and cultural rights of all of Ukraine began, and thus the preconditions for the revival of the national statehood of 1917–1920 were formed. Since the formation of the Main Russian Council and until the last days of his life, G. Yakhimovich was a spiritual and political leader of the Ukrainians of Galicia. He actively defended the rights of the Ukrainian language, negotiated with the emperor and the supreme leadership of the state regarding the protection of the national interests of Ukrainians, sponsored the training of talented Ukrainian youth, etc. In addition to socio-political, church, administrative and scientific activities, G. Yakhimovich also engaged in other affairs, in which he manifested himself as a person with a significant amount of talent. Among other things, he designed a grass mowing machine and developed a spray plan on the Xiang River. For his outstanding achievements in the Austrian Empire, he was awarded the noble title of the Baron and the Order of the Commander's Cross of Leopold (at that time, the highest state award). Since he was the son of the Ukrainian peasants, this state title demanded a great deal of respect for this person and recognition from the side of society and the state.In addition to socio-political, church, administrative and scientific activities, G. Yakhimovich also engaged in other affairs, in which he manifested himself as a person with a significant amount of talent. Among other things, he designed a grass mowing machine and developed a spray plan on the Xiang River. For his outstanding achievements in the Austrian Empire, he was awarded the noble title of the Baron and the Order of the Commander's Cross of Leopold (at that time, the highest state award).Since he was the son of the Ukrainian peasants, this state title demanded a great deal of respect for this person and recognition from the side of society and the state.It is shown that G. Yahimovich also played an important role in shaping the political consciousness of the Galician Ukrainians. His work as a clergyman, scholar, social-political and at the head of the President of the Russian Parliament laid the spiritual basis for the struggle for the revival of the Ukrainian state in the early twentieth century and gave a new generation of Ukrainian political leaders belief in the rightness of their state claims. The current political situation in Ukraine boosts interest in the political views of G. Yakhimovich, which should facilitate the unification of the Ukrainian nation for the purpose of preservation of national statehood. The intellectual legacy of G. Yakhimovich occupies a prominent place in the history of the Ukrainian people. Historical and legal study of his interesting political views is a major contribution to modern processes of state-building in Ukraine. ; Проаналізовано громадську і політичну діяльність Григорія Яхимовича – видатного українського громадського і політичного діяча у контексті національного відродження Галичини в першій половині ХІХ століття. Охарактеризовано життєвий і творчий шлях Г. Яхимовича. Розкрито передумови і наслідки національного відродження у Галичині в першій половині ХІХ століття. Значну увагу приділено аналізу впливу Григорія Яхимовича на національне відродження у Галичині в досліджуваний період.Зазначено, що Г. Яхимович відіграв важливу роль для відродження національної сві­домості українців Галичини. Його діяльність як священнослужителя, науковця, громадсько-політичного та на чолі голови Головної Руської Ради заклала духовний фундамент для боротьби за відродження Української держави на початку ХХ століття, а також давала новому поколінню українських політичних діячів упевненість у правоті своїх державницьких домагань. Сучасна політична ситуація в Україні підвищує інтерес до політичних поглядів Г. Яхимовича, що має сприяти об'єднанню української нації з метою збереження націо­нальної державності. Інтелектуальна спадщина Г. Яхимовича займає визначне місце в історії українського народу. Історико-правові дослідження його цікавих політичних поглядів є значним внеском у сучасні процеси державотворення в Україні.

