Suchergebnisse

An alimentary introduction / Robert Ji-Song Ku, Martin F. Manalansan IV, and Anita Mannur -- Cambodian donut shops and the negotiation of identity in Los Angeles / Erin M. Curtis -- Tasting America : the politics and pleasures of school lunch in Hawaiʻi / Christine R. Yano (with Wanda Adams) -- A life cooking for others : the work and migration experiences of a Chinese restaurant worker in New York City, 1920-1946 / Heather R. Lee -- Learning from Los Kogi Angeles : a taco truck and its city / Oliver Wang -- The significance of Hawaiʻi regional cuisine in postcolonial Hawaiʻi / Samuel Hideo Yamashita -- Incarceration, cafeteria style : the politics of the mess hall in the Japanese American incarceration / Heidi Kathleen Kim -- As American as jackrabbit adobo : cooking, eating, and becoming Filipina/o American before World War II / Dawn Bohulano Mabalon -- Lechon with Heinz, Lea & Perrins with Adobo : the American relationship with Filipino food, 1896-1946 / René Alexander Orquiza Jr. -- "Oriental cookery" : devouring Asian and Pacific cuisine during the Cold War / Mark Padoongpatt -- Gannenshoyu or first-year soy sauce? Kikkoman soy sauce and the corporate forgetting of the early Japanese American consumer / Robert Ji-Song Ku -- Twenty-first-century food trucks : mobility, social media, and urban hipness / Lok Siu -- Samsa on Sheepshead Bay : tracing Uzbek foodprints in southern Brooklyn / Zohra Saed -- Apple pie and makizushi : Japanese American women sustaining family and community / Valerie J. Matsumoto -- Giving credit where it is due : Asian American farmers and retailers as food system pioneers / Nina F. Ichikawa -- Beyond authenticity : rerouting the Filipino culinary diaspora / Martin F. Manalansan IV -- Acting Asian American, eating Asian American : the politics of race and food in Don Lee's Wrack and ruin / Jennifer Ho -- Devouring Hawaiʻi : food, consumption, and contemporary art / Margo Machida -- "Love is not a bowl of quinces " : food, desire, and the queer Asian body in Monique Truong's The book of salt / Denise Cruz -- The globe at the table : how Madhur Jaffrey's World vegetarian reconfigures the world / Delores B. Phillips -- Perfection on a plate : readings in the South Asian transnational queer kitchen / Anita Mannur

Policy dismantling is a distinctive form of policy change, which involves the cutting, reduction, diminution or complete removal of existing policies. The perceived need to dismantle existing policies normally acquires particular poignancy during periods of acute economic austerity. Dismantling is thought to be especially productive of political conflict, pitting those who benefit from the status quo against those who, for whatever reason, seek change. However, scholars of public policy have been rather slow to offer a comprehensive account of the precise conditions under which particular aspects of policy are dismantled, grounded in systematic empirical analysis. Although our overall understanding of what causes policy to change has accelerated a lot in recent decades, there remains a bias towards the study of either policy expansion or policy stability. Dismantling does not even merit a mention in most public policy textbooks. Yet without an account of both expansion and dismantling, our understanding of policy change in general, and the politics surrounding the cutting of existing policies, will remain frustratingly incomplete. This book seeks to develop a more comparative approach to understanding policy dismantling, by looking in greater detail at the dynamics of cutting in two different policy fields: one (social policy) which has been subjected to study before and the other (environmental policy) which has not. On the basis of a systematic analysis of the existing literatures in these two fields, it develops a new analytical framework for measuring and explaining policy dismantling. Through an analysis of six, fresh empirical cases of dismantling written by leading experts, it reveals a more nuanced picture of change, focusing on what actually motivates actors to dismantle, the strategies they use to secure their objectives and the politically significant effects they ultimately generate. Dismantling Public Policy is essential reading for anyone wanting to better understand a hugely important facet of contemporary policy and politics. It will inform a range of student courses in comparative public policy, politics, social and environmental policy

