Suchergebnisse

This paper describes forced displacement in the Europe and Central Asia Region (ECA) and the vulnerabilities associated with being a displaced person. It analyzes the development challenges of forced displacement particularly protracted displacement in the region and the prospects for durable solutions. Displaced persons face challenges related to recovery of or access to housing and land, employment and livelihoods, access to services and public goods including health, education, and infrastructure, and accountable and responsive governance.

Wie steht es um die Freiheit des Wortes in der Wissenschaft?
Wo liegen die Grenzen? Ihr Umgang mit dieser Frage hat zwei Uni-Präsidentinnen in den USA den Job gekostet. Doch die Folgen und Implikationen reichen tiefer und bis nach Deutschland.






Campus der Harvard University in Cambridge, USA. Foto: giggel, CC BY 3.0 / Wikimedia Commons.






EINEN TAG nachdem Claudine Gay Anfang Januar von ihrem Amt als Harvard-Präsidentin zurückgetreten war, veröffentlichte sie in der "New York Times" einen Meinungsbeitrag. Ja, sie habe Fehler gemacht, schrieb sie. Doch in der Kampagne gegen sie sei es in Wirklichkeit um mehr gegangen als eine Universität
oder eine Unipräsidentin. "Nur ein Scharmützel in einem größeren Krieg" sei das gewesen, "der zum Ziel hat, das öffentliche Vertrauen in tragende Säulen der amerikanischen Gesellschaft zu
zerstören."



 



Sie hoffe, mit ihrem Rücktritt hindere sie Demagogen daran, ihre Präsidentschaft weiter als Waffe einzusetzen in ihrer Kampagne, die Ideale zu unterminieren, die Harvard seit seiner Gründung
ausmache: "Exzellenz, Offenheit, Unabhängigkeit, Wahrheit."



 



Waren das mehr als Schutzbehauptungen? Sind die Universitäten in den USA tatsächlich Geisel eines Kulturkampfes von rechts? Und zeichnen sich in Deutschland vielleicht längst ähnliche
Entwicklungen ab?



 



Die fast unbedingte Freiheit des Wortes



 



Alles hatte damit begonnen, dass Gay und zwei weitere Präsidentinnen von US-Eliteuniversitäten im Dezember auf Initiative der Republikaner vor dem Bildungsausschuss des Repräsentantenhauses
Stellung nehmen sollten zu sich häufenden antisemitischen Vorfällen auf dem Campus.



 



Befragt von der Ex-Präsident Trump nahestehenden republikanischen Abgeordneten Elise Stefanik, ob der Aufruf zum Völkermord an den Juden gegen universitäre Richtlinien zu Mobbing und Belästigung
verstoße, antwortete Gay zweimal, das sei möglich, hänge aber vom Kontext ab. Die Präsidentin des Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT), Sally Kornbluth, stimmte Gay zu, ebenso ihre
Kollegin von der University of Pennsylvania, Liz Magill: "Wenn das Reden in ein Verhalten übergeht, kann es sich um Belästigung handeln."



 



Die öffentliche Empörung war gewaltig. Magill trat schon wenige Tage später zurück, nachdem mit Verweis auf ihre Äußerungen unter anderem ein Geldgeber eine 100-Millionen-Spende an die University
of Pennsylvania zurückgezogen hatte. Gay hielt sich zunächst im Amt, doch gingen kurz nach ihrem Auftritt im US-Kongress mehrere Plagiatsvorwürfe online. Eine unabhängige Prüfung bescheinigte Gay
unzureichend kenntlich gemachte Zitate, aber kein wissenschaftliches Fehlverhalten. Den Bildungsausschuss des Repräsentantenhauses hinderte dies nicht daran, mit republikanischer Mehrheit eine
eigene Untersuchung einzuleiten.



 



Als Gay schließlich ihren Rücktritt bekannt gab, postete Elise Stefanik auf "X": "Two Down. One to Go." Und die Wall-Street-Größe Bill Ackmann, Harvard-Absolvent und
Großspender, kündigte an, die wissenschaftlichen Arbeiten aller
MIT-Angehörigen, inklusive Präsidentin Kornbluth, per KI auf Plagiate zu untersuchen.



 



"Natürlich ist das ein Angriff von rechts", sagt der deutsche Ökonom Rüdiger Bachmann von der University of Notre Dame im US-Bundestaat Indiana. "Schon Elise Stefanik hatte es darauf angelegt in
ihrer Befragung."



 



Gay, erst seit vergangenem Sommer im Amt, war die erste afroamerikanische Harvard-Präsidentin. Sie stand als Sinnbild für die Bestrebungen führender US-Universitäten, sich auch in ihren
Führungsstrukturen diverser aufzustellen. Das gehe auf Kosten der akademischen Exzellenz, kam umgehend als Vorwurf von rechts.



 



Der Freiheitsindex



 



Umgekehrt, sagt Bachmann, führten solche Attacken angesichts der Machtverhältnisse an den linksliberalen US-Universitäten nur dann zu Rücktritten, wenn die tatsächlichen Verfehlungen tatsächlich
schwerwiegend genug seien. "Diese Mischung aus Hilflosigkeit, Unprofessionalität, fehlendem Vorbereitetsein und Arroganz, die alle drei Präsidentinnen bei der Anhörung zeigten, war schon
dramatisch." Die an sich nicht so gravierenden Plagiatsvorwürfe seien bei Gay noch dazugekommen.



 



Die Politologin Katrin Kinzelbach von der Universität Erlangen-Nürnberg war im Oktober, kurz nach dem Hamas-Angriff, in Harvard. Mit Wissenschaftlerkollegen erstellt die Politologin jährlich
einen aktualisierten "Academic Freedom Index" (AFI). Dieser soll den Grad der Wissenschaftsfreiheit weltweit beziffern. Zur Wissenschaftsfreiheit diskutierte Kinzelbach auch in Harvard. Sie sei
erschrocken gewesen, "mit welcher Nonchalance bestimmte Gruppen israelfeindliche Inhalte vertraten, ohne jede Verurteilung der Hamas-Verbrechen", und wie umgekehrt öffentliche Namenslisten
kursierten, die Studierende als Antisemiten brandmarkten. Man müsse aber bedenken, dass "das Verständnis von Meinungs- und Wissenschaftsfreiheit in den USA ein unbedingteres" sei als "bei uns".
Es gebe hier "fast keine Grenzen". Die Überzeugung auch der meisten Wissenschaftler laute: "Absolute Redefreiheit ist die Voraussetzung von Demokratie."



 



So habe der Supreme Court schon 1969 mit Berufung auf den ersten Verfassungszusatzartikel festgehalten: "Jede Meinungsäußerung ist erlaubt, nur die Anstachelung zur unmittelbaren Gewalt nicht."
Genau vor diesem Hintergrund müsse man dann auch die "Kontext"-Aussagen der Uni-Präsidentinnen vor dem Bildungsausschuss sehen. "Sie sind ein Skandal, aber die Präsidentinnen wollten sich
offenbar nicht Vorwürfen aussetzen, sie würden die freie Rede beschränken."



 



An der Stelle, sagt Bachmann, seien die Präsidentinnen allerdings einem Irrtum aufgesessen: "Ausschlaggebend ist an privaten Hochschulen nicht der Erste Zusatzartikel der Verfassung, sondern der
sogenannte Civil Rights Act." Der besage: Wenn eine Hochschule von der Regierung Fördergelder beziehe, "hat sie die Verpflichtung, gegen belästigende Hassreden auf dem Campus vorzugehen".