British photographer Edmund Clark has spent more than a decade exploring the unseen processes, experiences and sites of contemporary conflict, with particular focus on the so-called War on Terror. The Mountains of Majeed is a reflection on the end of 'Operation Enduring Freedom' in Afghanistan through photography, found imagery and Taliban poetry. Based at Bagram Airfield, the largest American base in Afghanistan, and formerly home to 40,000, Edmund Clark examines the experience of the vast majority of military personnel and contractors who have serviced Enduring Freedom without ever leaving the base. Clark distills their war down to a concise series of photographs of the two views they have of Afghanistan: what they experience of the country over the walls or through the wire of their bases, and what they see through pictorial representations within these enclaves of high technology and occupation. At Bagram Airfield, the view, both outside and inside, is dominated by the mountains of the Hindu Kush. Set against their looming presence, Clark's images from his time spent embedded with the U.S. military, expose the dystopian relationship between the man-made landscape of Bagram and the country beyond its walls. Evoking an intangible awareness of the mountains beyond, and the unseen insurgents hiding within them, Clark's quiet and contemplative images portray an alternative narrative to the one ordinarily presented by the media. Echoes of the surrounding landscape resonate in Clark's photographs of spaces within the walls of the base, finding visual rhymes in the craters formed by construction work, peaks of refuse-strewn razor wire and the precisely ordered vistas of military tents. Inside the buildings, the landscape is simulated by murals and artworks, representing another view of Afghanistan. On the walls of a dining facility, a series of paintings signed by an artist named 'Majeed' portray idealized scenes of mountain passes and lakes, in which Clark questions the influence of Western ideas of romantic or naive painting. Reflecting on the significance of the paintings' location on an American base, Clark says: "How many tens of thousands of pairs of western eyes have registered the pastoral peace of these mountainscapes? Has anyone considered what they say of the country they are playing a part in occupying?" In this exhibition, Majeed's paintings have been reproduced as a series of picture postcards. Likening them to mementos for souvenir hunters of an idealized touristic landscape, Clark's appropriation of the paintings offers a powerful reminder that the mountains remain out of Western reach. Clark says: "There is distance between these mountains. Vistas of tranquillity fabricated by hand from canvas, wood and paint. Images from an enclave captured in high resolution by the latest digital technology. Two cultures divided by landscape and time. Ever present mountains forever beyond boots confined for a duration, within walls of occupation, on a ground of gravel and tarmac. And there is convergence. Both are mountains of the imagination. Both are representations of enduring freedom; and in both the mountains belong to Majeed." The Victory Column of Enduring Freedom is a monument to the notion of victory in the war in Afghanistan. It is a reference to Emperor Trajan's column in the forum in Rome which records his campaigns in Dacia, modern-day Romania, through relief sculpture scenes spiralling up the column. The form of the spiralled column has been re-used and reinterpreted through history as an icon of victory, perhaps most notably for the victory column of Napoleon's Grand Armée in Place Vendôme, Paris, made from captured Russian and Austrian cannons. Razor wire and aggregate are materials commonly used for the perimeter security and surface imprint of enclaves of occupation in the War on Terror. This show coincides with Edmund Clark's first solo museum exhibition in the United States at ICP Museum, New York. Edmund Clark: The Day the Music Died provides a timely and thoughtful exploration of the measures taken by states to protect its citizens from the threat of international terrorism, and the far-reaching effects of such methods of control including issues of security, secrecy, legality, and ethics. It brings together over 100 images, film, official documents, and ephemera exploring the hidden experiences and spaces of control and incarceration in the so-called global war on terror. The exhibition is on view from Jan 26, 2018 – May 06, 2018, www.icp.org.

Ce mémoire étudie la relation entretenue entre une création musicale et son environnement géographique. Le champ de recherche de la géographie musicale est riche de nombreuses études, pourtant peu d'entre elles proposent un modèle d'analyse précis regroupant les diverses thématiques impliquées dans cette relation. En utilisant le domaine de la cartographie, ce mémoire offre les bases d'un modèle méthodologique pour l'analyse géographique d'une création musicale. Ce modèle est mis en application avec le morceau «The Ghetto» de Donny Hathaway, produit en 1970 par la compagnie Atlantic Records.Dès sa première diffusion, «The Ghetto» est un véritable succès. Dans le cadre de cette recherche, ce morceau est associé à son homonyme urbain. Lors d'une interview en 2008, la journaliste Dyana Williams mentionna qu'Hathaway embellit le ghetto grâce à ce morceau (Payne 2008). La relation qu'entretient le morceau avec le ghetto est singulière et multidirectionnelle, depuis cet objectif d'embellissement jusqu'à ses effets commerciaux. Le modèle proposé possède de nombreuses caractéristiques et établit une taxinomie de la carte. À travers cette mise en relation théorique de la carte à l'objet culturel, la définitionde celle-ci se voit modifiée. Ce modèle souligne plusieurs indices dans la création musicale qui solidifient sa relation topographique. Ces éléments permettent