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Are you looking for the perfect foreign policy book to start the New Year right? We spent the last few weeks asking our favorite thinkers what new titles they loved this year. Here are the seven books that stood out in 2023.Underground Empire: How America Weaponized the World Economy

By Henry Farrell and Abraham Newman"Underground Empire" tells the story of how America used the unipolar moment to create a vice grip on the international economy, making it impossible for most countries to do business with each other (or even exchange messages) without using U.S. payment systems or IT infrastructure. The world order, once defined by multiple dueling blocs, thus became synonymous with U.S. power.But empire isn't free. As Farrell and Newman note, Washington's constant use of sanctions and spying tools risks alienating other states and potentially bringing down the international system as we know it. Their book is a frightening reminder of the potential costs of overreach and a must-read for anyone interested in grand strategy and the future of global commerce. Ambitious readers may want to pair it with Chris Miller's "Chip War," a 2022 bestseller about America's quest to remain the kingpin of the world microchip industry.Grand Delusion: The Rise and Fall of American Ambition in the Middle East

By Steven SimonWhen observing the parlous state of the Middle East today, it's hard to avoid a fundamental question: How could well-meaning American policymakers have gotten the region so wrong? In "Grand Delusion," Simon argues that most of our missteps boil down to a mismatch between pie-in-the-sky ends and limited means, made worse by a conviction that "facts don't matter, only intentions." The biting and well-researched book is made all the more powerful by Simon's long background of government service, including top-level roles in both the Clinton and Obama administrations, where he argued in favor of many policies that he now badly regrets.Simon brings a palpable sense of anger at four decades of American overreach in the Middle East, dedicating a chapter to each of the last eight presidents, all of whom found their own unique ways to leave the region worse than it was when they took office. His book is a must-read for those who want to understand where U.S. policy went wrong — and how to do things better next time. (Simon, we should note, is a senior research analyst at the Quincy Institute, which publishes RS.)The New China Playbook: Beyond Socialism and Capitalism

By Keyu JinThese days, most English-language books about China begin from a place of deep skepticism. Government statistics are taken as carefully crafted fictions, official statements as likely lies. What else would one expect as a new cold war dawns?"The New China Playbook" is different. Written by a London-based economist whose father is a prominent Chinese Communist Party official, the book offers a rigorous yet sympathetic view of Beijing's rise. Jin's work provides crucial insights into the complex and sometimes surprising balance that the Chinese economy has struck between different systems. By demystifying China's economy, she urges us to consider a future of cooperation instead of conflict.Some have argued that Jin glosses over the darker aspects of Beijing's government policies. Readers can decide for themselves. But one thing is certain: Her book offers a thoughtful point of view on China that you won't find anywhere else.Victory at Sea: Naval Power and the Transformation of the Global Order in World War II

By Paul KennedyCould any list of foreign policy must-reads be complete without a book about WWII? We certainly didn't think so. Enter "Victory at Sea," a wide-ranging yet page-turning look at the naval activities that defined last century's greatest war from an eminent military historian. Kennedy's book, which features new paintings from marine artist Ian Marshall, narrates the fall of old great powers and the rise of new ones, first and foremost led by the United States.Readers with a limited background in naval history shouldn't fear this book, which is less about the details of each individual battle than the broader trends in geopolitics playing out at the time. Some reviewers have noted minor factual errors emanating from some less-than-ideal sourcing, but all in all, "Victory at Sea" is a helpful and provocative overview of a vital moment in military history. (This one was technically published in 2022, but the paperback edition doesn't come out until next year, so we'll call it even.)A Day in the Life of Abed Salama: Anatomy of a Jerusalem Tragedy

By Nathan ThrallThe book starts with a living nightmare: A truck slams into a Jerusalem school bus carrying kindergartners, leaving one teacher and six children dead. Many survivors left the resulting fire with life-changing burns."A Day in the Life of Abed Salama" tells the story of the father of one of those children. Thrall narrates Salama's desperate efforts to find his son, an emotional struggle made all the more difficult by the fact that the life-long resident of Jerusalem could not legally enter Jewish-controlled parts of the city.The book expands on a 2021 essay in the New York Review of Books in which Thrall interlaces stories about the accident with a crash course in Jerusalem's history. The extra space allows Thrall to dive deeper into Salama's life, in which everything from his marriage to his child's education is shaped by the brutal realities of life under occupation. As war rages in Gaza, this book offers a moving testimony of the more mundane forms of violence that define life between the Jordan River and the Mediterranean Sea.Getting Russia Right

By Thomas GrahamSome books argue that the U.S. and Russia are natural enemies, doomed to fight until one side wins. Others blame one country or the other for a laundry list of sins that made cooperation impossible after the heady days of the 1990s. "Getting Russia Right," to its great credit, does neither.Graham combines a realist sensibility with the hard pragmatism of a long-time policymaker, drawing on a wealth of experience as in both government and academia. In his view, structural factors — chief among them the difference in how each side views Russia's rightful place in the world — combined with a series of impertinent decisions by both sides to leave bilateral relations in their current sorry state.By insisting on the agency of both Washington and Moscow, "Getting Russia Right" argues that better-informed decisions could actually lead to better outcomes. And Graham, in his typical style, lays out a clear and specific set of recommendations to encourage such a shift. His relatively short book is required reading for those who feel like one Cold War was more than enough.Beyond the Water's Edge: How Partisanship Corrupts U.S. Foreign Policy

By Paul PillarThere's an old truism that, while American politicians play partisan games over domestic problems, such petty squabbles give way to unity "at the water's edge." Pillar's book destroys this fiction, illuminating how party interests have all too often taken precedence over sober-minded analysis by patriotic bureaucrats. This phenomenon, in his telling, leads to unnecessarily long wars and corrodes our own democracy at home.While "Beyond the Water's Edge" largely focuses on the past three decades, Pillar sometimes reaches further back into U.S. history to demonstrate the ways in which officials have overcome this tendency. But Pillar, who is a former intelligence official and current non-resident fellow at the Quincy Institute, is far from pollyannaish: The book recommends myriad policies to reduce the influence of partisanship on foreign policy but deems their implementation highly unlikely. Little wonder that Francis Fukuyama described the slim treatise as an "ominous warning."