Implementing the agreement : partisan politics and WTO dispute settlement / David Epstein, Sharyn OHalloran, Amy L. Widsten -- Dispute settlement, compliance and domestic politics / Leslie Johns, B. Peter Rosendorff -- Developing country use of the WTO dispute settlement system : why it matters, the barriers posed / Gregory Shaffer -- Why are so many WTO disputes abandoned? / Kara M. Reynolds -- The usage of the WTO dispute settlement system : do power considerations matter? / Sebastian Wilckens -- Agricultural trade disputes in the WTO / Tim Josling -- WTO dispute cases relating to food safety issues / Mitsuo Matsushita -- The WTO dispute settlement system 1995-2006 : some descriptive statistics / Henrik Horn, Petros C. Mavroidis -- Trade dispute diversion : the economics of conflicting dispute settlement procedures between regional trade agreements and the WTO / James H. Cassing -- Issues of fairness in dispute settlement / Andrew G. Brown, Robert M. Stern -- The ADA and the DSU of the WTO / James C. Hartigan -- Trade agreements and dispute settlement in the WTO System / Wilfred J. Ethier -- WTO DSU-enforcement issues / Joseph Pelzman, Amir Shoham -- Retaliatory trade measures in the WTO dispute settlement understanding : are there really alternatives? / Bryan Mercurio -- Enforcing WTO compliance through public opinion and direct effect : two new proposals to enhance the compliance perspectives for least developed WTO members / Naboth van den Broek -- Unintentional breach in the DSU of the WTO : consultation in the shadow of remedies / Indranil Chakraborty, James C. Hartigan -- Licence to adjudicate : a critical evaluation of the work of the WTO appellate body so far / Petros C. Mavroidis -- The evolution and utilization of the GATT/WTO dispute settlement mechanism / Pao-Li Chang -- Introduction / James C. Hartigan. - The volume is partitioned into five sub areas, addressing the process of dispute resolution and appeal under the DSU of the WTO; politics and disputes between sovereign nations; power inequities in access to the DSU; specific categories of disputes, such as in agriculture and in intellectual property; and issues pertaining to compliance, enforcement and remedies. In addition to the interdisciplinary focus, this volume showcases the thoughts of both established and emerging scholars, whilst highlighting perspectives from many different countries and regions

Where did the so-called Red states and Blue states come from? Prof. Jerry F. Hough observes that the historic Democratic-Republican party alignment was based on the great conflict between the North and the South, which itself was based and on the hostile European-American races. Both of these conflicts basically ended in the 1960s and 1970s as European-Americans became whites. This made a party realignment inevitable, but the politics surrounding the conflicts made it difficult to understand what was happening. As a result, the political elites crafted a highly unnatural and unhealthy red state-blue state alignment. This political reality is not incorporated in the theories of comparative politics and of nation-building, Hough explains, because it has been too encased in this mythology. The 1950s through the 1970s was a period of great political turmoil in the United States. The dramatic events of the black revolution, the anti-Vietnam demonstrations and the women's liberation movement caught everyone's attention, but some of the most fundamental changes were less visible. The book, based in substantial part on archival work, breaks outmoded taboos on the American past. The relations between North and South were highly confrontational, but the period actually led to the end of the historic North-South conflict that had defined the American political system since the Revolution. The two parties have been groping ever since to find a satisfactory new set of coalitions, but they have thus far failed. The new divide, the red state-blue state alignment, produces even narrower and more polarized electoral results in a society that is not fundamentally polarized. What is going on? The author insists that narrow cultural issues are used as electoral platforms in today's politics, not because of their inherent importance, but because of party strategies. He explains how we can return to the healthy debating role that a two-party system is supposed to play in a democratic nation and why this is so crucial.