d'établir une cartographie d'un morceau de musique.Dès lors, ce mémoire offre les bases du modèle méthodologique, développe ses caractéristiques et analyse son application sur «The Ghetto». À travers cette étude, sont abordés les conflits idéologiques et politiques qui animent la pensée noire américaine de l'époque, les techniques d'intégration musicales, les créations identitaires par la culture et l'historique de l'urbanisme ghettoïsé. Ces éléments transparaissent dans«The Ghetto» et solidifient la relation que ce morceau entretient avec son environnement géographique. ; This memoir studies the interactive relation between a musical creation and its geographic environment. The musicgeography field of research is rich however very few studies offer aspecific analytic modelthat would gather every thematic concerned inthis relation. Using the field of cartography, this memoir offers the foundation for a methodological model in orderto analysethe geography of a musical creation. After establishing the model's basics, the later will be illustrated with Donny Hathaway's "The Ghetto" (1970, Atlantic Records).As soon as it wasfirst broadcast, "The Ghetto" wasa big success. In this study, the trackis associated with its urban homonym. During an interview in 2008, the journalist Dyana Williams mentioned that Hathaway "glamorized" the ghetto thanks to this track (Payne 2008). This relation between "The Ghetto" with the actual ghetto is particular and multidirectional, from that "glamorization" goalto its commercial effects. The methodological model possesses many characteristics and builds a taxonomy of the map itself. Through this theoretical link from the map to the cultural object, the very definition of the map is being transformed. This model underlines specific clues in the musical creation that solidify its topographical bond. These clues allow us to draw a musical creation's cartography.Therefore, this memoir offers the foundation for the methodological model, developsits characteristics and analysesits application on "The Ghetto". This study addresses many subjects such as the ideological and political conflicts that animate the American black reflexionat that time, the musical integration techniques, the cultural identity creation and a ghettoized urbanism's history.

La condición femenina incapacitó durante siglos para la administración de los bienes y alejó de los ámbitos de toma de decisiones. Se utilizó el expediente de la imbecilitas sexus, o la levitas animi, desde la antigüedad grecorromana para legitimar la violencia emocional, jurídica y económica ejercida todavía hoy de modo permanente sobre mujeres del presente. La historia ha sido narrada por los vencedores a partir de un mundo de guerras y luchas de poder en el que las mujeres y las emociones (también de los varones) fueron excluidas por igual. En este trabajo se ofrece una síntesis de resultados acerca de cómo nuestro pasado de discriminación y violencia de género permeabiliza nuestro presente. El resultado es la desigualdad normativa, en menor medida jurídica y en mayor medida social. Se analizan con perspectiva de género algunas causas, por las cuales el patriarcado trató a mujer adulta como una menor o discapacitada mental, susceptible además de sufrir legítimamente castigos físicos. Los estudios de género y su flexibilidad en el acercamiento interdisciplinar ofrecen nuevas perspectivas científicas a la hora de abordar la continuidad histórico jurídica del silencio de las mujeres, descritas a partir del "deber ser" de la feminidad. En las líneas que siguen se afronta la interpretación de distintas fuentes histórico –jurídicas en torno a la negación de la palabra femenina. Junto a los métodos tradicionales, el método diacrónico comparativo permite constatar la profunda huella que el pasado dejó en el presente. El punto de partida de este trabajo es que a las mujeres se nos ha normativizado en tres fases. Primero se convino que somos inferiores y debemos silenciarnos; después que la subordinación debe ser recibida con resignación y alegría; en tercer término, que la cancelación de la palabra femenina puede imponerse mediante la violencia. ; Since classical times, history has been written predominantly by victors and, in a world that continues to be dominated by military and political power struggles, both women and feelings (including those of men) remain repressed. Women were frequently denied formal legal capacity and excluded from administrative decision-making, and over time this institutionalised gender bias (imbecilitas sexus and levitas animi) served to reinforce more comprehensive emotional, legal and economic discrimination against women. Moreover, entrenched patriarchal attitudes meant that adult women were invariably treated as if they were either minors or mentally handicapped and, consequently, physical and psychological abuse against women became normalised. This article seeks to expose how modern legislation reflects and reinforces historic discrimination, both social and legal, against women. Drawing upon interdisciplinary gender studies that apply diverse and novel methodologies, the aim of this analysis is to give voice to "silent women" and so challenge the idealised stereotypical notion of what it means to be "perfectly feminine". Through deploying a diachronic comparative method, a range of social and legal sources are investigated to illustrate how women's voices were effectively silenced, and with significant consequences for the present. Here it is offered an account of how female subordination occurred incrementally and in three distinct phases: first, women were classified as inferior beings, both legally and socially, and therefore compelled to remain silent; second, women were taught to accept their inferior status with both joy and satisfaction; and third, when necessary violence was used to silence female resistance.