 



Trumpistische Aneignung



 



So oder so ist es vielleicht das größte Paradoxon der Causa Gay: Normalerweise sind es in den USA Republikaner und Trumpisten, die zwar selbst etwa die Evolutionstheorie aus Schulbüchern tilgen,
"alternative Fakten" propagieren oder Gendertheorien in Uni-Pflichtkursen verbieten, gleichzeitig aber mit großem medialen Erfolg linksliberalen Akademikern eine Verengung des Meinungsspektrums
vorwerfen. Schlagworte: "Politische Korrektheit" oder "Wokeness", Motto: Ideologie statt Exzellenz.



 



Doch diesmal erregten sie sich über das genaue Gegenteil: über die fehlende Positionierung führender Hochschulrepräsentantinnen. Sie taten es in diesem Falle sogar mit Recht, aber eben doch auch
mit klarer politischer Agenda.

Was bedeutet all das für die Wissenschaftsfreiheit in den USA? Der "Academic Freedom Index" sei für die USA in den vergangenen zehn Jahren "signifikant abgerutscht", sagt Kinzelbach, "bewegt sich aber immer noch auf hohem
Niveau". Der Konsens, dass sich der Staat nicht einmischen dürfe in akademische Belange, sei dort weiter sehr stark. Private Geldgeber aber hätten einen großen, teilweise problematischen
Einfluss. Bachmann sagt: Gerade weil die meisten US-Spitzenunis privat seien, hätten Politiker keine direkte Durchgriffsmöglichkeit, "selbst dann nicht, wenn Trump ein protofaschistisches Regime
etablieren würde, zumal die staatlichen Universitäten alle in der Hand der Bundesstaaten sind".



 



Tribalismus? Polarisierung?



 



Die wirkliche Gefahr, sagt Bachmann, sei der zunehmende Tribalismus, "wenn sich jetzt auch Leute aus dem linksliberalen Spektrum plötzlich eines Orwell’schen Neusprechs (der Begriff stammt aus
George Orwells Roman '1984', in dem politisch umgestaltete Sprache zum Ausdruck gleichgeschalteten Denkens wird) bedienen, um Gay im Amt zu halten, obwohl sie nicht im Amt zu halten war".



 



Wenn etwa, wie das Magazin The Atlantic kritisierte, Unterstützer Gays fehlende Zitatkennzeichnungen als
"technical attribution issues" redefinierten oder als "repeating banal phrases". Wobei die Klimaaktivistin Genevieve Guenther, von der letztere Aussage stammte, "The Atlantic" prompt vorwarf, sie
absichtlich verfälscht wiedergegeben zu haben.



 



So oder so, fügt Bachmann hinzu, habe der Polarisierer Trump angesichts einer solchen Debatte schon gewonnen, "selbst wenn er am Ende nicht erneut Präsident würde, sondern ins Gefängnis müsste".



 



Lektionen für Deutschland



 



Der Amerikanist Martin Klepper von der Berliner Humboldt-Universität sagt, er würde eher von Polarisierung als von Tribalismus sprechen, aber auch er meint: "Wenn selbst in der Wissenschaft
inzwischen manche finden, sie müssten eine Seite wählen und deren Angehörige um jeden Preis in Schutz nehmen, ist ganz viel verloren."



 



Und in Deutschland? Auch wenn der Fall Gay zuerst von den persönlichen Umständen zu beurteilen sei: "Es ist gut, wenn wir in Deutschland genau hinschauen, was da in den USA gerade passiert, und,
wo möglich, daraus lernen", sagt Lambert Koch, Präsident des Deutschen Hochschulverbandes (DHV). Es gebe Entwicklungen, die "hier wie dort" in eine gefährliche Richtung wiesen.



 



Die größte Gefahr sei, dass die Hochschulen einer immer stärkeren Politisierung ausgesetzt würden. "Wissenschaft lebt von dem Mut und der Unverstelltheit eines lebendigen Diskurses um des Findens
neuer Erkenntnisse und Wahrheiten willen." Dazu brauche es wissenschaftlich unangreifbares Führungspersonal und einen Vorschuss an Vertrauen. Und man müsse "einander auf der Grundlage
wissenschaftlicher Methoden korrigieren können, ohne dass dies zu Aggressionen oder politischen Zerwürfnissen führt".



 



Stimmenfang mit Anti-Gendern



 



Martin Klepper sagt, in Deutschland sei die Wissenschaft im guten wie im schlechten Sinne noch abgeschotteter als in den USA. "Sie ist stärker auf sich selbst bezogen, sie bestimmt nicht in
vergleichbarem Maße öffentliche Diskurse mit." Das bringe sie "natürlich auch seltener ins politische Fadenkreuz". Allerdings ändere sich dies allmählich. Ein Beispiel seien die Gender Studies,
deren Gegner ebenfalls mit persönlichen Diffamierungen arbeiteten. "Und die Politik geht mit politisch fragwürdigen Verboten von Gendersternchen auf Stimmenfang." Mehr als rechte Kampagnen sorge
ihn allerdings derzeit, dass die Politik in die Universitäten hineinregulieren könnte, etwa in Form einer Bekenntnisklausel gegen Antisemitismus, wie sie bereits in der Berliner Kulturszene
etabliert worden sei.



 



Insgesamt aber, sagt Katrin Kinzelbach, belegten alle seriösen Daten, dass in Deutschland ein sehr hohes Maß an Wissenschaftsfreiheit herrsche. "Diesen Befund kann man natürlich angreifen, etwa
mit dem Narrativ, man könne sich an den Hochschulen zu bestimmten Themen nicht mehr frei äußern." Das sei zwar "selbst in den USA absurd". Doch wenn man solch ein Narrativ oft genug wiederhole,
werde es irgendwann zu einer "erlebten Wahrheit".



 



In der Corona-Zeit mussten Wissenschaftler in Deutschland bereits teilweise massive persönliche Anfeindungen und Angriffe aushalten, besonders aus rechtspopulistischen Kreisen, sagt Bachmann.
Manche Fachleute hätten sich nach solchen Erfahrungen weitgehend aus der Öffentlichkeit zurückgezogen. Der deutschen Wissenschaft stehe die echte Bewährungsprobe vielleicht erst noch bevor, "wenn
die AfD die prognostizierten großen Wahlerfolge feiert".



 



Das Bundesministerium für Bildung und Forschung (BMBF) jedenfalls hat die "Freiheit" zum Thema des Wissenschaftsjahres 2024 gemacht. Das Grundgesetz gewährt den Menschen seit fast
75 Jahren umfassende Freiheitsrechte. Doch diese Freiheit stehe unter Druck. "Das Wissenschaftsjahr 2024 richtet daher ein ganzes Jahr lang seinen Fokus in unterschiedlichen Formaten der
Wissenschaftskommunikation auf die Freiheit", heißt es beim BMBF. Man wolle den Dialog über Freiheit fördern, hieß es schon in der Projektausschreibung, "sowohl innerhalb als auch zwischen
Gesellschaft und Wissenschaft".



 



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Brandbriefe aus Jerusalem



Israels Hochschulleitungen fordern Solidarität von ihren Kollegen aus aller Welt – und kritisieren ausgerechnet die US-Eliteunis Harvard
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(17. Oktober 2023)


Die richtigen Worte finden



Wie gehen Deutschlands Hochschulen und Wissenschaftseinrichtungen mit dem Nahostkonflikt um? Wie mit Antisemitismus und einer extrem
aufgeheizten politischen Stimmungslage? Eine Analyse. (07. Dezember 2023)



In eigener Sache: Blog-Finanzierung














Welche guten Nachrichten ich in Sachen Blogfinanzierung habe, warum ich weiter dringend Ihre Unterstützung brauche – und welche Artikel im
Dezember am meisten gelesen wurden.



 



Mehr lesen...