From a philosophical standpoint, this article analyses the historical formation of the concept of the «Basque Working People» in the Basque armed organization ETA (Basque Country and Freedom, for its acronym in Basque). To accomplish this, we will study the imaginaries of the Basque Nationalists Youths during the 1940s and the official ideology of ETA in the 1960s. We have used primarily the ideological periodicals (journals such as Beti Gazte, Zabaldu, Kemen or Zutik) of these collectives as well as other relevant books (for example Federico Krutwig´s Vasconia) and documents which helped in the formation of ETA's imaginary. Considering this historical formation of the concept of the «Basque Working People», we have reinterpreted the strategic approach of the organization since 1959. Tentatively, we have affirmed that ETA adopted a very specific use of violent methods, which were specifically oriented not to reach the goal of an independent and socialist Basque Country, but in the idea of making visible the concept of the «Basque Working People» in social reality. Thus, we have described this use of political violence as constative (and not performative). The non-violent strategic approaches of ETA were precisely focused on social spreading and implementation of its alternative imaginary: the achievement of independent and socialist Basque Country. ; Las siguientes páginas estudian a partir de un enfoque interpretativo la formación histórica del concepto del Pueblo Trabajador Vasco en la organización ETA. Para ello desarrollamos un análisis que va desde el estudio de los imaginarios de las primeras juventudes nacionalistas vascas durante los años 40 a la ideología oficial de este colectivo armado en la década de los 60. Las fuentes utilizadas han sido fundamentalmente las publicaciones periódicas de estas agrupaciones (boletines como Beti Gazte!, Zabaldu, Kemen o Zutik) así como distintas obras ajenas a ellas, pero relevantes para la formación de su corpus doctrinal (por ejemplo, el libro de Federico Krutwig, Vasconia). A partir del análisis de la historia formativa del concepto de Pueblo Trabajador Vasco como sujeto al que apelaba ETA, hemos conseguido realizar una relectura de la estrategia desarrollada por este grupo desde su nacimiento y hasta el desarrollo de su Quinta Asamblea entre los años 1966-1967. De modo tentativo, hemos descrito el uso de la violencia por parte de ETA como una estrategia constatativa. Es decir, su uso se orientaba a hacer visible el concepto subjetivo concebido por el colectivo armado como el reverso de todo lo afirmado en el régimen franquista. De forma paralela, las secciones no armadas de la organización se determinaron por realizar el proyecto político de ETA, la independencia y el socialismo del País Vasco, tratando de extender esa alternativa política entre la población. ; Les pages suivantes étudient, à partir d'une approche interprétative, la formation historique du concept de peuple basque travailleur dans l'organisation ETA. Pour ce faire, nous développons une analyse qui va de l'étude des imaginaires des premiers jeunes nationalistes basques dans les années 1940 à l'idéologie officielle de ce groupe armé dans les années 1960. Les sources utilisées ont été principalement les publications périodiques de ces groupes (bulletins tels que Beti Gazte !, Zabaldu, Kemen ou Zutik) ainsi que différents ouvrages extérieurs à ceux-ci, mais pertinents pour la formation de leur corpus doctrinal (par exemple, le livre de Federico Krutwig, Vasconia). A partir de l'analyse de l'histoire formative du concept de Peuple Ouvrier Basque comme sujet auquel l'ETA a fait appel, nous avons réussi à relire la stratégie développée par ce groupe depuis sa naissance jusqu'au développement de sa Cinquième Assemblée entre 1966-1967. Nous avons provisoirement décrit l'utilisation de la violence par l'ETA comme une stratégie de constatation. C'est-à-dire que son utilisation visait à rendre visible le concept subjectif conçu par le collectif armé comme l'inverse de tout ce qui était affirmé dans le régime franquiste. Dans le même temps, les sections non armées de l'organisation étaient déterminées à réaliser le projet politique de l'ETA, l'indépendance et le socialisme du Pays basque, en essayant de diffuser cette alternative politique parmi la population. ; Le pagine seguenti studiano da un approccio interpretativo la formazione storica del concetto di Popolo Lavoratore Basco nell'organizzazione dell'ETA. Per farlo, sviluppiamo un'analisi che va dallo studio degli immaginari dei primi giovani nazionalisti baschi durante gli anni 40 fino all'ideologia ufficiale di questo gruppo armato negli anni 60. Le fonti utilizzate sono state principalmente le pubblicazioni periodiche di questi gruppi (bollettini come Beti Gazte!, Zabaldu, Kemen o Zutik) così come diverse opere esterne ad essi, ma rilevanti per la formazione del loro corpus dottrinale (per esempio, il libro di Federico Krutwig, Vasconia). Dall'analisi della storia formativa del concetto di Popolo Lavoratore Basco come soggetto a cui ETA si appellava, siamo riusciti a rileggere la strategia sviluppata da questo gruppo dalla sua nascita fino allo sviluppo della sua V Assemblea tra il 1966-1967. Tentativamente, abbiamo descritto l'uso della violenza da parte dell'ETA come una strategia costitutiva. Cioè, il suo uso era volto a rendere visibile il concetto soggettivo concepito dal collettivo armato come il contrario di tutto ciò che si affermava nel regime franchista. Allo stesso tempo, le sezioni non armate dell'organizzazione erano determinate a portare avanti il progetto politico dell'ETA, l'indipendenza e il socialismo dei Paesi Baschi, cercando di diffondere questa alternativa politica tra la popolazione. ; As páginas seguintes estudam a partir de uma abordagem interpretativa a formação histórica do conceito do povo trabalhador basco na organização da ETA. Para o fazer, desenvolvemos uma análise que vai desde o estudo dos imaginários dos primeiros