Throughout history, there have been several languages, such as German, French or English, which have gained the status of lingua franca of international scientific communication. However, contemporary science has witnessed a significant increase in the use of English for scholarly communication. As a result, nowadays, scientific records written in languages other than English are increasingly scarce, hence, perpetuating English as a lingua franca in this context. This situation has brought about many difficulties and inequalities that non-Anglophone researchers need to face when it comes to developing their professional activity. It has also given rise to a change in researchers´ patterns of publication associated with their attitudes towards the languages they can choose to communicate their results. In this paper, we offer a state-of-the-art review and analyze the data available from the main studies that have been carried out in Spain and in other non-Anglophone contexts. Finally, pedagogical, economic and political implications are discussed. ; En el ámbito de la comunicación científica, distintos idiomas -como el alemán, el francés o el inglés- han alcanzado a lo largo de la historia el estatus de lenguas vehiculares. Sin embargo, la ciencia contemporánea ha asistido a un notable incremento del uso del inglés para fines académicos, de modo que, hoy en día, los registros científicos escritos en otras lenguas son cada vez más escasos. Como consecuencia, este hecho ha puesto de manifiesto algunas dificultades y desigualdades a las que se enfrentan los investigadores no anglófonos a la hora de desarrollar su actividad profesional en un contexto que perpetúa el inglés como lengua franca en la comunicación científica. Asimismo, ha dado origen a un cambio en las pautas de publicación de los investigadores asociado a las diferentes actitudes relacionadas con la elección de la lengua en la que comunican sus resultados. En este trabajo realizamos una revisión del estado de la cuestión y analizamos los datos disponibles procedentes de los principales trabajos que se han realizado sobre el caso español, así como en otros contextos no anglófonos. Finalmente, se extraen a modo de conclusión las principales implicaciones pedagógicas, económicas y políticas sobre esta cuestión. ; No âmbito da comunicação científica, distintos idiomas – como o alemão, o francês ou o inglês – alcançaram, ao longo da história, o status de línguas oficiais de difusão. No entanto, a ciência contemporânea testemunhou um aumento significativo no uso do inglês para fins acadêmicos; de modo que, hoje em dia, os registros científicos escritos em outras línguas são cada vez mais raros. Por efeito desse contexto, em que o inglês tornou-se a língua franca da ciência, pesquisadores não anglófonos têm enfrentado manifestas dificuldades e desigualdades quando se trata de desenvolver suas atividades profissionais. E também se deu uma mudança nas pautas de publicação: os pesquisadores passam a ter atitudes distintas em função da língua que elegem comunicar seus resultados. Neste artigo, fazemos uma revisão do estado desta questão e analisamos dados disponíveis provenientes dos principais estudos que foram realizados a propósito do caso espanhol, bem como em outros contextos não anglófonos. Finalmente, são discutidas as implicações de ordem pedagógica, econômica e política a ver com a questão.

En el ámbito de la comunicación científica, distintos idiomas -como el alemán, el francés o el inglés- han alcanzado a lo largo de la historia el estatus de lenguas vehiculares. Sin embargo, la ciencia contemporánea ha asistido a un notable incremento del uso del inglés para fines académicos, de modo que, hoy en día, los registros científicos escritos en otras lenguas son cada vez más escasos. Como consecuencia, este hecho ha puesto de manifiesto algunas dificultades y desigualdades a las que se enfrentan los investigadores no anglófonos a la hora de desarrollar su actividad profesional en un contexto que perpetúa el inglés como lengua franca en la comunicación científica. Asimismo, ha dado origen a un cambio en las pautas de publicación de los investigadores asociado a las diferentes actitudes relacionadas con la elección de la lengua en la que comunican sus resultados. En este trabajo realizamos una revisión del estado de la cuestión y analizamos los datos disponibles procedentes de los principales trabajos que se han realizado sobre el caso español, así como en otros contextos no anglófonos. Finalmente, se extraen a modo de conclusión las principales implicaciones pedagógicas, económicas y políticas sobre esta cuestión. ; Throughout history, there have been several languages, such as German, French or English, which have gained the status of lingua franca of international scientific communication. However, contemporary science has witnessed a significant increase in the use of English for scholarly communication. As a result, nowadays, scientific records written in languages other than English are increasingly scarce, hence, perpetuating English as a lingua franca in this context. This situation has brought about many difficulties and inequalities that non-Anglophone researchers need to face when it comes to developing their professional activity. It has also given rise to a change in researchers´ patterns of publication associated with their attitudes towards the languages they can choose to communicate their results. In this paper, we offer a state-of-the-art review and analyze the data available from the main studies that have been carried out in Spain and in other non-Anglophone contexts. Finally, pedagogical, economic and political implications are discussed. ; No âmbito da comunicação científica, distintos idiomas – como o alemão, o francês ou o inglês – alcançaram, ao longo da história, o status de línguas oficiais de difusão. No entanto, a ciência contemporânea testemunhou um aumento significativo no uso do inglês para fins acadêmicos; de modo que, hoje em dia, os registros científicos escritos em outras línguas são cada vez mais raros. Por efeito desse contexto, em que o inglês tornou-se a língua franca da ciência, pesquisadores não anglófonos têm enfrentado manifestas dificuldades e desigualdades quando se trata de desenvolver suas atividades profissionais. E também se deu uma mudança nas pautas de publicação: os pesquisadores passam a ter atitudes distintas em função da língua que elegem comunicar seus resultados. Neste artigo, fazemos uma revisão do estado desta questão e analisamos dados disponíveis provenientes dos principais estudos que foram realizados a propósito do caso espanhol, bem como em outros contextos não anglófonos. Finalmente, são discutidas as implicações de ordem pedagógica, econômica e política a ver com a questão.