Problem setting. The processes of globalization and international European integration in the modern world set a priority task for Ukraine to implement the provisions of the association agreement between Ukraine and the EU. The formation of a political association and a deep and comprehensive free trade area between Ukraine and the EU depends on the successful reform in the field of Law, judicial proceedings and Justice of Ukraine in the context of European integration. Recent research and publications analysis. The specific operation of the legal system and the justice sector as part of the state administrative complex were studied by N.Zheleznyak, A.Ivanenko, I.Mikultsya, L.Tatsiy, O.Fedkovich and others. Certain aspects of judicial reform were studied by V. Bryntsev, V.Boyko, V.Kryvenko O.Korotun, M.Kozyubra, R.Kuibida, V.Malyarenko O.Merza V.Opryshko, V.Onopenko, D.Prytyka, V.Stefaniuk, A.Stryzhak. The functioning of justice bodies in different European countries was the subject of research by R.Budetsky, M.Gorbacheva, G.Kulikov, I.Mikultsya, O.Fedkovich, Chumak O. O. and others. However, in the scientific literature, the specifics of reform in the field of Law, judicial proceedings and justice as a factor in the formation of political association between Ukraine and the EU remain an unexplored issue. Highlighting previously unsettled parts of the general problem. Comprehensive analysis and generalization of the reform process in the field of Law, judicial proceedings and justice as an important factor in the formation of political association between Ukraine and the EU. The purpose of the article is to analyze the content and features of implementing reforms in the field of Law, judicial proceedings and justice in Ukraine after the signing of the association agreement with the EU. Paper main body. In order to implement the Association Agreement and the Action Plan "Ukraine-EU in the field of law, freedom and security" in Ukraine, the Strategy for Reform of the Judicial system, judicial proceedings and Related Legal Institutions for 2015 – 2020 and the Concept of Judicial Reform. The reform of the judicial system was designed to cover all state institutions and help increase the level of confidence in the Ukrainian courts among its citizens and European partners.In Ukraine, the laws were adopted: "On Ensuring the Right to a Fair Trial", which provided for the introduction of the institute of qualification assessment of the professional level of judges, verification of judges' integrity, introduction of a judge's career record and improvement of the institute of disciplinary responsibility of judges; "On the Judiciary and the Status of Judges" in order to implement the new provisions of the Constitution of Ukraine on justice and continue the planned stages of judicial reform, which provided for the partial abolition of judicial immunity, the creation of the Supreme Anti-Corruption Court, the Supreme Intellectual Property Court and local district courts; "On Amendments to the Commercial Procedural Code of Ukraine, the Civil Procedure Code of Ukraine, the Code of Administrative Procedure of Ukraine", which provide for the creation of a Unified Judicial Information and Telecommunication System; "On the prosecutor's office". "On Amendments to the Constitution of Ukraine (concerning Justice)" and "On Amendments to Certain Legislative Acts of Ukraine concerning the Activities of the General Prosecutor's Office" which abolished prosecutorial supervision over observance and application of laws , the powers of the prosecutor's office were clearly defined, provided for more thorough and high-quality pre-trial investigation, ensured the independence of prosecutor's activity through self-government bodies and strengthened the responsibility of prosecutors; "On enforcement proceedings" and "On bodies and persons who enforce court decisions and decisions of other bodies" in order to establish European standards for the enforcement of court decisions. Legal support bureaus were opened as separate structural units of local centers for free secondary legal aid. The reform of the judicial system was designed to cover all state institutions and help increase the level of confidence in the Ukrainian courts among its citizens and European partners. However, due to the lack of political will and corruption of all branches of government, Ukraine has not been able to overcome the main problems that hinder the implementation of progressive changes in it. Conclusions of the research and prospects for further studies. Reforms in the field of Law, judicial proceedings and justice are an important factor in the formation of a political association between Ukraine and the EU. The EU, in cooperation with international partners, actively supports the implementation of reforms and optimistically assesses Ukraine's progress. However, in order to achieve full results, it is necessary to implement them more actively in key areas, especially in the field of judicial proceedings and Justice. It is important to move from the adoption of laws and the creation of institutions to the full implementation of these reforms, so that Ukrainian citizens can take advantage of the benefits of the reforms. At the same time, when implementing reforms in the sphere of Law, judicial proceedings and Justice, Ukraine has not been able to overcome the main problems that hinder the implementation of progressive changes in it, which should primarily include the corruption of all branches of government. Therefore, the strategic goals of the reform require countering and preventing corruption in the bodies of Law, judicial proceedings and justice, promoting the development of legal state and civil society and so on. ; Проаналізовано зміст та особливості реформ у сфері юстиції, судочинства та правосуддя в Україні. Розкрито роль реформ у сфері юстиції, судочинства та правосуддя у формуванні політичної асоціації між Україною та ЄС. Висвітлено проблеми та перспективи реалізації реформ у сфері юстиції, судочинства та правосуддя в Україні.

Under the generic name of death and survivors benefits, social security legislation provides protection for certain relatives of the dead person (in addition to that specifically granted to the surviving spouse/partner and orphans). Members of the deceased's family have to cumulatively fulfil certain requirements at the time of the causal event: they must have lived with and depended financially on the deceased for at least two years prior to their death; they must lack their own means of subsistence, equivalent to the Minimum Interprofessional Wage (SMI); they mustn't be entitled to any other periodical pension or temporary allowance of Social Security and, finally, they must not have relatives who are obliged to provide adequate maintenance to them (this duty falls on spouses, ascendants and descendants, according to Articles 142 and 143 of Spanish Civil Code). The social security legislation includes among the possible beneficiaries of this pension for family members, among others, children and siblings (male and female) of beneficiaries of permanent disability or contributory retirement pensions, persons over 45 years of age and single, judicially separated, divorced or widowed persons, who can prove that they have devoted a long period of time caring for the deceased. The judgment in question focuses precisely on the scope of the family caregiving, analysing, in particular, the concept of cohabitation (in a case where the relative was registered, together with her 19-year-old son, in the same street and number as his mother, but in different flats). The High Court of Justice of Canary Islands concludes that the cohabitation required to qualify for the pension for family members must be interpreted beyond strict physical cohabitation, because an excessively formalistic interpretation of the concept would exclude from protection real situations of need and dependency, suffered mostly by women. In this particular case, the daughter has been caring for and attending to the vital needs of her mother, with continuous assistance (day and night), and this is prioritised in the assessment of this requirement, which has a clearly social, human and assistance component (only in a mechanistic and purely physical interpretation would it be become blurred). Consequently, despite the absence of such physical cohabitation, the Court decided to recognise the pension to the daughter of the deceased, interpreting article 226.2 of the Spanish Social Security Act, in the light of the principles of equality and non-discrimination on grounds of sex. The application of this hermeneutic canon allows the Court to resolve the controversial issue from a gender perspective which makes it necessary to consider a contextualisation and action in line with the pro personae principle and in favour of greater protection of human rights. ; Bajo la genérica denominación de prestaciones de muerte y supervivencia contempla el ordenamiento la protección (además de la específicamente dispensada al cónyuge viudo, al superviviente de una pareja de hecho y a los huérfanos) de determinados familiares del causante en los que concurran cumulativamente ciertos requisitos en el momento del hecho causante: convivir con el causante y a sus expensas, al menos durante los dos años anteriores; carecer de medios de subsistencia propios, cifrados en el Salario Mínimo Interprofesional (SMI); no tener derecho a otra pensión pública o prestación periódica de la Seguridad Social e inexistencia de familiares con obligación y posibilidad de prestarles alimentos (recayendo esta obligación, según lo establecido en los artículos 142 y 143 del Código Civil, en los cónyuges, ascendientes y descendientes). Entre los posibles beneficiarios de tal protección, en concreto, de la pensión a favor de familiares, contempla el ordenamiento, entre otros, a los hijos y hermanos (varones y mujeres) de beneficiarios de pensiones de incapacidad permanente o de jubilación contributivas, mayores de 45 años y solteros, separados judicialmente, divorciados o viudos, que acrediten dedicación prolongada al cuidado del causante. Y precisamente a propósito del alcance que deba otorgarse a tales cuidados versa la sentencia objeto de comentario, dictada por el Tribunal Superior de Justicia de Canarias el pasado 13 de marzo de 2020, en la cual se profundiza en el análisis del concepto de convivencia (se daba la circunstancia en el caso de que la actora se encontraba empadronada, junto con su hijo de 19 años de edad, en la misma calle y número que su progenitora, pero en pisos diferentes), llegando a la conclusión de que la convivencia exigida en las prestaciones a favor de familiares debe interpretarse más allá de la estricta cohabitación física, pues una interpretación excesivamente formalista del concepto dejaría fuera de protección situaciones reales de necesidad y dependencia, padecidas mayoritariamente por mujeres. En el asunto comentado, en la medida en que la hija ha venido cuidando y atendiendo las necesidades vitales de su madre mientras vivía y lo requería, con una asistencia continua (día y noche) por vivir en el mismo edificio, debe priorizarse en la valoración de este requisito que tiene un componente claramente social, humano y asistencial que quedaría diluido de hacerse una interpretación mecanicista y puramente física. Así, pese a la ausencia de esa cohabitación física se procede a reconocer la pensión a la hija de la pensionista, interpretando el artículo 226.2 TRLGSS a la luz de los principios de igualdad y no discriminación por razón de sexo. La aplicación de dicho canon hermenéutico permite al Tribunal resolver la controvertida cuestión desde una perspectiva de género que obliga a una contextualización y actuación conforme al principio pro persona y en favor de una mayor protección de los derechos humanos.