jovens nacionalistas bascos durante os anos 40 até à ideologia oficial deste grupo armado nos anos 60. As fontes utilizadas foram principalmente as publicações periódicas destes grupos (boletins como Beti Gazte!, Zabaldu, Kemen ou Zutik) bem como diferentes obras fora deles, mas relevantes para a formação do seu corpus doutrinário (por exemplo, o livro de Federico Krutwig, Vasconia). A partir da análise da história formativa do conceito do Povo Trabalhador Basco como um tema ao qual a ETA apelou, conseguimos reler a estratégia desenvolvida por este grupo desde o seu nascimento até ao desenvolvimento da sua Quinta Assembleia entre 1966-1967. Tentativamente, descrevemos o uso da violência pela ETA como uma estratégia constatativa. Ou seja, a sua utilização visava tornar visível o conceito subjectivo concebido pelo colectivo armado como o inverso de tudo o que se afirmava no regime franquista. Ao mesmo tempo, as secções não armadas da organização estavam determinadas a realizar o projecto político da ETA, a independência e o socialismo do País Basco, tentando difundir esta alternativa política entre a população. ; As páginas seguintes estudam a partir de uma abordagem interpretativa a formação histórica do conceito do povo trabalhador basco na organização da ETA. Para o fazer, desenvolvemos uma análise que vai desde o estudo dos imaginários dos primeiros jovens nacionalistas bascos durante os anos 40 até à ideologia oficial deste grupo armado nos anos 60. As fontes utilizadas foram principalmente as publicações periódicas destes grupos (boletins como Beti Gazte!, Zabaldu, Kemen ou Zutik) bem como diferentes obras fora deles, mas relevantes para a formação do seu corpus doutrinário (por exemplo, o livro de Federico Krutwig, Vasconia). A partir da análise da história formativa do conceito do Povo Trabalhador Basco como um tema ao qual a ETA apelou, conseguimos reler a estratégia desenvolvida por este grupo desde o seu nascimento até ao desenvolvimento da sua Quinta Assembleia entre 1966-1967. Tentativamente, descrevemos o uso da violência pela ETA como uma estratégia constatativa. Ou seja, a sua utilização visava tornar visível o conceito subjectivo concebido pelo colectivo armado como o inverso de tudo o que se afirmava no regime franquista. Ao mesmo tempo, as secções não armadas da organização estavam determinadas a realizar o projecto político da ETA, a independência e o socialismo do País Basco, tentando difundir esta alternativa política entre a população.

For today there is a far of the publications sanctified to soviet history of 1930th. However basic attention in them is spared there are 1937-1939 to strengthening of the totalitarian mode and repressions. And the problems of combating crime have received little attention.Research aim. Taking into account insufficient worked out of theme, an author put an aim to itself to light up the role of militia in counteraction to some types of criminality in the second half 1930th. This range of problems is wide enough, that is why we specially did not investigate some of directions of activity of militia at this time, in particular fight against gangsterism, counteract to economic criminality and role of militia in repressions 1937-1938, as it is an object other our scientific researches.Research methodology. The fundamental methodological principle of the study for the author was historicism. We tried to study the processes, events and facts in chronological order, taking into account the then socio-political situation. The method of comparison allowed to consider the general and special in activity of militia of different regions of the republic and differences in counteraction to different types of crimes.The scientific novelty of the article is that for the first time in the historical literature it reveals the activities of the police in combating crime in the second half of the 1930s., related to improving the work of investigators, district inspectors.In the article basic directions of activity of militia are exposed in relation to counteraction to some types of crimes in Ukraine, in the second half of 1930th. In this time a "liberal" period made off relatively in history of soviet legislation.It was considered that in connection from completion of building of socialism in the USSR the main causations of crime, related to the inheritance of, are czarism on the whole removed, and the pore of the most rapid liquidation of criminality came, although at this time appeared and new types of crimes : 1. crimes related to the passport system (imitation, sale and purchase, theft of passports); 2. violation of charter of agricultural artel, violation of soviet and of a collective farm democracy; 3.sabotage of Stakhanovsky motion, pursuit ofStakhanov' s men.New Constitution of the USSR was accepted in 1936, and in 1937 is new Constitution of Ukraine. For them wide rights for soviet citizens were proclaimed, but in reality they were not realized, becoming illustration to neglect of law and law and order.However would be an overstatement to consider that there was complete legal anarchy and raging of criminality in the state .Conclusions. In the second half 1930th a militia, without regard to mass repressions and certain vagueness of fate of many workers, continued counteraction to criminality. Certain attention was spared to the improvement of work of investigators, district inspectors, secret-service-informative work, bringing in of public to counteraction to criminality. In the total it was succeeded to attain some reduction of general level to criminality. ; На сегодняшний день имеется значительное количество публикаций, посвященных советской истории 1930-х годов, однако основное внимание в них уделяется усилению тоталитарного режима и репрессиям 1937-1939 гг., а проблемы борьбы с преступностью занимают незначительное место. Цель исследования. Учитывая недостаточную разработанность темы, автор поставил своей целью раскрыть роль милиции в противодействии