The connection between parties and public policies is apparently straightforward: the former are supposed to determine the latter. However, several authors have argued that parties matter less and less in policy-making processes. Among such theses we can mention the end of ideologies, the indistinction between party programs, the emergence of strong leaders who can disregard party constraints, the hold that bureaucracies maintain on the policy cycle, the external factors which dictate the agenda and the contents of public policies. After having sketchily illustrated such arguments, this paper discusses relevant counterarguments for each of the above assumptions. The author's opinion is that parties do matter, although their relevance is dependent on the features the decisional structure and they tend to concentrate on certain policies more than others. In some occasions, they may have an incentive to disguise their actual role, so that electors can blame somebody else for some unpopular choices. The Italian case is then examined. The author suggests that almost in each period in the history of the Italian Republic, a significant connection between which parties were in office and which relevant policies were adopted can be detected. ; La connessione tra partiti e politiche pubbliche è apparentemente scontata: i primi determinano le seconde. Nondimeno, svariati autori hanno sostenuto che i partiti contino sempre di meno nei processi di policy. Tra queste tesi possiamo ricordare quella della fine delle ideologie, dell'indistinzione tra i programmi dei partiti, dell'affermarsi di leader forti che possono permettersi di sentirsi svincolati dal loro partito, la presa che le burocrazie mantengono sul ciclo di vita delle politiche pubbliche, i fattori esterni che di tali politiche dettano l'agenda e i contenuti. Dopo aver presentato tali tesi in estrema sintesi, nel testo vengono discussi i relativi controargomenti. L'opinione dell'autore è che i partiti continuino a contare, sebbene la loro rilevanza dipenda dalle caratteristiche della struttura decisionale e essi tendano a concentrarsi di più su certe politiche che su altre. In alcune occasioni, i partiti possono peraltro avere un incentivo a dissimulare il loro vero ruolo, così che gli elettori possano prendersela con qualcun altro quando occorrono scelte impopolari. Viene quindi esaminato il caso italiano. L'autore suggerisce che quasi in tutti i periodi della storia repubblicana si rilevi un legame significativo tra quali fossero i partiti in carica e quali politiche vennero prescelte. ; Związek pomiędzy partiami politycznymi a politykami publicznymi jest pozornie oczywisty: partie determinują kształt polityk. Niemniej jednak, jak zauważa Autor niniejszego artykułu, w literaturze wielokrotnie stwierdzono, że partie odgrywają coraz mniejszą rolę w tworzeniu polityk. Autor przywołuje tu m.in. teorię o końcu ideologii; o zacieraniu się różnic między programami poszczególnych partii; o pojawieniu się silnych przywódców, którzy mogą sobie pozwolić na uniezależnienie się od swojej partii; o wpływie biurokracji na cykl polityk publicznych i o czynnikach zewnętrznych mogących determinować treść polityk. Po krótkim omówieniu tych tez Autor wysuwa wobec nich swoje kontrargumenty. W opinii Autora partie wciąż pełnią ważną rolę, choć ich znaczenie uzależnione jest od struktury decyzyjnej i od konkretnych polityk. W niektórych przypadkach partie mogą mieć motywację do tego, aby ukryć swoją prawdziwą rolę, by wyborcy nie musieli winić ich za podjęcie niepopularnych decyzji. W dalszej części artykułu Autor analizuje casus Włoch, sugerując, że związek między partiami sprawującymi władzę a przyjmowanymi politykami był bardzo znaczący niemalże we wszystkich okresach Republiki Włoskiej.