Problem setting. The processes of globalization and international European integration in the modern world set a priority task for Ukraine to implement the provisions of the association agreement between Ukraine and the EU. The formation of a political association and a deep and comprehensive free trade area between Ukraine and the EU depends on the successful reform in the field of Law, judicial proceedings and Justice of Ukraine in the context of European integration. Recent research and publications analysis. The specific operation of the legal system and the justice sector as part of the state administrative complex were studied by N.Zheleznyak, A.Ivanenko, I.Mikultsya, L.Tatsiy, O.Fedkovich and others. Certain aspects of judicial reform were studied by V. Bryntsev, V.Boyko, V.Kryvenko O.Korotun, M.Kozyubra, R.Kuibida, V.Malyarenko O.Merza V.Opryshko, V.Onopenko, D.Prytyka, V.Stefaniuk, A.Stryzhak. The functioning of justice bodies in different European countries was the subject of research by R.Budetsky, M.Gorbacheva, G.Kulikov, I.Mikultsya, O.Fedkovich, Chumak O. O. and others. However, in the scientific literature, the specifics of reform in the field of Law, judicial proceedings and justice as a factor in the formation of political association between Ukraine and the EU remain an unexplored issue. Highlighting previously unsettled parts of the general problem. Comprehensive analysis and generalization of the reform process in the field of Law, judicial proceedings and justice as an important factor in the formation of political association between Ukraine and the EU. The purpose of the article is to analyze the content and features of implementing reforms in the field of Law, judicial proceedings and justice in Ukraine after the signing of the association agreement with the EU. Paper main body. In order to implement the Association Agreement and the Action Plan "Ukraine-EU in the field of law, freedom and security" in Ukraine, the Strategy for Reform of the Judicial system, judicial proceedings and Related Legal Institutions for 2015 – 2020 and the Concept of Judicial Reform. The reform of the judicial system was designed to cover all state institutions and help increase the level of confidence in the Ukrainian courts among its citizens and European partners.In Ukraine, the laws were adopted: "On Ensuring the Right to a Fair Trial", which provided for the introduction of the institute of qualification assessment of the professional level of judges, verification of judges' integrity, introduction of a judge's career record and improvement of the institute of disciplinary responsibility of judges; "On the Judiciary and the Status of Judges" in order to implement the new provisions of the Constitution of Ukraine on justice and continue the planned stages of judicial reform, which provided for the partial abolition of judicial immunity, the creation of the Supreme Anti-Corruption Court, the Supreme Intellectual Property Court and local district courts; "On Amendments to the Commercial Procedural Code of Ukraine, the Civil Procedure Code of Ukraine, the Code of Administrative Procedure of Ukraine", which provide for the creation of a Unified Judicial Information and Telecommunication System; "On the prosecutor's office". "On Amendments to the Constitution of Ukraine (concerning Justice)" and "On Amendments to Certain Legislative Acts of Ukraine concerning the Activities of the General Prosecutor's Office" which abolished prosecutorial supervision over observance and application of laws , the powers of the prosecutor's office were clearly defined, provided for more thorough and high-quality pre-trial investigation, ensured the independence of prosecutor's activity through self-government bodies and strengthened the responsibility of prosecutors; "On enforcement proceedings" and "On bodies and persons who enforce court decisions and decisions of other bodies" in order to establish European standards for the enforcement of court decisions. Legal support bureaus were opened as separate structural units of local centers for free secondary legal aid. The reform of the judicial system was designed to cover all state institutions and help increase the level of confidence in the Ukrainian courts among its citizens and European partners. However, due to the lack of political will and corruption of all branches of government, Ukraine has not been able to overcome the main problems that hinder the implementation of progressive changes in it. Conclusions of the research and prospects for further studies. Reforms in the field of Law, judicial proceedings and justice are an important factor in the formation of a political association between Ukraine and the EU. The EU, in cooperation with international partners, actively supports the implementation of reforms and optimistically assesses Ukraine's progress. However, in order to achieve full results, it is necessary to implement them more actively in key areas, especially in the field of judicial proceedings and Justice. It is important to move from the adoption of laws and the creation of institutions to the full implementation of these reforms, so that Ukrainian citizens can take advantage of the benefits of the reforms. At the same time, when implementing reforms in the sphere of Law, judicial proceedings and Justice, Ukraine has not been able to overcome the main problems that hinder the implementation of progressive changes in it, which should primarily include the corruption of all branches of government. Therefore, the strategic goals of the reform require countering and preventing corruption in the bodies of Law, judicial proceedings and justice, promoting the development of legal state and civil society and so on. ; Проаналізовано зміст та особливості реформ у сфері юстиції, судочинства та правосуддя в Україні. Розкрито роль реформ у сфері юстиції, судочинства та правосуддя у формуванні політичної асоціації між Україною та ЄС. Висвітлено проблеми та перспективи реалізації реформ у сфері юстиції, судочинства та правосуддя в Україні.