некоторым видам преступности во второй половине 1930-х гг. Эта проблематика является достаточно широкой, потому мы специально не исследовали некоторые из направлений деятельности милиции в это время, в частности борьбу против бандитизма, противодействие экономической преступности и роль милиции в репрессиях 1937-1938 гг., поскольку это является предметом других наших научных разведок. Методология исследования. Основополагающим методологическим принципом исследования для автора был историзм. Мы пытались исследовать процессы, события и факты в хронологической последовательности, с учетом тогдашней общественно-политической ситуации. Метод сравнения позволил рассмотреть общее и особенное в деятельности милиции разных регионов республики и отличия в противодействии разным видам преступлений. Научная новизна статьи заключается в том, что в ней впервые в исторической литературе раскрыта деятельность милиции относительно противодействия преступности во второй половине 1930х гг. Дальнейшее развитие получили вопросы, которые касаются уголовно-правовой доктрины советского государства этого времени, методов работы милиции, дополнены материалы, связанные с усовершенствованием работы следователей, участковых инспекторов. В статье раскрыты основные направления деятельности милиции относительно противодействия некоторым видам преступлений в УССР во второй половине 1930-х годов. В это время закончился относительно "либеральный" период в истории советского законодательства. Считалось, что в связи с завершением строительства социализма в СССР главные причины преступности, связанные с наследием царизма, в целом устранены, и пришла пора быстрейшей ликвидации самой преступности, хотя в это время появились и новые виды преступлений: 1. преступления, связанные с паспортизацией (подделка, продажа и покупка, кража паспортов); 2. нарушение устава сельскохозяйственной артели, нарушения советской и колхозной демократии; 3.саботаж стахановского движения, преследования стахановцев. В статье показано, как осуществлялось противодействие хулиганству, наркомании, кражам, как менялось отношение к преступности несовершеннолетних и методы борьбы с ней. В1936 году была принята новая Конституция СССР, а в 1937 г. новая Конституция УССР. В них провозглашались широкие права советских граждан, но в действительности они не реализовывались, став иллюстрацией к пренебрежению закона и правопорядка. Однако было бы преувеличением считать, что в государстве была полная правовая анархия и разгул преступности. Выводы. Во второй половине 1930-х гг.милиция, невзирая на массовые репрессии и некоторую неопределенность судьбы многих своих сотрудников, продолжала противодействие преступности. Определенное внимание уделялось улучшению работы следователей, участковых инспекторов, агентурно-информационной работе, привлечению общественности к противодействию преступности. В итоге удалось достичь некоторого уменьшения общего уровня преступности. ; Сьогодні є значна кількість публікацій, присвячених радянській історії 1930-х років, проте основна увага в них приділяється посиленню тоталітарного режиму та репресіям 1937-1938 років, а проблеми боротьби зі злочинністю посідають незначне місце. Мета дослідження.Враховуючи недостатню розробленість теми, автор поставив собі за мету висвітлити роль міліції в протидії деяким видам злочинності у другій половині 1930-х рр.Ця проблематика є достатньо широкою, тому ми спеціально не досліджували деякі з напрямів діяльності міліції в цей час, зокрема боротьбу проти бандитизму, протидію економічній злочинності та роль міліції в репресіях 1937-1938 рр., оскільки це є предметом інших наших наукових розвідок. Методологія дослідження.Засадничим методологічним принципом дослідження для автора був історизм.Ми намагалися відстежувати процеси, події і факти у хронологічній послідовності з урахування тогочасної суспільно-політичної ситуації. Метод порівняння дозволив розглянути загальне й особливе в діяльності міліції різних регіонів республіки та відмінності у протидії різним видам злочинів. Наукова новизна статті полягає в тому, що в ній уперше в історичній літературі розкрито діяльність міліції щодо протидії злочинності у другій половині 1930х рр. Набули подальшого розвитку питання, які стосувалися кримінально-правової доктрини радянської держави цього часу, методів роботи міліції, доповнено матеріали, пов'язані з удосконаленням роботи слідчих, дільничних інспекторів.У статті розкрито основні напрями діяльності міліції щодо протидії деяким видам злочинів в УРСР у другій половині 1930-х років. У цей час закінчився відносно «ліберальний» період в історії радянського законодавства. Вважалося, що у зв'язку із завершенням будівництва соціалізму в СРСР головні причини злочинності, пов'язані зі спадщиною царизму, в цілому усунені і настав час якнайшвидшої ліквідації самої злочинності, хоча саме тоді з'явилися і нові види злочинів: 1. злочини, пов'язані з паспортизацією (підробка, продаж і купівля, крадіжка паспортів); 2. порушення статуту сільськогосподарської артілі, порушення радянської і колгоспної демократії; 3.саботаж стаханівського руху, переслідування стаханівців. У статті показано, як здійснювалася протидія хуліганству, наркоманії, крадіжкам, як змінювалося ставлення до злочинності неповнолітніх і методи боротьби з нею. 1936 року була прийнята нова Конституція СРСР, а 1937 р. – нова Конституція УРСР. У них проголошувалися широкі права радянських громадян, але насправді вони не реалізовувалися, ставши ілюстрацією до зневажання закону і правопорядку. Проте було б перебільшенням вважати, що в державі була повна правова анархія та розгул злочинності. Висновки. У другій половині 1930-х рр.міліція, незважаючи на масові репресії та певну невизначеність долі багатьох своїх працівників, продовжувала протидію злочинності. Певна увага приділялася поліпшенню роботи слідчих, дільничних інспекторів, агентурно-інформаційній роботі, залученню громадськості до протидії злочинності. У результаті вдалося досягти певного зменшення загального рівня злочинності.