Związek pomiędzy partiami politycznymi a politykami publicznymi jest pozornie oczywisty: partie determinują kształt polityk. Niemniej jednak, jak zauważa Autor niniejszego artykułu, w literaturze wielokrotnie stwierdzono, że partie odgrywają coraz mniejszą rolę w tworzeniu polityk. Autor przywołuje tu m.in. teorię o końcu ideologii; o zacieraniu się różnic między programami poszczególnych partii; o pojawieniu się silnych przywódców, którzy mogą sobie pozwolić na uniezależnienie się od swojej partii; o wpływie biurokracji na cykl polityk publicznych i o czynnikach zewnętrznych mogących determinować treść polityk. Po krótkim omówieniu tych tez Autor wysuwa wobec nich swoje kontrargumenty. W opinii Autora partie wciąż pełnią ważną rolę, choć ich znaczenie uzależnione jest od struktury decyzyjnej i od konkretnych polityk. W niektórych przypadkach partie mogą mieć motywację do tego, aby ukryć swoją prawdziwą rolę, by wyborcy nie musieli winić ich za podjęcie niepopularnych decyzji. W dalszej części artykułu Autor analizuje casus Włoch, sugerując, że związek między partiami sprawującymi władzę a przyjmowanymi politykami był bardzo znaczący niemalże we wszystkich okresach Republiki Włoskiej. ; La connessione tra partiti e politiche pubbliche è apparentemente scontata: i primi determinano le seconde. Nondimeno, svariati autori hanno sostenuto che i partiti contino sempre di meno nei processi di policy. Tra queste tesi possiamo ricordare quella della fine delle ideologie, dell'indistinzione tra i programmi dei partiti, dell'affermarsi di leader forti che possono permettersi di sentirsi svincolati dal loro partito, la presa che le burocrazie mantengono sul ciclo di vita delle politiche pubbliche, i fattori esterni che di tali politiche dettano l'agenda e i contenuti. Dopo aver presentato tali tesi in estrema sintesi, nel testo vengono discussi i relativi controargomenti. L'opinione dell'autore è che i partiti continuino a contare, sebbene la loro rilevanza dipenda dalle caratteristiche della struttura decisionale e essi tendano a concentrarsi di più su certe politiche che su altre. In alcune occasioni, i partiti possono peraltro avere un incentivo a dissimulare il loro vero ruolo, così che gli elettori possano prendersela con qualcun altro quando occorrono scelte impopolari. Viene quindi esaminato il caso italiano. L'autore suggerisce che quasi in tutti i periodi della storia repubblicana si rilevi un legame significativo tra quali fossero i partiti in carica e quali politiche vennero prescelte. ; The connection between parties and public policies is apparently straightforward: the former are supposed to determine the latter. However, several authors have argued that parties matter less and less in policy-making processes. Among such theses we can mention the end of ideologies, the indistinction between party programs, the emergence of strong leaders who can disregard party constraints, the hold that bureaucracies maintain on the policy cycle, the external factors which dictate the agenda and the contents of public policies. After having sketchily illustrated such arguments, this paper discusses relevant counterarguments for each of the above assumptions. The author's opinion is that parties do matter, although their relevance is dependent on the features the decisional structure and they tend to concentrate on certain policies more than others. In some occasions, they may have an incentive to disguise their actual role, so that electors can blame somebody else for some unpopular choices. The Italian case is then examined. The author suggests that almost in each period in the history of the Italian Republic, a significant connection between which parties were in office and which relevant policies were adopted can be detected.