Bajo la genérica denominación de prestaciones de muerte y supervivencia contempla el ordenamiento la protección (además de la específicamente dispensada al cónyuge viudo, al superviviente de una pareja de hecho y a los huérfanos) de determinados familiares del causante en los que concurran cumulativamente ciertos requisitos en el momento del hecho causante: convivir con el causante y a sus expensas, al menos durante los dos años anteriores; carecer de medios de subsistencia propios, cifrados en el Salario Mínimo Interprofesional (SMI); no tener derecho a otra pensión pública o prestación periódica de la Seguridad Social e inexistencia de familiares con obligación y posibilidad de prestarles alimentos (recayendo esta obligación, según lo establecido en los artículos 142 y 143 del Código Civil, en los cónyuges, ascendientes y descendientes). Entre los posibles beneficiarios de tal protección, en concreto, de la pensión a favor de familiares, contempla el ordenamiento, entre otros, a los hijos y hermanos (varones y mujeres) de beneficiarios de pensiones de incapacidad permanente o de jubilación contributivas, mayores de 45 años y solteros, separados judicialmente, divorciados o viudos, que acrediten dedicación prolongada al cuidado del causante. Y precisamente a propósito del alcance que deba otorgarse a tales cuidados versa la sentencia objeto de comentario, dictada por el Tribunal Superior de Justicia de Canarias el pasado 13 de marzo de 2020, en la cual se profundiza en el análisis del concepto de convivencia (se daba la circunstancia en el caso de que la actora se encontraba empadronada, junto con su hijo de 19 años de edad, en la misma calle y número que su progenitora, pero en pisos diferentes), llegando a la conclusión de que la convivencia exigida en las prestaciones a favor de familiares debe interpretarse más allá de la estricta cohabitación física, pues una interpretación excesivamente formalista del concepto dejaría fuera de protección situaciones reales de necesidad y dependencia, padecidas mayoritariamente por mujeres. En el asunto comentado, en la medida en que la hija ha venido cuidando y atendiendo las necesidades vitales de su madre mientras vivía y lo requería, con una asistencia continua (día y noche) por vivir en el mismo edificio, debe priorizarse en la valoración de este requisito que tiene un componente claramente social, humano y asistencial que quedaría diluido de hacerse una interpretación mecanicista y puramente física. Así, pese a la ausencia de esa cohabitación física se procede a reconocer la pensión a la hija de la pensionista, interpretando el artículo 226.2 TRLGSS a la luz de los principios de igualdad y no discriminación por razón de sexo. La aplicación de dicho canon hermenéutico permite al Tribunal resolver la controvertida cuestión desde una perspectiva de género que obliga a una contextualización y actuación conforme al principio pro persona y en favor de una mayor protección de los derechos humanos. ; Under the generic name of death and survivorsbenefits, social security legislation provides protection for certain relatives of the dead person (in addition to that specifically granted to the surviving spouse/partner and orphans). Members of the deceased's family have to cumulatively fulfil certainrequirements at the time of the causal event: they must have lived with and depended financially on the deceased for at least two years prior to their death; they must lack their own means of subsistence, equivalent to the Minimum Interprofessional Wage (SMI); they mustn't be entitled to any other periodical pension or temporary allowance of Social Security and, finally, they must not have relatives who are obliged to provide adequate maintenance to them (this duty falls on spouses, ascendants and descendants, according to Articles 142 and 143 of Spanish Civil Code).The social security legislation includes among the possible beneficiaries of this pension for family members, among others, children and siblings (male and female) of beneficiaries of permanent disability or contributory retirement pensions, persons over 45 years of age and single, judicially separated, divorced or widowed persons, who can prove that they have devoted a long period of time caring for the deceased.The judgment in question focuses precisely on the scope of the family caregiving, analysing, in particular, the concept of cohabitation (in a case where the relative was registered, together with her 19-year-old son, in the same street and number as his mother, but in different flats).The High Court of Justice of Canary Islands concludes that the cohabitation required to qualify for the pension for family members must be interpreted beyond strict physical cohabitation, because an excessively formalistic interpretation of the concept would exclude from protection real situations of need and dependency, suffered mostly by women. In this particular case, the daughter has been caring for and attending to the vital needs of her mother, with continuous assistance (day and night), and this is prioritised in the assessment of this requirement, which has a clearly social, human and assistance component (only in a mechanistic and purely physical interpretation would it be become blurred).Consequently, despite the absence of such physical cohabitation, the Court decided to recognise the pension to the daughter of the deceased, interpreting article 226.2 of the Spanish Social Security Act, in the light of the principles of equality and non-discrimination on grounds of sex. The application of this hermeneutic canon allows the Court to resolve the controversial issue from a gender perspective which makes it necessary to consider a contextualisation and action in line with the pro personae principle and in favour of greater protection of human rights. ; Universidad Pablo de Olavide

This book is the result of discussions that took place during the XXIII Forum of the Association of Young Legal Historians held in Naples in the spring of 2017. ; The collection of thirty-five essays presented here examines the links forged through the ages between the realm of law and the expressions of the humanistic culture. The essays are organized into sections of ten chapters based around ten different themes. Two main perspectives emerged: in some articles the topic relates to the conventional approach of 'law and/in humanities' (iconography, literature, architecture, cinema, music), other articles are about more traditional connections between fields of knowledge (in particular, philosophy, political experiences, didactics). The variety of authorial nationalities gives the collection a multicultural character and the historiographical interpretation is the element that unites the collection, with a breadth of the chronological period goes from antiquity to the contemporary age. This project is the result of discussions that took place during the XXIII Forum of the Association of Young Legal Historians held in Naples in the spring of 2017. ; New Perspectives on 'Law and Humanities' together with a 'Musical' Approach to the History of Legal Problems: Looking Through the Mirror of Opera / Valerio Massimo Minale (pp. 15-24). -- (History of) Law and Other Humanities: When, Why, How / Luigi Lacchè (pp. 25-43). -- A Legal Study of Medieval Cities from the 11th to 14th Century: The Example of Sigillography in France / Romain Broussais (pp. 47-68). -- Typographic Art and Roman Law: A Renaissance Image of the Lex XII tabularum / Fabiana Tuccillo (pp. 69-80). -- «Oh, the Law is Ruination, and Attorneys are Vexation .» Law and Lawyers in the Opera and Operetta / Krzysztof Bokwa (pp. 83-95). -- The Boyars, the Poet and the Composer. The Portrayal of the Boyar Duma in Puškin's and Mussorgsky's Boris Godunov / Nina Kršljanin, Filip Milinković (pp. 97-122). -- The Dreyfus Affair in Music. L'Hymne à la Justice of Albéric Magnard / Mario Riberi (pp. 123-137). -- Scientia iuris and architectura. A Focus on Buildings for Shows / Paola Pasquino (pp. 141-156). -- Optimus princeps and the Triumphal Arch in Benevento / Alessio Guasco (pp. 157-166). -- Law, Justice and Architecture in Modern Venice: The Rectors' Palaces and the Government of the Mainland / Claudia Passarella (pp. 167-179). -- Milan's Courthouse: A View of the Roman Legal Culture across Fascist Ideology / Virginia Maria De Capitani (pp. 181-192). -- Cicero's Thinking on the Essence of Legal Reasoning / Valentina Cvetković- Dordević (pp. 195-204). -- Interpreting the Antiheretical Edict of Wieluń. Between Literal Meaning and Philosophical Approach / Paweł Dziwiński (pp. 205-220). -- Law and Humanities in Giambattista Vico's Thought. A First Understanding / Alessia Farano (pp. 221-234). -- The National Codification of Civil Law in Poland at the Beginning of the 19th Century. Sources and Inspirations / Piotr Pomianowski (pp. 235- 245). -- The Frogs by Aristophanes: When Comedy Meets Legal History / Athanasios Delios (pp. 249-263). -- Medicus between Perception and Reality as Portrayed in Some Non-legal Sources / Nikol Žiha (pp. 265-285). -- Military Law, Justice and Discipline in the Early Modern Owlglass Literature from Central Europe / Przemysław Gawron, Jan Jerzy Sowa (pp. 287-298). -- Pamphlet Literature Reflecting Parliamentary Opposition at the Time of the French Fronde: The Example of the Mazarinades (1648- 1649) / Juan Manuel Hernández Vélez (pp. 299-313). -- The Methods for the Legitimation of the Succession of James II in Aphra Behn's Poem for Coronation / Balázs Rigó (pp. 315-327). -- Balzac and the Criticisms of the French Civil Code in the First Half of the 19th Century / Elisabeth Bruyère (pp. 329-336). -- The Medieval Legal Practice of Exculpatory Oath and Trial by Fire in the Legend of Queen Isolde / Alicja Bańczyk (pp. 339-347). -- Between Law and Literature. Violations of the Legal Rule in the Decameron / Daniela Buccomino (pp. 349-376). -- Institutions and Criminal Procedure of the Magdeburg Law in Poland according to Judas'Sack by Sebastian Fabian Klonowic / Lukasz Golaszewski (pp. 377- 390). -- A Letter from Detention: The Edition of Letters of Livonian Humanistic Lawyer David Hilchen as an Interdisciplinary Challenge / Hesi Siimets-Gross (391-405). -- The Case of Eszter Solymosi from Tiszaeszlár: The Notorious Blood Libel Trial through the Eyes of Gyula Krúdy / Imre Képessy (pp. 407-418). -- Reading a Travel Journal. The Melancholia of Gina Lombroso in Latin America / Francesco Rotondo (pp. 419-430). -- History of Rome, History of Roman Law and Cinema / Carlo De Cristofaro (pp. 433-442). -- You Can Only Write Once – Rights to Autorship, Inspiration and Transformation in the Chosen Judgements of U.S. Courts Involving the Copyrights on the James Bond Character / Wojciech Bańczyk (pp. 443-453). -- Advertising and the Rule of Law. Law in Representations of Insurance in Late 19th Century Netherlands / Christina Reimann (pp. 457-470). -- Newspapers and the Making of Popular Legal Culture. The Example of the Death Penalty in France (20th century) / Nicolas Picard (pp. 471-482). -- Secularism versus Religion-based Legal Pluralism: The Diverse Views on These Concepts in Modern Muslim Discourse and Culture between 19th and 21st Century / Rafal Kaczmarczyk (pp. 483-493). -- Legal Organization of Medieval Serbian Mining Communities / Andreja Katančević (pp. 497-512). -- The Structure of the Government and the Press / Gábor Bathó (pp. 513-525). -- The Influence of Political Factors on the Adjudicating on Petty Offences in the People's Republic of Poland / Marcin Lysko (pp. 527-535). -- History and Legal History in Latin America. Reflections on a Necessary Dialogue with Special Attention to Cuban Experience / Fabricio Mulet Martínez (pp. 539-549). -- Teaching a Historical Context in a First-Year 'Introduction to Private Law' Course. The Effects of Teaching Approaches and a Learning Environment on Students' Learning / Emanuel G. D. van Dongen, Irma Meijerman (pp. 551-569).