Power shifts: leading, following, sharing, solidarity, sponsorship, mentoring… Organisations, whether working in the public, private or third sector, are increasingly being pushed to have their leaders more closely reflect the demographic profiles of the communities in which they work. The discussion started with women on boards, and in many ways that remains the dominant focus, but there are increasing calls for broader understandings of board diversity than solely gender (Sealy et al., 2009a). However, while the challenge is not new, progress remains slow, even in terms of women's representation (as a majority minority), let alone in terms of other minority groups, and the question remains – how to change the demographics of the leaders of organisations. Drawing from the work done on women and leadership we can see how the arguments for gender equity in organisational leadership are well-rehearsed, from those arguing on the basis of human rights and sensible talent management (World Economic Forum, 2014) to those who argue that gender-balanced boards outperform those which include none, or very limited numbers of women (Wiley and Monllor-Tormos, 2018). While the strategies for change have ranged from individual development, through equality policy measures (Ely and Meyerson, 2000), to recognising the need to transform organisations, or society (Martin, 2003) and a slightly separate, but vibrant set of conversations about the need to challenge and change practices of leadership and leadership development (Chetkovich and Kunreuther, 2004, Ganz, 2010, Western, 2008). My doctoral research looked at a practice named by the global women's organisation which was being studied as "intergenerational-shared leadership". A concept developed within the organisation to support their constitution requirement that 25% of board members should be young women (defined as 30 years of age or younger). However, like many other organisations with an intention to make their boards more reflective of their political commitments and the communities they serve, there is a gap between goals and outcomes. In considering how the more progress could be made in not only realising the young women's quota, but ensuring those young women were then able to exercise the powers associated with being a board member, the question of followership arose. In particular, whether developing an understanding of followership as an active and critical process that deliberately engaged established women leaders to support the emergence of new, and particularly young, women leaders within the organisation through not only sharing leadership, but being willing to follow (Lewis, 2017). This idea relies on an understanding that leadership development is a collective organisational practice involving both leaders and follows, rather than solely focused on individual leaders (Day, 2000). A practice of active and critical followership would acknowledge the power of followers, particularly within democratic organisations, to help shape a collective practice of leadership within an organisation. However, the idea of labelling this as a practice of followership or in fact suggesting people consider themselves followers is neither wholly uncontested within the organisation, nor amongst other leadership scholars (Ford and Harding, 2018). Responding to a call for papers for another conference the practice of active and critical followership was reshaped as an expression of solidarity (Oosterlynck et al., 2016, Segal, 2013), and that has led to a wondering of how else the work of established organisational leaders in helping new organisational leaders to emerge, particularly from under-represented groups could be framed. Particularly, whether there were other concepts that might be more acceptable and potentially less confrontational, without losing the sense of a shift in power that the idea of active and critical followership was meant to imply – not a loss of power, but a shift. Thus the central idea to be developed and explored through this paper is to identify other concepts that have been developed to facilitate established organisational leaders supporting the emergence and progression of newer leaders, such as mentoring or sponsorship and to consider how they might differ from the idea of offering followership or shared leadership, and particularly consider how the underlying approaches to power (Lukes, 1974, Veneklasen and Miller, 2002) differ across those concepts. Mentoring has long been called upon as a practice whereby established organisational leaders can either lend their experience to help under-represented groups rise through the organisation (Chao et al., 1992, Sealy et al., 2009b). Within my research organisation mentoring is often discussed as a practice within "intergenerational-shared leadership", however there is also a recognition that mentoring can often serve to reinforce age and power hierarchies. So, if mentoring isn't suitable, then perhaps sponsorship (Ibarra et al., 2010), as a practice distinct and perhaps more recognising of power and more outward facing than mentoring. Or returning to the work of activists, in addition to the idea of solidarity, there is also a concept of allyship (Droogendyk et al., 2016), which importantly for this discussion explicitly recognises the role of privilege. As this abstract is drafted the outcome of the intended exploration is not known. However, it is hoped that by considering the role of power within practices such as mentoring, sponsorship, solidarity and allyship that some useful ideas can be offered in reflection on both theory and practice. CHAO, G. T., M., W. P. & GARDENER, P. D. 1992. Formal and informal mentorships: A comparison on mentoring functions and contrast with nonmentored counterparts. Personnel Pscyhology, 45, 619-636. CHETKOVICH, C. & KUNREUTHER, F. 2004. Changing the World from the Bottom Up: Leadership in Grassroots Social-Change Organizations. Center for Public Leadership Working Paper Series [Online], 04-02. Available: http://18.7.29.232/handle/1721.1/55924. DAY, D. V. 2000. Leadership development: A review in context. The Leadership Quarterly, 11, 581-613. DROOGENDYK, L., WRIGHT, S. C., LUBENSKY, M. & LOUIS, W. R. 2016. Acting in solidarity: Cross‐group contact between disadvantaged group members and advantaged group allies. Journal of Social Issues, 72, 315-334. ELY, R. J. & MEYERSON, D. E. 2000. Advancing gender equity in organizations: The challenge and importance of maintaining a gender narrative. Organization, 7, 589-608. FORD, J. & HARDING, N. 2018. Followers in leadership theory: Fiction, fantasy and illusion. Leadership, 14, 3-24. GANZ, M. 2010. Leading change: leadership, organization, and social movements. In: NOHRIA, N. & KHURANA, R. (eds.) Handbook of Leadership Theory and Practice. Boston, MA: Harvard Business Press. IBARRA, H., CARTER, N. M. & SILVA, C. 2010. Why men still get more promotions than women. Harvard Business Review, 88, 80-85. LEWIS, E. 2017. Encouraging leaders to be followers too: strengthening young women's leadership in an intergenerational organisation. PhD, Lancaster University. LUKES, S. 1974. Power : A Radical View, London, Macmillan. MARTIN, J. 2003. Feminist Theory and Critical Theory: Unexplored Synergies. In: ALVESSON, M. & WILLMOTT, H. (eds.) Studying Management Critically. London: SAGE Publications Ltd. OOSTERLYNCK, S., LOOPMANS, M., SCHUERMANS, N., VANDENABEELE, J. & ZEMNI, S. 2016. Putting flesh to the bone: looking for solidarity in diversity, here and now. Ethnic and Racial Studies, 39, 764-782. SEALY, R., DOLDOR, E. & VINNICOMBE, S. 2009a. Increasing diversity on public and private sector boards - Part 1 - How diverse are boards and why? London, UK: International Centre for Women Leadership - Cranfield School of Management. SEALY, R., DOLDOR, E. & VINNICOMBE, S. 2009b. Increasing diversity on public and private sector boards. Part 2 - What is being done to improve diversity on boards and how effective is this? London, UK: International Centre for Women Leaders, Cranfield School of Management. SEGAL, L. 2013. Today, Yesterday & Tomorrow: Between Rebellion and Coalition Building. In: ROWBOTHAM, S., SEGAL, L. & WAINWRIGHT, H. (eds.) Beyond the fragments: Feminism and the making of socialism. London: Merlin Press. VENEKLASEN, L. & MILLER, V. 2002. Power and Empowerment. In: VENEKLASEN, L. & MILLER, V. (eds.) A New Weave of Power, People & Politics: The Action Guide for Advocacy and Citizen Participation. Warwickshire, UK: Practical Action Publishing. WESTERN, S. 2008. Leadership [electronic resource] : a critical text, London, SAGE Publications Pty Ltd. WILEY, C. & MONLLOR-TORMOS, M. 2018. Board gender diversity in the STEM&F sectors: the critical mass required to drive firm performance. Journal of Leadership & Organizational Studies, 1548051817750535. WORLD ECONOMIC FORUM 2014. The Global Gender Gap Report 2014. World Economic Forum.