Ten years after the demise of socialism, eastern and western European scholars met to investigate the transformation processes in Eastern, Central and South Eastern Europe with regard to gender relations. The participants of the conference on,, Gender in Transition in Central and Eastern Europe" addressed a variety of issues such as the relationship between Western theory and Eastern practice, the contributions of women in the transformed and still transforming societies to international feminist thought, and the discursive production of femininities and identities in the context of both global and local politics. They looked into the hierarchies of gender on the job market and discussed the political participation of woman along with the institutionalisation of Women's and Gender Studies within the academia. The joint efforts in analysis and discussion resulted in an exciting discourse that bridges the gap between the scholarly communities across the world. The conference proceedings offer valuable insights into the shared features as well as differences of gender relations in transformation processes. Contents: THEORETICAL APPROACHES (Sauer, Birgit: "Normalized masculinities": Constructing gender in theories of political transition and democratic consolidation. - Watson, Peggy: Gender and politics in postcommunism. - Smejkalova, Jirina: Gender as an analytical category of post-communist studies. - Dölling, Irene: Ten years after: Gender relations in a changed world - new challenges for women's and gender studies. - Nickel, Hildegard M.: ZiF - the Centre for Interdisciplinary Women's Studies. A paradigm for the institutionalisation of women's and gender studies. - Kulke, Christine: Impacts of globalization on gender politics and gender arrangements. - Regulska, Joanna: Gendered integration of Europe: New boundaries of exclusion. - Einhorn, Barbara: Gender and citizenship in the context of democratisation and economic transformation in East Central Europe.) FEMINIST THEORY AND THE PUBLIC- PRIVATE- DEBATE (Oates-Indruchova, Libora: Discourses of gender in the post-1989 Czech Republic: A textual perspective. - Kiczkova, Zuzana: Why do we need feminist theories or one more time about publicity and privacy. - Ritter, Martina: Russia - a patriarchal mama-society. The dynamics of the private and the public in Soviet and post-soviet Russia. - Zherebkina, Irina: "Who is afraid of feminism" in Ukraine? How feminism is possible as a post-so ...

Artykuł ma na celu wskazanie filozoficznych źródeł zarówno akcesu Martina Heideggera do ruchu nazistowskiego, jak i późniejszego zerwania przez myśliciela z zaangażowaniem politycznym. Drogę Heideggera do i od narodowego socjalizmu należy uchwycić nie tylko poprzez biografię filozofa, lecz przede wszystkim na szerszym tle procesu kształtowania się jego rozumienia polityki jako obszaru bytu wydzielonego i zagospodarowanego przez zachodnią metafizykę, co stanowi przejaw wypełnienia istoty metafizyki jako zapomnienia o byciu. Filozofię Heideggera wielokrotnie diagnozowano (por. np. Löwith, Adorno) jako głęboko powiązaną ze światopoglądem faszystowskim; przyjęta tutaj linia argumentacji podkreśla, przeciwnie, integralność etycznej linii argumentacji dzieła Heideggera, akcentującej w odniesieniu do polityki jej charakter eksploatacji bytu, podobnie jak uniformizacji człowieka i przemiany go w zasób. Konkluzja odsłania zatem głęboko antyfaszystowski wydźwięk pism Heideggera z lat 1936 – 1946 i podkreśla zarazem niepokojącą indyferencję w stosunku Heideggera do totalitarnych i nietotalitarnych systemów politycznych.

Overcoming Metaphysics, Overcoming Politics. Martin Heidegger's Path to and from National Socialism:

This paper aims to equally pinpoint the philosophical origins of Martin Heidegger's entry into the Nazi movement and the thinker's subsequent break with political involvement. Heidegger's path to and from National Socialism should be apprehended not only through the philosopher's biography but, above all, within the broader framework of the process of the development of his understanding of politics as an area of being set apart and accommodated by Western metaphysics, which marks the fulfillment of the essence of metaphysics as a forgetting of being. Heidegger's philosophy has been repeatedly diagnosed (cf., e.g., Löwith, Adorno) as deeply linked to the fascist worldview; the line of reasoning taken up in this paper insists, on the contrary, on the integrity of the ethical reasoning behind Heidegger's work, which emphasizes, concerning politics, its character of exploiting being, in the same way as it uniformizes people and transforms them into a resource. The conclusion, therefore, reveals the profoundly anti-fascist overtones of Heidegger's writings from 1936–1946 and, simultaneously, underscores a worrying indifference to Heidegger's relationship to totalitarian and non-totalitarian political systems.