[ES] La promoción de la ciudadanía se ha convertido en uno de los objetivos centrales en las políticas y documentos de juventud (Benedicto, 2011). El interés de instituciones internacionales se refleja en la celebración del año de la educación para la ciudadanía democrática (2005) por el Consejo de Europa o que la UNESCO haya identificado la educación para ciudadanía global (Global Citizenship Education GCED) como una de sus áreas estratégicas para el periodo 2014-2021. En este sentido, la propuesta de educación para una ciudadanía democrática (2005) del Consejo de Europa supone un importante punto de referencia para posteriores investigaciones, modelos y propuestas de otros organismos internacionales, como la ciudadanía activa de la Comisión Europea (Hoskins, 2006), que combinan la educación, los derechos humanos y la ciudadanía para promover la paz a través de la justicia y de las libertades fundamentales. Estas propuestas educativas requieren de un protagonismo de la sociedad civil, y la participación se convierte en la mejor herramienta educativa que va más allá de la incorporación de asignaturas específicas en los curriculums educativos (Navarro, Jacott & Maiztegui, 2011). Desde una perspectiva pedagógica la ciudadanía constituye uno de las narrativas que enmarcan tanto los principios teóricos como la práctica educativa (Marí Ytarte, Moreno e Hipólito, 2016). La presente tesis doctoral aborda el tema de la participación en proyectos comunitarios como entornos educativos de ciudadanía. Para ello, se basa en una concepción de ciudadanía "como proceso", que permite ampliar la comprensión sobre los procesos de participación y experiencias de ciudadanía de los adolescentes en programas comunitarios, donde diferentes formas de ser y de actuar se interrelacionan, y donde nuevas identidades entran en juego (Biesta, 2016, p. 16). De esta forma, los espacios públicos toman especial relevancia en los procesos de experimentación y aprendizaje de la ciudadanía, ya que se convierte en verdaderos "locus de aprendizaje" (Morán, 2007). En el caso de los adolescentes, contemplar los espacios que "ocupan" se vuelve de total interés, ya que se trata de espacios con los que éstos se identifican, que los valoran y cuidan como espacios propios. Desde un enfoque etnográfico, durante dos cursos escolares (2013-2015), he tomado una plataforma de participación municipal para adolescentes de entre 12 y 18 años como estudio de caso para comprender con mayor profundidad los procesos a través de los cuales se desarrolla y se ejerce la ciudadanía, cuáles son las características que la convierten en una "escuela de ciudadanía". Para la recogida de datos, he realizado 3 grupos de discusión de carácter exploratorio, 110 horas de observación participante, y 29 entrevistas. Entre los resultados, se destacan, por un lado, la importancia de los procesos participativos prolongados en el tiempo para la interiorización de competencias ciudadanas fruto de su experiencia diaria, y por otro, el papel del educador en dichos procesos participativos y en la generación de contextos educativos. [EN] The promotion of citizenship has become one of the central objectives in youth policies and documents (Benedict, 2011). The interest of international institutions is reflected in the celebration of the year of education for democratic citizenship (2005) by the Council of Europe or that UNESCO has identified education for global citizenship (Global Citizenship Education GCED) as one of its strategic areas for the 2014-2021 period. In this sense, the proposal for education for a democratic citizenship (2005) of the Council of Europe is an important reference point for further research, models and proposals of other international organizations, such as active citizenship of the European Commission (Hoskins, 2006) , which combine education, human rights and citizenship to promote peace through justice and fundamental freedoms. These educational proposals require a leading role in civil society, and participation becomes the best educational tool that goes beyond the incorporation of specific subjects in educational curriculums (Navarro, Jacott & Maiztegui, 2011). From a pedagogical perspective, citizenship constitutes one of the narratives that frame both theoretical principles and educational practice (Marí Ytarte, Moreno e Hipólito, 2016). This doctoral thesis addresses the issue of participation in community projects as citizenship educational environments. For this, it is based on a conception of citizenship "as a process", which allows broadening the understanding of the processes of participation and experiences of citizenship of adolescents in community programs, where different ways of being and acting are interrelated, and where new identities come into play (Biesta, 2016, p. 16). In this way, public spaces take on special relevance in the experimentation and learning processes of citizens, since it becomes true "learning locus" (Morán, 2007). In the case of adolescents, contemplating the spaces they "occupy" becomes of total interest, since they are spaces with which they identify, that value and care for them as their own spaces. From an ethnographic approach, during two school courses (2013-2015), I have taken a municipal participation platform for adolescents between 12 and 18 years as a case study to understand more deeply the processes through which it is developed and developed. exercises citizenship, what are the characteristics that make it a "school of citizenship." For data collection, I have conducted 3 exploratory discussion groups, 110 hours of participant observation, and 29 interviews. Among the results, the importance of prolonged participatory processes over time for the internalization of citizen competences as a result of their daily experience, and on the other, the role of the educator in said participatory processes and in the generation of educational contexts.