The article is devoted to the North American Sartre Society, which was founded in 1985. The author as its co-founder develops his point of view presenting during panel discussion of Sartre's relations with the United States on the 2015 meeting. He devoted a lot of papers and books to Sartre's philosophy. Some of them are presented in the references. The author reflects at a somewhat deeper level on Sartre's attitudes towards USA in the context of its history and international relations, saying about philosopher's contradictions, the strategy and tactics of his self-disinvitation. The author traces Sartre's transition from one myth of America to another in later life. Sartre's initial experiential encounter with the American reality was by no means entirely positive, but he did like New York City, feeling a sense of freedom in the midst of its crowds that he retained as an important part of his picture of America when back in France. Freedom, an open future, almost unlimited possibilities, and a lack of a sense of history of the sort by which Europe is shackled. Several events of the postwar world history such as Korean war, then Vietnam war paved the way for Sartre's most salient later attitudes towards America. Meanwhile, Sartre had accepted an invitation to present lectures at Cornell University in 1965. But after American massive bombing of North Vietnam in 1965 Sartre responded by disinviting himself from Cornell by way of protest. Recounting these events, the author of the paper recalls so-called "Cornell Lectures", which were saved in unfinished manuscript form and have been given the title "Morale et Histoire". A serious interest in American political life is shown on Sartre's and Beauvoir's visit to Cuba as guests of Fidel Castro and Sartre's participation in Lord Bertrand Russell's independent War Crimes Tribunal. ; Стаття присвячена північноамериканському товариству Сартра, засно­ваному 1985 року. Автор як один з його засновників розвиває точку зору, презентовану під час панельного обговорення відносин Сартра зі Сполу­ченими Штатами на зустрічі 2015 року. Філософії Сартра присвячено бага­то його книг, деякі з них наведені в кінці статті. Автор аналізує ставлення Сартра до США на більш глибокому рівні: в контексті історії країни та між­народних відносин, говорячи про протиріччя філософа, стратегію і такти­ку його самоусунення. Автор відстежує перехід Сартра від одного міфу про Америку до іншого в більш пізній період життя філософа. Первісна зустріч Сартра з американською дійсністю не була цілком позитивною, але він на­справді любив Нью-Йорк, відчуваючи почуття свободи на тлі його натов­пів, яке він після повернення до Франції зберіг як важливу частину своєї картини Америки. Свобода, відкрите майбутнє, майже необмежені можли­вості і відсутність почуття історії, яким скута Європа. Декілька подій після­воєнної світової історії, таких як війна в Кореї, а потім війна у В'єтнамі, зумовили особливе ставлення Сартра до Америки. 1965 року Сартр прийняв запрошення виступити з лекціями в Корнелльському університеті. Але піс­ля масового бомбардування США Північного В'єтнаму 1965 року Сартр са­моусунувся від Корнелла на знак протесту. Розповідаючи про ці події, автор статті згадує так звані «лекції Корнелла», збережені в незавершеній формі рукопису і які отримали назву «Мораль та історія». Серйозний інтерес до американського політичного життя виявився під час візиту Сартра і Бовуар на Кубу в якості гостей Фіделя Кастро і участі філософа в незалежному Три­буналі лорда Бертрана Рассела з військових злочинів. 1. McBride W. (1967) "Jean-Paul Sartre: Man, Freedom, and Praxis", in Existential Philosophers, ed. G. Schrader, McGraw-Hill, New York, pp. 261-329. 2. McBride W. (1969) "Sartre and the Phenomenology of Social Violence," New Essays in Phenomenology, ed. J. Edie, Quadrangle, New York, pp. 290-313. 3. McBride W. (1981) "Sartre and Marxism," in The Philosophy of Jean-Paul Sartre, ed. P. Schilpp, Open Court, La Salle, Ill., pp. 605-630. 4. McBride W. (1981) "Sartre's Philosophy of History," Eros 8:1, pp. 71-81.5. McBride W. (1987) "The Evolution of Sartre's Conception of Morals," Phenomenological Inquiry, Oct. 1987, pp. 24-44. 