Denne artikkelen undersøker diskursens rolle i konsolidering av autoritære regimer. Gjennom å etablere en dialog mellom Jacques Rancières arbeider om politikk og avpolitisering og poststrukturalistisk diskursanalyse argumenterer artikkelen for at diskursiv avpolitisering bidrar til at autokratier befester seg, og viser at autoritær konsolidering ofte finner sted i skjæringsfeltet mellom nasjonal og internasjonal politikk. Artikkelen retter et særskilt søkelys på Rancières begrep om kløfter som politikkens scene, og teoretiserer hvordan slike kløfter nøytraliseres i avpolitisering. Artikkelen fremsetter så en metode for å analysere diskursiv avpolitisering empirisk ved å konseptualisere Rancières logikker som idealtypiske avpolitiseringsdiskurser, og illustrerer denne analytiske strategien ved å anvende den på russisk offisiell diskurs i senere år (2015–2020). Slik forklarer artikkelen hvordan diskursive konstruksjoner har befestet Russland som autokrati: Den viser at autoritær konsolidering i Russland under Putin muliggjøres av rotfestede avpolitiserende diskurser som (re)produseres og forsterkes i et sammenvevet innenriks- og utenrikspolitisk felt. Artikkelen fremmer begrepet diskursiv avpolitisering som et nytt perspektiv på fagdebatter om den liberale verdensordens utfordringer og såkalte hybridregimer.
Abstract in English:Depoliticizing Democracy Through Discourse: Understanding Authoritarian Consolidation in Russia through Jacques Rancière's Political TheoryThis article investigates the role of discourses in processes of authoritarian consolidation. By bringing Jacques Rancière's works on politics and depoliticization into dialogue with poststructuralist discourse analysis, the article argues that discursive depoliticization contributes towards authoritarian consolidation, and displays how authoritarianism deepens in a co-dependent nexus of domestic and international politics. Focusing in particular on Rancière's concept of gaps as the stage for politics, the article theorizes how gaps are neutralized in depoliticization. The article offers a method for unpacking discursive depoliticization empirically by conceptualizing Rancière's logics as ideal-typical depoliticizing discourses, and illustrates this analytical strategy through analysis of Russian official discourse in recent years (2015–2020). The article thereby explains how discursive constructions have strengthened Russian autocracy: Entrenched depoliticizing discourses, produced and reinforced in a co-constitutive internal/external sphere, makes possible authoritarian consolidation in Russia under Putin. The article puts forward the concept of discursive depoliticization as a novel perspective on challenges to the liberal international order, and on "hybrid" regimes.

The Politics of Lamb, Peacock and Romantic "Russophobia". Spurred on by Duncan Wu's talk for the Charles Lamb Birthday lunch on 12 February 2022, which focussed on Lamb's connection with the radical William Hone, I want to return to Lamb's politics. This talk focused on Lamb and his fellow East India Company employee Thomas Love Peacock. Both men have much in common, and not only in their marginal status as friends of half of the Big Six. Although scholarly classicists, neither Lamb nor Peacock attended university. Both suffered depression, which they similarly countered by making puns and jokes; and each served long with the East India Company. The Company was, Thomas Babington Macauley writes, "the strangest of all governments; but it is designed for the strangest of all empires. [.] intrusted with the sovereignty of a larger population, the disposal of a larger clear revenue, the command of a larger army, than are under the direct management of the Executive Government of the United Kingdom." Lamb served the EIC for thirty-three and Peacock thirty-seven years. Both also survived to be superannuated men on substantial pensions: from 1825 received Lamb £450 per year and Peacock £1333, 6s. 8d. from 1856. Any reader of Lamb's invective political poetry, which contains lines such as "thou must, surely, loathe thyself" to George Canning in 'The Unbeloved' (The Champion, 1820), knows he was not always "gentle" Charles. Lamb's busiest period of writing political poetry, between 1820 and 1822, would see him siding with radicals against a government that used spies to subvert the politics of his city, as his poems on the Cato Street Conspiracy attest. However, prior to this, Lamb had already been utilised by radicals. The Manchester Observer, or Literary, Commercial and Political Register, founded by John Knight, James Wroe, and John Saxton in January 1818, found both Canning and Lamb useful in pushing its radical agenda. Oddly, the first poem to make it into the paper was future Prime Minister George Canning's "The ...