The Israeli Defense Forces have been targeting civilian centers and using Palestinian civilians as human shields during its operation in Gaza, according to explosive new reporting from Haaretz. Ironically, this comes the day after the 75th anniversary of the Geneva Convention, a groundbreaking series of treaties which established international laws around human rights during war time.The report also arrives after weeks of the Israeli military bombing schools in Gaza used by Palestinians for shelter. In each of the attacks, the IDF has claimed that Hamas was using civilians as human shields. In Haaretz's new investigation however, Israeli soldiers have been seen using "random Palestinians" as human shields on camera for operations in the Strip. This is based in part on the footage, published by Al Jazeera two months ago, which shows Palestinians being forced into buildings and rooms ahead of soldiers to ensure that IDF are kept out of harm's way. Video shows the soldiers placing body cameras on the handcuffed detainees and dressing them in military uniforms with protective vests as they are forced to enter tunnels and buildings before the Israeli soldiers, as a way to check for explosives. Further investigation by Haaretz, published on Tuesday, exposes just how widespread this practice may be among the IDF ranks in Gaza. Combat soldiers and commanders alike were interviewed during this investigation."Our lives are more important than their lives," soldiers were told, according to Haaretz. "The thinking is that it's better for the Israeli soldiers to remain alive and for the shawishim to be the ones blown up by an explosive device."One of the sources interviewed by the paper claimed that the practice of using Palestinians as human shields was well-known, saying "when I saw the report from Al Jazeera, I said: 'Ah, yes, it's true.'" They also charged that leadership knew about the practice adding, "it's done with the knowledge of the brigade commander, at the least." Another soldier added to the testimony saying, "About five months ago, two Palestinians were brought to us. One was 20 and the other was 16. We were told: 'Use them, they're Gazans, use them as human shields.'"According to sources, minors and the elderly are also used. One soldier said, "There were times when really old people were made to go into houses."The list of incidents described in the investigation took place all over Gaza, but were very similar in nature and description, giving credence to the stories. Some soldiers said they felt uneasy about what they were doing, but concerns brought to leadership were met with a wave of the hand. A battalion commander is reported as saying in response to soldiers' questions: "A soldier doesn't need to take an interest in the laws of war. You need to think about the IDF's values and act according to the IDF's values, not the laws of war."The released footage has led to increased calls for an official probe. The IDF Spokesperson's Unit issued a statement saying, "IDF instructions and orders prohibit the use of Gazan civilians caught in the field for military missions that pose a deliberate risk to their lives. The IDF's instructions and orders on the subject have been made clear to the forces."These reports come as Israel is dealing with another alleged human rights violation. It was reported Monday that the IDF admitted to targeting the Taba'een school complex in Gaza City. Gazan civil defense officials claim that over 90 people were killed, including at least 17 women and children. Some of the bodies have yet to be identified due to the level of carnage produced by the strike. The IDF justifies the bombing by claiming that Hamas operatives were using a room inside of the complex's mosque. This has been disputed however, with the Israeli strike list including the name of a child under 12-years-old. Annelle Sheline, Research Fellow at the Quincy Institute, said the Haaretz investigation exposes the lie that the IDF is the "most moral army in the world." "Media routinely criticize Hamas for using Palestinians as so-called human shields," she said. "This is not actually accurate, because the use of a human shield involves coercion and the mere presence of Hamas in Gaza does not mean they have coerced Palestinians to inhabit their own homes, schools, and hospitals."Comparing IDF actions to that of Hamas, she adds, "In contrast, this report and others demonstrate that the Israeli military routinely uses Palestinians to do life threatening work against their will.This is not only a war crime but also goes against IDF rules."Driving the point home, Sheline points out that "The IDF's use of Palestinians as human shields, despite violating both the Geneva Conventions as well as their own rules, demonstrates the depravity of a military organization that still likes to refer to itself as 'the most moral army in the world'."Principal Deputy Spokesperson for the Department of State, Vedant Patel, responded to concerns about the school attack on Tuesday from a reporter during the daily press briefing, stating that Israel has the moral imperative to minimize the impact on civilians, claiming that concerns are raised when necessary and that deterrents are in place.

The need for more devolution is one of the few areas of genuine consensus in British politics. From Boris Johnson's levelling up programme to Gordon Brown's proposed constitutional reforms, 'the more devolution, the better' has emerged as the unofficial slogan of Britain's ruling classes. Politicians of all stripes line up to propose new metro mayors, PCCs and obscure assemblies. 'Only when parliament is abolished and replaced with 37 regional authorities will Britain be saved!' cry the devo-maxxers. Neither the left nor the right is immune from this misguided thinking - but the right should know better. The idea that different regions will compete to lower taxes and slash regulation rests on a series of hopelessly naive assumptions. The UK is not the US - it is a far smaller country where economic hubs bleed across arbitrary regional boundaries. There is certainly no British equivalent to California or Texas. While competition between states works well in the US, in the UK, more devolution simply leads to an expansion of bureaucracy.The Scottish Enlightenment (regularly marginalised within nationalist discourse) provides an alternative free-market model to decentralisation. This unprecedented moment of intellectual and economic flourishing fundamentally altered the history of human thought, elevating Scotland's worldwide reputation. Edinburgh was dubbed 'The Athens of the North' while Glasgow emerged as the second city of the British Empire. It also witnessed the rise of one Adam Smith.This period of outsized Scottish influence emerged from a climate where independent Scottish institutions had recently been abolished. As Smith himself put it, 'by the union with England, the middling and inferior ranks of people in Scotland gained a complete deliverance from the power of an aristocracy which had always before oppressed them'. (How prescient those words sound today!)By joining the UK, Scotland was free to unleash its potential. The vacuum created by the dissolution of its corrupt national institutions was filled by independent civil societies and innovative financial institutions like free banks. It was the distinct absence of government, combined with Scotland's unique constitutional status, that caused this previously marginalised region to punch above its weight, turbo-boosting its economy and shaping the world in its image. The Scots didn't produce the likes of David Hume, Thomas Reid or Adam Ferguson by entrenching a national political class.  Free marketers beware! When regional officials are given more powers, they hoard them, rather than give them away. Instead of empowering their constituents, devolved assemblies create a second layer of ambitious politicians eager to expand their influence. It tends towards pork barrel politics where community champions compete for government pork – often distributed on account of its electoral, rather than economic, significance. The BBC's analysis of the second round of Levelling Up funding demonstrates that Tory constituencies were awarded a total of £1.21bn, compared with £471m in Labour ones. Similarly, after being granted control over tax and spending, Scotland has certainly not reconnected with its Enlightenment roots. To the dismay of liberals, the Scottish Parliament has used its newfound powers to raise rather than reduce taxes. According to the BBC, Scots earning over £50,000 are paying £1,542 more than they would elsewhere in the UK while those earning over £200,000 pay £7,478 more. Instead of promoting opportunities for business and improving the quality of essential public services, the parliament has constantly sought to expand its influence, imposing authoritarian dictates on everything from hate speech to alcohol consumption.Just as spring follows winter, more government leads to more incompetence - and this doesn't change on a local or regional level. If anything, it is heightened. Operating on smaller scales, politicians lack the resources to properly consider legislation leading to poor decision-making. The recent string of council bankruptcies gives us a flavour of what we can expect following a proliferation of similar regional bodies. Over the next 2 years, bankrupt Birmingham will have to raise council tax by a staggering 21%.  Similarly, a cursory expansion of the scandals facing devolved bodies demonstrates that the murky realities of political power certainly do not dissolve as size diminishes. Instead of leasing out its powers to new, expensive assemblies, the UK government should skip the middleman and implement free-market ideas itself, imposing lower taxes and liberalising the planning system. It could even use national powers to create Special Economic Zones, encouraging investment in less productive regions. There is no need to rely on devolved bodies to do this job. Although the UK is regularly criticised for over-centralisation, a strong national government makes sense given our size and economic structure.With the possible exception of Northern Ireland, decentralisation has caused more harm than good. The vision of a free-market federalised Britain of regional assemblies is a pie-in-the-sky fantasy that must be resisted. Whilst, where identities are strong, some representation may be necessary, these cases must be treated as exceptions rather than rules. Ultimately, a decentralised government is still government, and more government is not the answer to Britain's problems.