6. McBride W. (winter 1989) "The Case of Sartre," Social Research 56, 4 , pp. 849-875. 7. McBride W. (1991) Sartre's Political Theory, Indiana University Press. 8. McBride W. (1992) "Sartre's Concept of Freedom," Phenomenological Inquiry 16, (Oct. ), pp. 64-76. 9. McBride W. (1993) "La philosophie politique sartrienne d'apre1s le deuxie1me tome de la Critique de la raison dialectique," Gli scritti postumi di Sartre, ed. Invitto and Montano, Casa Ed. Marietti, Genoa, pp. 227-238. 10. McBride W. (1993)"Le changement, la liberte2, et le socialisme (sovie2tique et autre) chez Sartre," Bulletin de la Socie2te2 Ame2ricaine de Philosophie de Langue Franc)aise V, 2-3, pp. 27-43. 11. McBride W. (1995) "Sartre and the Perspectives of Global Philosophy (interview)," in Philosophy at the End of the XXth Century, interviews by Y. Raynova, Izdatelstvo, Pleven, pp. 137-147, (in Bulgarian) 12. McBride W. (1995) "Sartre's Debts to Kierkegaard: A Partial Reckoning," in Kierkegaard in Post/Modernity, ed. Matuštík and Westphal, Indiana U. Press, Bloomington, pp. 18-42 13. McBride W. (1998) "Sartre à1 Eichsta#tt," Bulletin de la Socie2te2 Ame2ricaine de Philosophie de Langue Française X, 1(spring), pp. 69-70. 14. McBride W. (2000) "Des preuves ontologiques chez Descartes et Sartre: Dieu, le 'je', et le groupe," in L' Esprit Carte2sien (Actes du XXVI Congre1s de l'Association des Socie2te2s de Philosophie de Langue Franc)aise) II, Librairie Philosophique J. Vrin, Paris, pp. 645-650. 15. McBride W. (2001) "Les premiers comptes rendus de L'Être et le ne2ant," in La Naissance du 'Phe2nome1ne Sartre': Raisons d' un succe1s 1938-1945, ed. I. Galster, Éditions du Seuil, Paris, pp. 185-199. 16. McBride W. (2001) "Merleau-Ponty and Sartre: The Singular Universal, Childhood, and Social Explanation," in Merleau-Ponty's Later Works and Their Practical Implications: The Dehiscence of Responsibility, ed. D. Davis, Humanity Books, Amherst, NY, pp. 63-86. 17. McBride W. (2002) "Sartre's Critique," in The Political, ed. D. Ingram, Malden/Oxford, Blackwell, pp. 132-148. 18. McBride W. (2004) "Sartre's Response to Kant's Question, 'What May I Hope?", in Mulla Sadra, Logic & Ethics (Islam-West Philosophical Dialogue, Volume 8), Tehran: Sadra Islamic Philosophy Research Institute, pp. 333-48. 19. McBride W. (2006) "Foreword" to Michelle R. Darnell, Self in the Theoretical Writings of Sartre and Kant: A Revisionist Study, Lewiston, The Edwin Mellen Press, 2006, pp. I-iii. 20. McBride W. (2007)"Sartre e Beauvoir all'asse del ventesimo secolo," tr. from the original French ("Sartre et Beauvoir à1 l'axe du vingtie1 me sie1cle") by P. Invitto, La fenomenologia e l'oltre-fenomenologia: Prendendo spunto dal pensiero francese, ed. G. Invitto, Milan, Mimesis Edizioni, pp. 91-101. 21. McBride W. (2007) "The Sartre Centenary: Why Sartre Now?", Phenomenology 2005: Selected Essays from North America, ed. L.Embree & T.Nenon, Bucharest, Zeta Books, pp.441-57. 22. McBride W. (2009) "Taking a Distance: Exploring Some Points of Divergence between Beauvoir and Sartre," in Beauvoir and Sartre: The Riddle of Influence, ed. C. Daigle & J. Golomb, Indiana University Press, pp. 189-202.23. McBride W. (2010) "Sartre and Phenomenology," in Vol. 4, Phenomenology: Responses and Developments," ed. L. Lawlor, of The History of Continental Philosophy, ed. A. Schrift, Durham, Acumen, pp. 67-85. 24. McBride W. (2011)" Jean-Paul Sartre:'In the Soup'," in Political Philosophy in the Twentieth Century: Authors and Arguments, ed.C. Zuckert, Cambridge: Cambridge UP, pp. 215-227. 25. McBride W. (2012) Pra2face à1 Esthe1tique de la Re2flexivite2: Essai sur la dimension interculturelle de l'anthropologie existentielle de J.-P. Sartre, par Nke Fridolin, Saarbru#cken, Éditions Universitaires Europe2ennes, pp. 11-16. 26. McBride W. (2013) "Politics and the Engaged Intellectual," in Jean-Paul Sartre: Key Concepts, ed. S. Churchill and J. Reynolds, Durham, Acumen Publishing, pp.173-183. 27. McBride W. (2016) "La dignite2 humaine et la Pre2face sartrienne aux Damne2s de la terre," Dioge1ne 253 , (Janv.-Mars), pp. 86-90.

