Suchergebnisse

Cover -- Title -- Contents -- Acknowledgments -- Preface -- Introduction -- ONE: A Brief History of Sniping -- TWO: Checking In -- THREE: Sniper Training: Week One -- FOUR: Making the Long Shot: Ballistics and the Fundamentals of Marksmanship -- FIVE: Sniper Training: Week Two -- SIX: Target Detection and Selection -- SEVEN: Sniper Training: Week Three -- EIGHT: On the Run: Survival, Tracking, and Counter-Tracking -- NINE: Sniper Training: Week Four and Week Five -- TEN: Real-World Sniper Operations -- Index -- A -- B -- C -- E -- F -- G -- H

The military codification of 1775 may be classified among the most essential changes of law as introduced the reign of Stanisław August. It contained two parts: that referning to the substantive law known as The Military Articles and that referning to the procedural one known as The Legal Military Procedure. The new domineering tendencies that are detectable in the codification from 1775 intervened with the old noble patterns and were syptomatic of the epoch which shattered the feudal system. The researcher of the substantive part of the codification from 1775 is particularly interested finding how The Military Articles were drafted, what were, their sources, the range of application as well as the influence of foreign and domestic legislation on them. The impact that the humanitarian ideas and the Enlightenment philosophy had on the substantive part of the most important 18th century codification of military criminal law of the Noble Polish Republic (Artykuły wojskowe i Proceder prawny wojskowy. 1775) is worthy of notice (a detailed depiction of the presented issues can be found in the book by W. Organiściak: Kodeksy wojskowe w Polsce roku 1775).

Developing countries; background papers prepared for the International Conference on the Relationship between Disarmament and Development. Contents: Military spending and the development process, by Augusto Varas; Prospects for developing economies, 1986-1995, by the World Bank.

The Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI) and the International Institute of Strategic Studies (IISS) both publish datasets on military expenditure that are widely used by scholars and military analysts. This article illustrates the limitations in the reliability and validity of these data, using a case study of contemporary Venezuela to highlight the issues. There is a debate over recent Venezuelan military expenditure under President Chávez: some argue that the expenditure has increased dramatically; others argue that it has not. The SIPRI and IISS datasets ought to be tailor-made for resolving this debate, but the estimates they provide are significantly flawed: military spending is reported to be quite low and to have declined as a percentage of GDP. New evidence presented in this article suggests that Venezuela's recent military expenditures were typically at least 20% to 70% higher than the estimates provided by SIPRI and IISS. Moreover, the military expenditures have at least kept pace with GDP growth as oil revenues increased over the period 2002–08. A key source of the discrepancy in the estimates is the way in which extra-budgetary purchases, especially of foreign arms and supplies, are treated. In some states, such as Venezuela in recent years, extra-budgetary purchases are responsible for a large portion of the expenditure, but these purchases are frequently not captured by standard data sources.

One of the most important components of preparing and conducting military (convencional) and peace support operations is the support of the operations, and it's effectiveness is highly affected by the distance of the supporting forces and equipments from the forces which are participating in the actual operation. In favor of the supporting forces, equipments and services' effective availability, we can create military objects and camps outside the garrison's area for the housing of the units providing the life – and working conditions for them. The defence level of a military camp depends on various factors, and that level can be different within the limits of the camp, and it has strong connections with the camp's physical defence and it's reinforcement. My aim is to provide a short overview about the opportunities of the military camp's physical defences.

Abstract. It is generally held that coups are the start of full military intervention. As a consequence, studies intent on contrasting the performance of 'military' as opposed to 'civilian' governments have used the event of a military coup as the essential criterion for distinction. The evidence clearly shows, however, that the distinction is not so easily drawn. Further, consideration of the only systematic attempt to delineate types of military regimes in respect of civilian involvement suggests that the dichotomised view of military and civilian regimes should be replaced by attention being drawn to power and force in all political systems. This view is supported by a classification of Third World political systems which reflects these two dimensions. Ironically, the study of military governments installed by coups d'état has actually served to obscure the importance of force in politics.

During the last two centuries, the military in Latin America has been involved in politics in a characteristic duality of professionalism and political 'calling', by political armies of the right and the left. In both cases, a kind of 'military mystique' prevails, but its content is different. In both cases, the military justifies its involvement as a consequence of its necessary correcting and transforming vanguard role in politics and society. The two characteristics of dual functions (internal and internal security) and dual pathways (professionalism and political missions) are a revolving theme in this article.

The new US Military Doctrine adopted early January 2012 highlights the endeavor to preserve the military technical superiority to other nations, to extend on a priority basis key investments in new technologies and the ability to adapt and mobilize them when necessary.