Andrés Manuel López Obrador's (AMLO) administration, with support from Congress, has tried more than once to weaken the Mexican judiciary's independence, possibly to hinder any ruling it could make as a counterbalance against his questionable policies. Since the beginning of his term, he has successfully appointed allies as justices to the Supreme Court. At present, at least two of them seem to support him unconditionally. Arturo Zaldívar, the former Supreme Court president, showed increasing political support for AMLO during his last years in this position. In 2021, Mexico's Congress passed a judicial reform bill dubbed the "Zaldívar Law'' to extend his term as Supreme Court president for an additional two years; Zaldivar rejected it.In contrast, Norma Piña, the current Supreme Court president, is a professional judge who has proven her loyalty to the Constitution as well as her democratic and republican streak when opposing AMLO's reforms. Under her leadership, the Supreme Court overturned AMLO's electoral reforms, by declaring that Congress violated Articles 71 and 72 of the Federal Constitution, arguing that not all congressional political parties participated in the legislative process when said reforms were approved. These reforms sought to weaken the National Electoral Institute and put free elections at risk in Mexico. The electoral system is widely considered the jewel of Mexico's young democracy.However, the Federal Judicial Branch (FJB) now faces a new threat to its independence, which could be seen as retaliation: asset expropriation. On October 10, 2023, the Budget Commission in the Chamber of Representatives approved a reform to eliminate 13 of the 14 FJP's trusts. A section of the reform provides that at least a portion of any funds resulting from the elimination of the judiciary trusts should now be deposited to Federal Treasury accounts under executive control.The reform seeks to prevent the Judiciary from operating trusts that are not included in the FJB Law; only one of the 14 is explicitly included in the same. However, the Federal Budget Law allows for trust operation without that specification. Furthermore, the proposed reform establishes that part of the liquid resources will be deposited to the Federal Treasury; in contrast, the Federal Budget Law establishes that any resources must be deposited in the FJB Treasury to safeguard its budgetary autonomy and independence.Some of the money in the trusts is allocated for FJB staff benefits, without which their labor rights would be at risk, potentially creating legal consequences for the FJB. No trust fund should be eliminated without a previous risk and impact evaluation, given that many are set up over time to guarantee the financing of certain rights. At México Evalúa, we believe that the extinction of the FJB trusts might also damage its budget liquidity in 2024, given that it might have to be used to pay those benefits.The FJB budget is around 0.4% of GDP, which is low compared to other countries like Brazil, Colombia, and Peru. In addition, for several years now, the Judiciary has faced more work and less budget. The number of cases submitted to FJB bodies increased by 43% (377,607 more cases) between 2010 and 2022. In the same period, its spending grew by only 19%. For this reason, spending per case is lower. If we look solely at the present administration, judiciary spending has fallen almost 10% between 2018 and 2022. Moreover, because of the growing number of cases, spending per case fell by 23%, dropping from $82,000 pesos per case in 2018 to $63,000 pesos in 2022.Furthermore, in 2021, the FJB received increased functions, resulting from various reforms. For example, the labor justice reform transferred the resolution of conflicts between workers and employers to the FJB's labor courts or state courts. Likewise, reforms have been approved in criminal, civil, and family matters, the implementation of which falls on the FJB. However, specific budget items to support the implementation were not provided.Judiciary independence is a keystone for the FJB to carry out its work and build a democratic rule of law. More work and less budget represent a challenge for the FJB, not only for its operation but also for creating a substantial risk to its effectiveness, as well as the quality and access to justice. Policies to protect judiciary independence and its budget should be front and center. To prevent the FJB's budget from being used as a tool for retaliation or being allocated at the discretion of legislators, it should be set at 2% of the annual Federal Government's programmable spending; this proportion is only 1.3% at present. This guarantee, based on international recommendation, should be established at the constitutional level. It could help us protect the FJB's independence, a minimum budget, and a control against reductions that could place Mexicans' access to justice at risk. It is important to note that the 2% guarantee is already included in some state Constitutions, such as Jalisco. And in Costa Rica, for example, the financing of its Judicial Branch must be equal to or more than 6% of the Government's ordinary income.The remaining issue that we still need to reflect upon is how this discussion could help the president build social support for the reform seeking to initiate elections for Mexican judges.

Andrés Manuel López Obrador's (AMLO) administration, with support from Congress, has tried more than once to weaken the Mexican judiciary's independence, possibly to hinder any ruling it could make as a counterbalance against his questionable policies. Since the beginning of his term, he has successfully appointed allies as justices to the Supreme Court. At present, at least two of them seem to support him unconditionally. Arturo Zaldívar, the former Supreme Court president, showed increasing political support for AMLO during his last years in this position. In 2021, Mexico's Congress passed a judicial reform bill dubbed the "Zaldívar Law'' to extend his term as Supreme Court president for an additional two years; Zaldivar rejected it.In contrast, Norma Piña, the current Supreme Court president, is a professional judge who has proven her loyalty to the Constitution as well as her democratic and republican streak when opposing AMLO's reforms. Under her leadership, the Supreme Court overturned AMLO's electoral reforms, by declaring that Congress violated Articles 71 and 72 of the Federal Constitution, arguing that not all congressional political parties participated in the legislative process when said reforms were approved. These reforms sought to weaken the National Electoral Institute and put free elections at risk in Mexico. The electoral system is widely considered the jewel of Mexico's young democracy.However, the Federal Judicial Branch (FJB) now faces a new threat to its independence, which could be seen as retaliation: asset expropriation. On October 10, 2023, the Budget Commission in the Chamber of Representatives approved a reform to eliminate 13 of the 14 FJP's trusts. A section of the reform provides that at least a portion of any funds resulting from the elimination of the judiciary trusts should now be deposited to Federal Treasury accounts under executive control.The reform seeks to prevent the Judiciary from operating trusts that are not included in the FJB Law; only one of the 14 is explicitly included in the same. However, the Federal Budget Law allows for trust operation without that specification. Furthermore, the proposed reform establishes that part of the liquid resources will be deposited to the Federal Treasury; in contrast, the Federal Budget Law establishes that any resources must be deposited in the FJB Treasury to safeguard its budgetary autonomy and independence.Some of the money in the trusts is allocated for FJB staff benefits, without which their labor rights would be at risk, potentially creating legal consequences for the FJB. No trust fund should be eliminated without a previous risk and impact evaluation, given that many are set up over time to guarantee the financing of certain rights. At México Evalúa, we believe that the extinction of the FJB trusts might also damage its budget liquidity in 2024, given that it might have to be used to pay those benefits.The FJB budget is around 0.4% of GDP, which is low compared to other countries like Brazil, Colombia, and Peru. In addition, for several years now, the Judiciary has faced more work and less budget. The number of cases submitted to FJB bodies increased by 43% (377,607 more cases) between 2010 and 2022. In the same period, its spending grew by only 19%. For this reason, spending per case is lower. If we look solely at the present administration, judiciary spending has fallen almost 10% between 2018 and 2022. Moreover, because of the growing number of cases, spending per case fell by 23%, dropping from $82,000 pesos per case in 2018 to $63,000 pesos in 2022.Furthermore, in 2021, the FJB received increased functions, resulting from various reforms. For example, the labor justice reform transferred the resolution of conflicts between workers and employers to the FJB's labor courts or state courts. Likewise, reforms have been approved in criminal, civil, and family matters, the implementation of which falls on the FJB. However, specific budget items to support the implementation were not provided.Judiciary independence is a keystone for the FJB to carry out its work and build a democratic rule of law. More work and less budget represent a challenge for the FJB, not only for its operation but also for creating a substantial risk to its effectiveness, as well as the quality and access to justice. Policies to protect judiciary independence and its budget should be front and center. To prevent the FJB's budget from being used as a tool for retaliation or being allocated at the discretion of legislators, it should be set at 2% of the annual Federal Government's programmable spending; this proportion is only 1.3% at present. This guarantee, based on international recommendation, should be established at the constitutional level. It could help us protect the FJB's independence, a minimum budget, and a control against reductions that could place Mexicans' access to justice at risk. It is important to note that the 2% guarantee is already included in some state Constitutions, such as Jalisco. And in Costa Rica, for example, the financing of its Judicial Branch must be equal to or more than 6% of the Government's ordinary income.The remaining issue that we still need to reflect upon is how this discussion could help the president build social support for the reform seeking to initiate elections for Mexican judges.