El presente artículo investiga la historia de la ideología revolucionaria de los grupos universitarios maoístas en Colombia, con referencia a su sociabilidad política. Se trata de agrupaciones creadas por jóvenes universitarios para organizar acciones hacia el cambio social. El trabajo realizado se apoya en una reflexión investigativa sobre los movimientos estudiantiles y el gobierno universitario en Colombia en los años 60 y 70 y en una serie de recopilaciones y estudios documentales realizados por el CINEP sobre las izquierdas sociales y políticas. Diversas agrupaciones de izquierda, en disputa por controlar la gobernabilinidad universitaria, hicieron presencia en los campus universitarios para desde allí propiciar acciones de cara a los desafíos de transformar la sociedad, sobre el entendido de cambiar la institucionalidad educativa como fase previa a la revolución socialista, según las distintas tendencias ideológicas del amplio espectro de la izquierda mundial y nacional. ; This article researches the revolutionary ideology history of the Maoists university groups in Colombia, related to his political sociability. This is a group set up by university students in order to organize actions towards social change. This work is supported by a research reflection on the university student movements and government in Colombia in the 60s and 70s, and in a series of collections and documentary studies by the CINEP on the social and political left-wing. Various left-wingers groups, in dispute over control the university governance, were present on university campuses to promote actions facing the challenges of transforming society on the basis of an understanding the educational institutions changing, as a preliminary phase to the socialist revolution. According to the different ideological trends of a global and national left broad spectrum. ; Este artigo investiga a história da ideologia revolucionaria dos grupos universitários maoístas na Colômbia, com referência a sua sociabilidade política. Trata-se de agrupa- ções criadas por jovens universitários para organizar ações de mudança social. O projeto se apoia em uma reflexão investigativa sobre os movimentos estudantis e o governo universitário na Colômbia nos anos 60 e 70, e em uma série de recolecções e estudos do- cumentais realizadas pela CINEP sobre as esquerdas sociais e políticas. Vários grupos de esquerda, em disputa por controlar a governabilidade universitária fizeram presença em campus universitários para propiciar ações de cara aos desafios para transformar a sociedade, sobre o acordo de mudar a institucionalidade educativa como fase previa à revolução socialista, segundo as diversas tendências ideológicas do amplo espectro da esquerda mundial e nacional. ; Cet article examine l'histoire de l'idéologie révolutionnaire des groupes universitaires maoïstes en Colombie, par rapport à sa sociabilité politique. Il s'agit de groupes créés par des jeunes universitaires pour organiser des actions visant le changement social. Le travail accompli s'appuie sur une recherche faite sur le mouvement étudiant et le gouvernement universitaire en Colombie des années 60 et 70, et sur une série de compilations et d'études documentaires menées par le CINEP sur les gauches sociales et politiques. De différents groupes de gauche, en dispute pour le contrôle de la gouvernabilité universitaire, ont fait présence dans les campus pour y encourager des actions vis-à-vis des défis de transformer la société, y compris le changement de l'institutionnalité édu cative comme étape préalable à la révolution socialiste, d'après les différentes tendances idéologiques du vaste spectre de la gauche mondiale et nationale.

This article researches the revolutionary ideology history of the Maoists university groups in Colombia, related to his political sociability. This is a group set up by university students in order to organize actions towards social change. This work is supported by a research reflection on the university student movements and government in Colombia in the 60s and 70s, and in a series of collections and documentary studies by the CINEP on the social and political left-wing. Various left- wingers groups, in dispute over control the university governance, were present on university campuses to promote actions facing the challenges of transforming society on the basis of an understanding the educational institutions changing, as a preliminary phase to the socialist revolution. According to the different ideological trends of a global and national left broad spectrum. ; El presente artículo investiga la historia de la ideología revolucionaria de los grupos universitarios maoístas en Colombia, con referencia a su sociabilidad política. Se trata de agrupaciones creadas por jóvenes universitarios para organizar acciones hacia el cambio social. El trabajo realizado se apoya en una reflexión investigativa sobre los movimientos estudiantiles y el gobierno universitario en Colombia en los años 60 y 70 y en una serie de recopilaciones y estudios documentales realizados por el CINEP sobre las izquierdas sociales y políticas. Diversas agrupaciones de izquierda, en disputa por controlar la gobernabilinidad universitaria, hicieron presencia en los campus universitarios para desde allí propiciar acciones de cara a los desafíos de transformar la sociedad, sobre el entendido de cambiar la institucionalidad educativa como fase previa a la revolución socialista, según las distintas tendencias ideológicas del amplio espectro de la izquierda mundial y nacional. ; Cet article examine l'histoire de l'idéologie révolutionnaire des groupes universitaires maoïstes en Colombie, par rapport à sa sociabilité politique. Il s'agit de groupes créés par des jeunes universitaires pour organiser des actions visant le changement social. Le travail accompli s'appuie sur une recherche faite sur le mouvement étudiant et le gouvernement universitaire en Colombie des années 60 et 70, et sur une série de compilations et d'études documentaires menées par le CINEP sur les gauches sociales et politiques. De différents groupes de gauche, en dispute pour le contrôle de la gouvernabilité universitaire, ont fait présence dans les campus pour y encourager des actions vis-à-vis des défis de transformer la société, y compris le changement de l'institutionnalité éducative comme étape préalable à la révolution socialiste, d'après les différentes tendances idéologiques du vaste spectre de la gauche mondiale et nationale. ; Este artigo investiga a história da ideologia revolucionaria dos grupos universitários maoístas na Colômbia, com referência a sua sociabilidade política. Trata-se de agrupações criadas por jovens universitários para organizar ações de mudança social. O projeto se apoia em uma reflexão investigativa sobre os movimentos estudantis e o governo universitário na Colômbia nos anos 60 e 70, e em uma série de recolecções e estudos documentais realizadas pela CINEP sobre as esquerdas sociais e políticas. Vários grupos de esquerda, em disputa por controlar a governabilidade universitária fizeram presença em campus universitários para propiciar ações de cara aos desafios para transformar a sociedade, sobre o acordo de mudar a institucionalidade educativa como fase previa à revolução socialista, segundo as diversas tendências ideológicas do amplo espectro da esquerda mundial e nacional.

