Suchergebnisse

Social citizenship in the classical sense of T.H. Marshall has been declared to be eroded and to have lost its significance. The introduction to this special issue challenges this assumption and argues that recent anthropological work on social citizenship in post-colonial, post Cold War and post-socialist states have shown that social citizenship is relevant and is being claimed by citizens of these states. Historical notions of citizenship as well as claiming rights to state support in return for having worked for the state are at work here. Furthermore the contributions to this issue illustrate how notions and practices of social citizenship compete and sometimes replace other practices of claiming citizenship on the basis of ethnicity, nationality or cultural ties. Adapted from the source document.

For several reasons, redistributive social policy has always played a minor role in the European Union. Basically, the only distinctive European social policy consists in consumer protection, and in the protection of individuals against any form of discrimination based on nationality or gender. Such social protection is an important example of "negative" integration, while the enforcement of positive social rights would require not only a much larger budget, but also a level of top-down harmonization which is unfeasible under present circumstances. Hence, each enlargement of the EU (or, more generally, of a regional bloc) changes the calculus of the benefits and costs of policy harmonization. In sum, the main limits to deep regional integration are social rather than economic or even, strictly speaking, political. Adapted from the source document.

There is a wealth of research into time series dynamics of bureaucratic control in the federal presidential system of the US, but no equivalent investigation in unitary parliamentary systems. This article proposes an approach for measurement of the effect of political interventions on bureaucratic outputs in British politics. It throws some light on tools of bureaucratic control that are associated with the fusion of legislative and executive powers in Britain's Westminster system. In contrast to the US, political control in the form of oversight or appointments is not required because government is able to intervene directly in bureaucratic activities through legislative, executive and administrative controls. It uses Box-Tiao time series models to analyse administration of the UK asylum system by the Immigration and Nationality Directorate of the Home Office.

The actualness of the theme in question is preconditioned by democratic transformations in the society, formation of polyparty system. The author of the article being a colonel of militia considers the right of the citizens for participation in the governance related with state and public affairs touching upon the evolutionary history of formation concerned with the juridical postulate in question fortified by legislative Instruments. He distinguishes especially the point that the citizens' right dwells on in the article completely corresponds to international law standards. The right for participation in the political life of the country denies any sort of discrimination in reference to sex, religion, social position, nationality. The article is fortified with references to official documents in the term of decrees and law provisions functioning in Tajikistan Republic.

AbstractThis study used a questionnaire to assess perceptive differences in corporate social responsibility among business students in the United States, China, and India. The study finds that American and Indian respondents attached more importance to the noneconomic aspects of social responsibility than Chinese respondents. Chinese students were more accepting of making facilitating payments to get things moving. Indian respondents placed more emphasis on philanthropy while the US group emphasized legal obligations. In the choice of business goals, there is generally little difference between the three nationality groups. The two main goals selected are taking care of owners' interests and consumers' needs. The study's findings have implications for business school curriculum, public policy, and multinational corporations. Copyright © 2009 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd and ERP Environment.

Based on archival research in Ghana and Britain, this article documents the sustained but failed attempts of working‐class West African seamen to repatriate to the colonies with their European wives during the interwar years. Colonial authorities crafted policies to prevent these couples from making British West Africa home because they feared that the presence of European women living 'in native fashion' with their African husbands would destabilise colonial race relations. After discussing the origins of this policy in the context of the 1919 race riots that swept Britain's port cities, the article draws on the case of a West African man married to a German woman to illuminate how concerns about race, sex, gender, nationality and class informed the politics of repatriation to British West Africa during the interwar years.

Both in the Polish and Russian language the term 'nation' is understood in a slightly different way than the English word 'nation'. It is understood not only in cultural but also political terms, and in numerous contexts it is used to denote 'the people' or an 'ethnic nation/ethnos'. Thus, when we use words 'nation, nationality, narodnost', sometimes only the context makes it possible to decide whether we mean the nation, nation or ethnos. However, this lack of clear distinction in the colloquial discourse should not make one conclude that there are not fully shaped nations in Poland and Russia. It is just that the colloquial discourse fails to notice these vague distinctions. In the scientific discourse in both countries, these di! erentiations have been precisely defined and used for a long time.