As my analysis shows, the Hegelian doctrine of property, of the right of necessity and of the plebs, rather than an Aufhebung integrating all the determinations at stake, reveals conceptual aporia and unresolved tensions. And perhaps it cannot be any other way if, as E. Gans rightly wrote in the reprint of the FD, it is a text that aims at the "definitive overcoming of the distinction made in the 17th and 18th centuries between state law and politics", so that Hegel "takes us back to the perspective of antiquity" in which "these divisions and differences were unknown, for then they were only with a great whole, with a universality, Plato's Republic and Aristotle's Politics are both natural law and politics, principles and life-giving realisation".And indeed, because it is a question of the life of men and peoples, Hegel himself has to recognise, more prudently than his philosophical rhetoric would allow, that "what the concept teaches" always comes "after the actual reality has completed and finished its process of formation" and, for that very reason, when "a figure of life has grown old and cannot be rejuvenated".But precisely because of this, the Hegelian attempt to understand social relations and elevate them to a form that overcomes the confrontation between enormous accumulation of wealth and miserable poverty, despite the problematicity of his proposal or precisely because of it, can continue to illuminate the cognitive effort to orient ourselves in the world of life that defines the philosophical task in each new generation, and which today, as Piketty exposes in his recent book, continues to confront us with the dialectic - real and not at all conceptual - of inequality on a planetary scale. ; Como se desprende de mi análisis, la doctrina hegeliana de la propiedad, del derecho de necesidad y de la plebe, más que una Aufhebung integradora de todas las determinaciones en juego, desvela aporías conceptuales y tensiones irresueltas. Y quizá no pueda ser de otro modo si, como acertadamente escribió E. Gans ...

In this article, I attempt to clarify concepts of the political, political and non-political politics in the life and work of Jan Patočka, primarily on the basis of an observation of the tensions between his civic and philosophical activities. Indeed, it's proposed the question regarding how to reconcile the familiar, unwavering position (the conviction, "leadership") of Charter 77 and its associated rock-solid outward stance (which Patočka, as its spokesperson not only held but which –also by means of his Charter texts– he co-created) with an affirmation of the problematic nature of human life and knowledge that is central to Patočka's works. The only interpretation that could answer this question (even if it is not explicitly asked), states that Patočka's fundamental affirmation "contain(s) a political theory of radical and agonistic democracy", and identifies Patočka fully with this radical position. However, since Patočka's principal (indeed thoroughly considered and consistently held) action was the activity of non-political politics, specifically his activity in the dissident initiative Charter 77, I must inquire as to whether it is possible to classify this acth it) as radical agonist democracy, and whether it is at all compatible with this. If not, then how are we to interpret the problematic nature of life within the context of stances of non-political politics, and how are we to keep the two together? ; En este artículo, se intentan aclarar los conceptos de la política, las políticas y la política no-política, en la vida y obra de Jan Patočka, principalmente, sobre la base de una observación de las tensiones entre sus actividades cívicas y filosóficas. De igual forma, se plantea la pregunta con respecto a cómo conciliar la posición familiar e inquebrantable (la convicción, el "liderazgo") de la Carta 77 y su postura exterior, sólida como una roca (que Patočka, como su portavoz, no solo mantuvo, sino que también co-creó por medio de sus textos sobre la Carta), con una afirmación de la naturaleza ...

