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The paper analyzes an extensive tour activity of the state academic dance ensemble of Dagestan «Lezghinka» across Eastern countries in the context of cultural relations development. Based on archivial sources and materials of the periodical press, the authors emphasize that in the 1960s the ensemble became a tru representative of people's diplomacy, carrier and popularizer of multinational culture of the country. The role of «Lezghinka» in the promotion of the folk choreographic art, general humanitarian values during each tour is noted. The usage of fundamental multi-factor approach has allowed us to draw the conclusion that the ensemble having become a representative not only of Dagestan but also of the whole country plays an important role in smoothing military and ethnic conflicts, clearly indicating its position, carrying the banner of peace, friendship and solidarity between people.

This article examines, through a two-level game model, the case of the first investment dispute under NAFTA between a private US firm & the Mexican government. It argues that the clue to understanding why the Mexican president could not cooperate with the US president lies in Mexico's domestic "ratification" process. The analysis yields two theoretical propositions. First, federalism represents an important variable in explaining foreign economic policy. Second, two-level game logic should not be applied only to formal international negotiation situations; instead, by specifying the dependent variable as cooperation or noncooperation, these models connecting domestic & international politics can be productively applied to study foreign economic policy. 1 Figure, 49 References. Adapted from the source document.

Much of the scholarly attention given to the U.S. Supreme Court's March 2008 decision in Medellín v. Texas has focused on the Court's supposed ruling as to the presumptive nonself-execution of international agreements entered into by the United States, and the power of the president to implement such agreements without an act of Congress. Less heed has been paid to the impact and implications of the Court's reasoning and analysis in interpreting the four international agreements at issue in the case: the 1945 United Nations Charter and Statute of the International Court of Justice, and the 1963 Vienna Convention on Consular Relations and its Optional Protocol. Although the Court's analysis of the self-execution questions is beyond the scope of my contribution to this Agora, I acknowledge that the jurisprudence of treaty interpretation fits uncomfortably with the calculus of an international agreement's selfexecution into U.S. law. And while it may seem obscure to view the Medellín decision through the lens of treaty interpretation, that is what truly brings its importance into focus, so that its impact may ultimately be seen as clarifying the established norms of U.S. foreign relations law, particularly in the selection of appropriate sources for treaty construction and the deference to be granted to various foreign relations actors and institutions.

GENEL BİLGİİsim ve Soyadı: Ö. Gökçe BaykalAnabilim Dalı: Siyaset Bilimi ve Uluslararası İlişkilerBilim Dalı: Uluslararası İlişkilerTez Danışmanı: Prof. Dr. Mahmut Bali AykanTez Türü ve Tarihi: Yüksek Lisans- Eylül, 2004Anahtar Kelimeler: Türkiye-İsrail ilişkileri, Türk Dış PolitikasıÖZETÇalışmanın amacı 11 Eylül sonrası dönemde değişmekte olan uluslararası ve bölgesel dinamiklerin ışığı altında Türkiye'nin İsrail'e karşı dış polikasını değerlendirmektir. Çalışma Türkiye'nin İsrail'e karşı Soğuk savaş dönemi dış politikasının parametrelerini inceleyerek başlamakta ve devamında Soğuk savaş sonrası dönemde Türkiyenin İsrail'e karşı dış politikası ortak çıkarlar, tehdit algılamaları, limitler ve politika araçları göz önünde bulundurularak değerlendirilmektedir. Çalışmanın ilerleyen bölümlerinde 11 Eylül'ün Amerikan dış politikasında ve Türkiye dış politikasında yarattığı etkilere değinilerek esas olarak hangi etkilerin Türk dış politikasında devamlılık ve değişkenlik kaydettiği göz önüne alınarak bu değişim ve devamlılık noktalarının Türkiye-İsrail ilişkilerine nasıl yansıdığı tartışılmaktadır. 11 Eylül sonrası dönemde devamlılık gösteren limitlerin incelenmesiyle ve 11 eylül öncesi ve sonrası Türkiye'nin ve İsrail'in çıkarları, tehdit algılamaları ve bu tehditlere karşılık veren politika araçları dikkate alınarak özellikle Türkiye perspektifli olarak bu iki dönemin karşılaştırmalı analizi yapılarak çalışma sonlandırılmaktadır. Çalışmanın sonucu göstermektedir ki Türkiye ve İsrail ilişkileri ortak çıkarlardan güç kazanmaktadır ayrıca ABD'den de kayda değer bir destek almaktadır. Irak savaşı sonrasında ortaya çıkan yeni realiteler Orta Doğu'nun jeostratejik satranç tahtasında birtakım değişikliklere sebep olmaktadır. Eğer Saddam sonrası Orat Doğu'da ABD hükümeti Türkiye-İsrail alt güvenlik birimine bölgede yeni bir rol biçerse, ikili ilişkiler gelişir. Yeni bir rol vermediği taktirde ilişkiyi sınırlandıran faktörler geçerlilik kazanır ve Türkiye-İsrail stratejik ortaklığı da Orta Doğu'nun yeni bir belirsizlik alanı olur. GENERAL KNOWLEDGEName and Surname: Ö. Gökçe BaykalField: International RelationsProgramme: International RelationsSupervisor: Prof. Dr. Mahmut Bali AykanDegree Awarded and Date: Master of Arts, September 2004Keywords: Turkish-Israeli relations, Foreign PolicyABSTRACTThe object of this study is to evaluate Turkish foreign policy towards Israel in the aftermath of September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks under the light of changing international and regional dynamics after the September 11, 2001. The study begins with an evaluation of Turkish foreign policy towards Israel during the Cold War era. It goes on to examine Turkey's stance towards Israel in the post cold war era in terms of interests, threats, limitations and policy instruments. The study concludes with an examination of these limitations in the relationship and an analysis about the comparison between the foreign policies of Turkey and Israel in terms of interests, threats and policies (or responses) particularly from the Turkish perspective in pre and post September 11 2001 eras in world politics.In conclusion, the result of the study shows that The Turkish-Israeli entente arose from mutual interests, but it has also depended on quiet encouragement from the United States. The new realities created by the Iraq war have changed the geo strategic chessboard of the Middle East. If the U.S. government assigns a role to the Turkish-Israeli relationship in the post-Saddam Middle East, it will flourish. If not, limitations enumerated here may well gain salience, and the future of the Turkish-Israeli entente will become one more Middle Eastern uncertainty.