Three books studying European immigration from the perspectives of economics, political science and sociology reach different conclusions on some key aspects of this policy. I suggest three avenues for future research. First, there is a need to develop institutionally richer political economy models of migration to examine the conditional nature of state control over immigration. Second, case selection bias in assessing the legacy of immigration for nationality laws should be redressed starting with a more encompassing theory of policy reform. Third, the impact of national welfare policies on the mode of integration of immigrants in the receiving countries could be a promising area of investigation. I illustrate this using employment protection legislation and family policies.

This article presents the ethnodemographic changes of Roma population and the most important socio-economic structures according to the 2002 census results. The number and the share of the Roma in the total population of Serbia are resulted by the natural increase, the migration and particularly changed declaration on national affiliation. Demographic development of the Roma population is characterized by negative tendencies in natural movement, as well as, in the most important demographic structures (age structure of population, educational and economic structures of population, etc.). Their social, economic, political and cultural position is very difficult, as a result of their marginalization, segregation and discrimination. The basic condition and the way for social promotion and integration of the Roma population in the society are schooling and education of that nationality.

Although, in recent years, a number of organisations mostly from the manufacturing sector relocated abroad, the government tended not to intervene to influence the companies' decisions. The government also has a rather liberal policy towards the selling of domestic companies to foreign ones. While the threat of relocation appears to be increasing its weight on collective bargaining, unions usually do not publicise it. The cases of ST Microelectronics and Bortex Limited were two notable exceptions which made it to the press. There have been no recent cases where trade unions have resisted foreign acquisition of domestic companies explicitly on the basis of the nationality of the company concerned. Eurobarometer surveys indicate that most Maltese are in favour of globalisation and view it as a positive trend. ; peer-reviewed

Few theories have had as large an impact on western thought as Darwin's theory of evolution. Darwin's evolutionary theory of descent through modification laid the foundation for eugenics, replacing paradise with primordial slime. Within this scientific framework, what was hitherto seen as social, moral, or political problems were comprehended as biological problems by the end of the ninetheenth century. My project explores the concept of "civic motherhood" advocated by New Women writers as they used evolutionary theory to grant scientific authority to their polemics. This paper explores the impact of Darwinian theory on late-Victorian culture, and gestures towards an examination of how we continue to grapple with evolutionary theory and biology as way of understanding ourselves in terms of gender, race, class, and nationality.

The article builds on Ishiyama's (1998) seminal study of Communist successor parties [Ishiyama, J.T., 1998. Strange bedfellows: explaining political cooperation between communist successor parties and nationalists in Eastern Europe. Nations and Nationalism 4(1), 61e85] by providing the first comparative study of the fate of Communist successor parties in Eurasia and Central-Eastern Europe. The article outlines four paths undertaken by Communist parties in former Communist states: those countries that rapidly transformed Communist parties into center-left parties; countries that were slower at achieving this; countries with imperial legacies; and Eurasian autocracies. The fate of successor Communist parties is discussed within the parameters of previous regime type, political opposition in the Communist era and the nationality question.

Students of nationalism have long been attracted to Switzerland, whose peculiar features appear to defy some of the fundamental "laws" of nationality. The traditional interpretation in the literature has been that Switzerland is an unusual mono-national state rather than a multi-national state. Donald Ipperciel's article for this journal (2007) sets out to challenge this interpretation and to show that the country should be characterised as multi-national. In doing so he is among a number of authors, mainly working within the growing literature on multi-national democracy and multi-national federalism (Dardanelli 2009: 2). This note offers some reflections on his thesis and identifies a number of aspects which call for deeper analysis and debate within the scholarly community. Adapted from the source document.

The aim in this study was to examine whether contingency of domain self-esteem moderates the effect of domain self-esteem on global self-esteem. Chinese university students (N = 320) completed the Contingencies of Self-worth Scale and the Self-worth Questionnaire (both by Yang,
Hu, Pang, & Wang, 2007) and the Chinese version (Robinson, Shaver, & Wrightsman, 1997) of the Rosenberg Self-esteem Scale (Rosenberg, 1965). Results indicated that in domains that the individual could control, such as ability or behavior style, domain self-esteem directly influenced
global self-esteem; in domains that the individual could not control, such as appearance and nationality, contingency of domain self-esteem moderated the effect of domain self-esteem on global self-esteem. Cultural differences in contingencies of domain self-esteem are also discussed.