Introduction. The authors analyze some features of Russian students' political socializing at the present stage. The purpose of the study is to identify the main trends that characterize the role of the school as an agent (active subject) of political socialization. Methods. The empirical basis of the study is the results of the survey in which 554 students and 151 teachers of history and social studies in Chelyabinsk schools took part, the authors used qualitative (projective tests, in-depth interviews) and quantitative (survey) methods. Scientific novelty. The specific feature of the authors' approach to the problem under study is to perceive the school as an agent of political socialization, which is able to carry out the targeted steps of including children into the political sphere of the society within the educational process at several levels. Results. The data show that the socializing impact at the school level is relatively ineffective. The analysis revealed the problems that teachers have to face when conducting training activities related to delivering knowledge about politics: 1) students' lack of interest; 2) comparatively low level of teach- ers' special competence; 3) lack of necessary free time, etc. At the same time, students showed a fairly high level of behavioral activity and cognitive complexity in assessing power institutions. The unconscious component of students' political ideas is characterized by the absence of formed values and the heterogeneity of power images. Conclusions. The school as an agent of political socialization is losing its role as the leading agent of socializing when forming political values and students' ideas about politics in modern conditions. The main reason for this is the dominant role of social networks and the. Students tend to get in- formation about politics from external sources, so they are less likely to resort to discussing current political issues with teachers. This process leads to the need to develop new conceptual approaches to forming state policy in the field of general education.

One of the contemporary views formulated and popularized mainly by authors from the socalled critical theory of law is the belief in the inevitable, mutual relationship of law (theory of law and dogmatics of law) and legal practice (adjudication) with politics and the political. This position is strengthened by the observation of contemporary disputes — especially visible in Poland — with the participation of politicians and lawyers: politicians accuse lawyers of political motivation of actions taken to defend the judiciary and the rule of law, while lawyers defend themselves by arguing the need for autonomy of their professional practice, including its apolitical nature. In this text, I explain the arguments of the latter party to the dispute. I choose the dogmatics of law as the field of illustrating the issues raised, since it occupies a special place in the continental legal scholarship, acting as an intermediary between the jurisprudence and legal decision-making practice. I am trying to show — by referring to two examples from general history, i.e. the eleventh-century investiture controversy and the nineteenth-century debate in the background of the German reunification idea — that law and politics (lawyers and politicians) have always been forced to compete and cooperate with each other. Thus, it confirms the thesis of the critical theory of law. At the same time, however, I try to show that the legal community had the ability to "learn" from the political disputes of the past, which led to the formation of independent jurisprudence and legal practice in the face of current politics, and thus also to apoliticality. What is more, I argue that such an apolitical nature is a condition for the survival of legal culture in its present shape — and here, my path diverges from the critical legal theory claims. However, in my opinion, the contemporary arguments made within this theory about the political science of law and jurisprudence should be treated with all seriousness — as another experience from which our community, as one can hope, will be able to draw informative conclusions.

Introduction. Paper examines the views on politics and politicians of a former diplomat, member of the Japanese MOFA "Russian school", popular political analyst, author of more than 200 books and articles on politics, politicians and political thought, Sato Masaru. Methods and Materials. The objective of this study is to extract the most relevant and illustrative ideas about politics and political behavior, expressed by a former diplomat, which relate to the essential characteristics and contents of the Russian-Japanese negotiations in the 1990s. The data sources for our analysis are the memoirs by Sato Masaru and his non-fiction texts ("The Self-Destructing Empire", "The Art of Negotiating", "State, God and Marxism", "Russian-Japanese Diplomatic Relations: Northern Territories and Intelligence"). Analysis. Sato Masaru expresses uncommon views on Japanese and Russian political culture during the period of the rise of the Russian-Japanese relations in Post-Cold War era, which coincided with the "Lost Decade" depression in Japan in the 1990s and lasted for three decades. Moreover, Sato's views illustrate the pragmatic approaches of the Japanese diplomatic machine towards the dialogue with Russia, while he obtained his information by observing members of elite groups of politicians in Moscow and Tokyo. In order to extract and study Sato's most representative ideas, we have divided our text into four parts: (1) Sato Masaru's professional biography, (2) his views on the structure of Russian and Japanese elite groups in relation to Sato's diplomatic activities; (3) his assessment of the Putin-Abe dialogue in the context of the international situation. Results. The specific Sato's views concerning Russian-Japanese relations in the Post-Cold War decades consist in (1) similarities between Russian and Japanese political cultures within the structure and behavior of elites, which are beneficial for a fruitful interstate dialogue; (2) assessment of the Putin-Abe ties in the 2010s taking into account Sato's diplomatic experience in the 1990s and a panoramic view of international affairs under the Ukrainian crisis and sanctions during the 2010s.