Intro -- الفصل الاول : التطورات السياسية في كل من العراق ونجد -- الفصل الثاني : توتر العلاقات العراقية - السعودية -- الفصل الثالث : تحسن العلاقات بين البلدين -- الفصل الرابع : انتكاس العلاقات العراقية - السعودية -- الفصل الخامس : العلاقات بين البلدين بعد الحرب العالمية الثانية

The current Spotlight explores different interpretations of Germany's Staatsraison – or raison d'état – which emphasize Germany's commitment to defending Israel's national security. This component has played a crucial role in German-Israeli relations to date. The recent attempts (January–June 2023) by Benjamin Netanyahu's right-wing government to overhaul the Supreme Court have left Israeli society facing extreme tension and have shaken the country's sense of national unity. Since 1965 and especially in the post Cold War period, German Staatsraison has meant defending Israel's security – but with the assault on Israel's democracy, can it continue with the same purpose in the future? This Spotlight discusses how this development might impact German-Israeli relations.
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Eldad Ben Aharon



Dr. Eldad Ben Aharon war Post-Doctoral Minerva Fellow (2020-22) und ist derzeit Associate Researcher in der Forschungsabteilung "Glokale Verflechtungen" der HSFK. Außerdem ist er Gastwissenschaftler am International Centre for Policing and Security an der University of South Wales. Dr. Ben Aharon promovierte 2019 in Geschichte an der Royal Holloway University of London. Seine Forschung liegt an der Schnittstelle zwischen internationaler Geschichte, Geopolitik, außenpolitischer Analyse, Eliteninterviews und kritischen Sicherheitsstudien. // Dr Eldad Ben Aharon was a Post-Doctoral Minerva Fellow (2020–22) and is currently an Associate Researcher in PRIF's "Glocal Junctions" research department. He is also a Visiting Fellow at the International Centre for Policing and Security at the University of South Wales. Dr Ben Aharon obtained his PhD in history from Royal Holloway University of London in 2019. His research lies at the intersection between international history, geopolitics, foreign policy analysis, elite interviews, and critical security studies. | Twitter: @eldadbenaharon

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Der Beitrag Outlook on German-Israeli Relations: German <i>Staatsraison</i> and Netanyahu's Coalition Contentious 'Judicial Reform' erschien zuerst auf PRIF BLOG.

If we look at the Iraq war in terms of the economic & geopolitical interests that drove US imperialism throughout the postwar epoch, the current adventure of the Bush administration in the Middle East remains inexplicable. Instead, we have to understand the current US-foreign policy in the context of domestic class struggles & the emergence of the far right in the US. Adapted from the source document.

Implications of the statement that Germany's foreign policy is the policy of peace, made at the coalition government's entry into office in Oct. 1998; German position on the future of the European Union's Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP), NATO, and the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE), and other issues; 5 articles. Includes Germany's relations with Israel and Russia and the social and political effects of economic globalization.

Analyzes President Clinton's foreign policy, focusing on the Persian Gulf region and his lack of a coherent strategy with well-defined priorities, since 1992; US. Summary in English.