En nous appuyant sur six romans d'Henri Lopes, notre recherche tente de montrer que ces textes traduisent une profonde détresse sociale par la construction d'un univers où les personnages, les espaces et les discours se déploient dans une antinomie permanente. L'œuvre lopésienne, en effet, est traversée par des sujets tourmentés, dans un univers où le passé colonial et les tensions sociopolitiques ont renforcé les frontières communautaristes. Les personnages principaux connaissent ainsi une crise d'appartenance (culturelle et identitaire), un paradigme qui s'impose comme thème récurrent dans toute la production romanesque. Il s'agit de comprendre comment les textes construisent ce sujet, écrasé simultanément par les séquelles d'une Histoire coloniale discriminante et par un environnement social contemporain dans lequel se dressent de nouvelles barrières. Tout en conservant une cohérence globale assurant la lisibilité des textes, le scripteur représente la fragilité des rapports sociaux, en rabaissant les discours dominants par l'humour et l'ironie (pour se moquer des hiérarchies sociales), en bouleversant les conventions linguistiques ou sémantiques, etc. Les romans cultivent alors les contrastes et les contradictions, édifient un espace polyphonique, pour fabuler simultanément le choc et le croisement des différences, dévoiler la rencontre conflictuelle des altérités (raciale, idéologique, politique, culturelle, etc.), bref, peindre toute un désarroi social. L'écriture de Lopes semble au demeurant exalter les interférences – notamment artistiques –, elle rejette les astreintes, tisse les éléments les plus épars pour édifier un entre-deux que le discours narratif idéalise. Au cœur de cette "mosaïque" textuelle, l'auteur exalte le métissage et l'instaure comme idéal et fondement de sa pensée. Et si les textes dévoilent un renversement des hiérarchies sociales, c'est que l'art de Lopes se veut fondamentalement carnavalesque. Cependant, même si les romans de notre corpus d'étude décrivent un monde perturbé, divisé, et que l'auteur montre de manière implicite qu'il veut assembler les différences pour édifier dans sa fiction un univers mixte, son monde rêvé reste malgré tout instable. ; This thesis is about six novels of Henri Lopes. It represents an attempt to show that these novels reflect a deep social distress, which is characterized by an environment where characters, spaces and speeches unfold a permanent contradiction. The malaise, and the fragmented world which Lopes tries to makes explicit in the novels at issue, are reflected by the style he adopted. His technique consists then, in lowering the dominant discourses through humor and irony on the one hand, and on the other hand overturning linguistic or semantic conventions, etc. In doing so, his goal is to render more visible the fragility of social relations which is going on in the world so described. This research represents an attempt to find out how the discourse related to the theme of social disarray is structured, and how it functions. In order to achieve this objective, we found it worth proceeding by a textual investigation, as well as a structural analysis. Basically, this thesis tries to account for the turmoil that marked the history of Africa through space, speech and language as exploited by the novelist. Despite the troubled world depicted in these novels, Lopes shows great attachment for a united and non-divided world that takes into account all differences no matter where they come from. For, Lopes thinks of a fictional world where every human being lives and co-exists harmoniously, even if such a world remains unstable.