Boris Johnson's electoral victory and the 2020 culmination of Brexit are accelerating Britain's shift towards the right and towards open criticism of technocracy in the UK and EU. Since 2016 the UK's political atmosphere has polarised into hostile extremes. The continuation of this toxicity beyond Brexit, the dominance of nationalist narratives as Britain's new 'politics of everything' (Valluvan 2019). While the Conservative Party remains traditionally centre-right and the Brexit Party has ceased to be relevant, the UK continues to witness the growth of the far right and what is called here the 'Radical Right', which have been accelerating since 2016, rapidly gaining influence (Norris and Inglehart 2019: 443-472), and 'mainstreaming' (Miller-Idriss 2017) in the Conservative majority elected in December 2019. The past four years have seen growing British contempt for technocracy in London and Brussels, while the Leave vote has been represented as a "Will of the People" antithetical to a Remain/Revoke/Second Referendum position, often portrayed as an anti-democratic scheme by "the elite" to frustrate the will of "the people". This 'us and them' populist narrative is deepening as the UK's volatile political environment moves away from the political procedures and economic values by which the UK has operated since 1945. Since early 2020, this narrative has been significantly accelerated by Covid-19 countermeasures, with anti-EU parties and narratives on the left and right becoming anti-lockdown or anti-vaccine parties and narratives. This paper approaches the radical right as emblematic of British politics' shift from centrism towards polarised factions defined not by party but by support or contempt for technical governance. In this paper we propose a new explanatory basis for studying the populist radical right not as a temporary phenomenon in response to specific political events and conditions, but as a fluid, amorphous, and heterogeneous set of groups, parties, and narratives whose strategies, appeal, and narratives make them extremely adaptable, and significant as a force with substantial influence of politics into the future.

This study aims to determine the environmental pollution caused by the Lapindo mud disaster and legal politics in terms of the criminal provisions in Law No. 22 of 2001 concerning Oil and Gas. The problems formulated in this research are first, what is the legal politics of the criminal provisions of Law Number 22 of 2001 on Oil and Gas? Second, what is the impact of the Lapindo mudflow on the environment and public health? The type of research is normative with a statutory approach and is analyzed using qualitative methods. The results of this study are first, the legal politics regarding the Lapindo mud disaster, namely the absence of an article that regulates violations regarding procedural errors committed by companies in the Criminal Provisions of Law Number 22 of 2001 on Oil and Gas. Second, local residents suffered losses, both material and immaterial, because Lapindo mud contains chemical substances, namely metals and phenols that endanger public health and pollute the environment such as water, soil, and air. Key Words: Environtment; lapindo mud; legal policy; public healthAbstrakPenelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengetahui pencemaran lingkungan yang disebabkan oleh bencana lumpur lapindo dan politik hukum yang ditinjau dari ketentuan pidana di Undang-Undang Nomor 22 Tahun 2001 tentang Minyak dan Gas Bumi. Masalah yang dirumuskan dalam penelitian ini adalah pertama, bagaimana politik hukum ketentuan pidana atas Undang-Undang Nomor 22 Tahun 2001 tentang Minyak dan Gas Bumi? Kedua apa dampak semburan lumpur lapindo terhadap lingkungan dan kesehatan masyarakat ? Jenis penelitian ini bersifat normatif dengan pendekatan perundang-undangan dan dianalisa menggunakan metode kualitatif. Hasil penelitian ini menyimpulkan, pertama, politik hukum mengenai bencana lumpur lapindo yaitu tidak adanya pasal yang mengatur tentang pelanggaran mengenai kesalahan prosedural yang dilakukan oleh perusahaan di Ketentuan Pidana Undang-Undang Nomor 22 Tahun 2001 tentang Minyak dan Gas Bumi. Kedua, warga sekitar mengalami kerugian, baik materil dan immateril, karena lumpur lapindo mengandung zat kimia yaitu logam dan fenol yang membahayakan kesehatan masyarakat dan mencemari lingkungan seperti air, tanah, dan udara.Kata Kunci: Lumpur lapindo; politik hukum; lingkungan; kesehatan masyarakat