Nobleza obliga a confesar que el detonante de esta reflexión fue un opúsculo de fecha tan reciente como 1956 –yo mismo había nacido en febrero de ese año– y que una versión de las líneas que siguen fue publicada con anterioridad en la hospitalaria y siempre imprescindible revista montevideana dirigida por Saul Paciuk, "Relaciones".El entrañable opúsculo –por lo menos así lo fue para mí, desde mis viejos tiempos del IPA y hasta hoy 2009– se titulaba "La cultura griega". La publicación era tan modesta como oficial (SODRE, Uruguay). El contenido: un lujo. A las pruebas me remito. El volumen de cien páginas exactas recogía las conferencias del ciclo realizado por el servicio oficial de radiodifusión en el mes de julio de 1956.Entre otros investigadores y figuras de la cultura uruguaya, el profesor Secco Ellauri se había referido a "El espíritu del helenismo", Carlos M. Rama a "Los historiadores griegos", el arquitecto Juan Giuria a los "Rasgos fundamentales de la arquitectura griega", Emilio Oribe a "La filosofía neoplatónica", José Pedro Díaz a "El hombre y su destino en el teatro griego", el arquitecto Leopoldo Carlos Artucio a "La concepción helénica de la ciudad", Jorge Romero Brest a "La escultura griega" y Lauro Ayestarán, nada menos, a una "Consideraciones sobre la música griega". Interrumpo la larga enumeración aquí pero aseguro que el resto de los nombres eran personalidades que calzaban todas puntos similares a los de quienes acabamos de mencionar.El lector inquieto puede acudir a las "librerías de viejo" para buscar esta noble publicación, o cualquier domingo a la Feria de Tristán Narvaja.Aquel noble librillo despertó muchas cosas en mí. La sensación de haber encontrado un cimiento, una base tan firme como encantadora. Voy a tratar de explicarlo mejor y voy a usar una obra de Cornelius Castoriadis como excusa para fundamentarlo.Algunos investigadores sostienen que la TV y el cine, al margen de lo que opinemos sobre la calidad de sus contenidos, cumplen una función social importantísima en un mundo escaso en lectores (o de lectores con escaso tiempo): la de ofrecer referentes compartidos y hacer las veces de un fondo cultural común, donde encontrar los ejemplos y los temas a partir de los cuales aumentamos nuestra chance de comunicarnos mejor.He aquí una alternativa de mayor calidad: volver a Grecia. Ello sería un buen antídoto para algunos males del mundo contemporáneo, entre ellos, el de que la globalización embandera demasiado rápido a la gente, o el de esa fragmentación que llega al borde del autismo.¿Qué otro referente histórico, qué otro referente mítico podría aspirar a unir a las personas? Basta pensar en que, por ejemplo, "Oriente" es un término equívoco, o al menos demasiado abarcador y quizás hasta una entidad con personalidades múltiples. Por otra parte, el Imperio Romano y la cristiandad generan siempre interpretaciones encontradas. Pero, ¿quién no ha sido seducido por Grecia?Ahora bien, el lector tiene a disposición varias "embarcaciones" –y no necesariamente trirremes– para volver a Grecia. Castoriadis es una de ellas."Lo que hace a Grecia", primer tomo ("De Homero a Heráclito") reúne el primer tramo de enseñanza de Cornelius Castoriadis en la École des Hautes Études en Sciences Sociales (1982-1983). El plan de conjunto de la publicación de los seminarios lleva por título "La creación humana", y su contenido transita como es usual en el autor por varias disciplinas y nudos temáticos: la creación griega de la democracia y en paralelo la creación de la filosofía, la experiencia de la muerte en el mundo homérico, la naturaleza de la religión y la mitología, entre muchos otros sabrosos asuntos.El índice del libro adopta el molesto criterio, al principio, de identificar los capítulos por las fechas de los seminarios, en vez de identificar o por lo menos insinuar los tópicos tratados. Sin embargo, eso a la larga es un acierto, porque al obligar al lector a ir a parar a un determinado número de página sin saber qué va a encontrar, al demorar el goce termina por acrecentarlo.Conviene agregar que Castoriadis, tan asociado a cuestiones políticas, filosóficas o psicoanalíticas, todas ellas muy contemporáneas, entiende por "Grecia" algo así como una abreviatura de la Grecia de los siglos VIII al V antes de Cristo: "aquella que vio la creación de la polis y, en ciertos casos, la institución de poleis democráticas", al decir de los autores del informativo y útil prefacio de Enrique Escobar, Myrto Gondicas y Pascal Vernay.El prefacio es seguido por un elegante artículo de Pierre Vidal-Naquet, "Castoriadis y la antigua Grecia", que sitúa su exposición con un triple rótulo: la palabra polis, la palabra historia (historíe) y la palabra poesía (póiesis). La terna da también la idea de los ejes de la labor de Castoriadis en sus seminarios, pero ello no le impide a Vidal-Naquet advertir sobre la extraordinaria conexión de estas reflexiones sobre Grecia con las preocupaciones del autor por la sociedad contemporánea: "Castoriadis fue un teórico de la autocreación y fue precisamente la autocreación –de la que él mismo se convirtió en ejemplo con su vida y su obra-, lo que encontró en la polis griega, y en Atenas en particular, claro está".Vidal-Naquet recuerda al lector que lo que Castoriadis entendía por "socialismo" y que más tardó llamó "la autoinstitución de la sociedad", era tributario del ideal de democracia ateniense "tal como representa, de manera positiva, la 'oración fúnebre' que Tucídides pone en boca de Pericles", o el relato de Protágoras en el diálogo de Platón con el mismo nombre del ilustre sofista.No olvidemos quién fue Cornelius Castoriadis (1922-1997): pensador irreductible a categorías simplistas, hombre de orígenes marxistas pero enemigo de las burocracias, cofundador de la revista Socialisme ou Barbarie, economista de la OCDE, psicoanalista a partir de 1974, y autor de obras como "Figuras de lo pensable" y "Sujeto y Verdad en el mundo histórico-social". Tal como lo sostuvo Luis Balcarce en el "Diccionario de pensadores contemporáneos" -coordinado por Patricio Lóizaga-, para Castoriadis "las sociedades modernas se constituyeron en base a dos proyectos contradictorios, antinómicos: por un lado, el de la dominación capitalista; por el otro, anterior, el de las autonomías individuales y colectivas. Este impulso filosófico iniciado en Grecia, desaparecido con el Imperio Romano, y vuelto con las primeras burguesías de Europa Occidental, dio vida al Renacimiento y a la Ilustración y fue recogido por el movimiento obrero que tenía en sus principios un carácter emancipador antes de caer en las garras del marxismo".El coraje de Balcarce para expresarse con esos términos a propósito de Castoriadis, y para despejar equívocos, no le impide puntualizar que "los movimientos feministas de la segunda década del siglo y los juveniles del Mayo del 68 tuvieron la misma insignia". Y culmina exponiendo así el pensamiento de Castoriadis, cuando afirma que hoy "La democracia pierde su cauce, precisamente, porque, desde el momento en el que le damos a otros el lugar de la representación política, nos olvidamos del significado que puede tener el vivir activamente en una sociedad".En suma, este primer tomo de "Lo que hace a Grecia" podría convertirse en una referencia para recomendar y compartir entre muchos. Y para leer en una postura semejante a la del verso de Rilke, citado al final del texto preliminar de Vidal-Naquet con otros propósitos: "echado entre las flores y con la cara al cielo". *Profesor de Cultura y sociedad contemporánea.Depto. de Estudios InternacionalesFACS – ORT UruguayFUENTESCASTORIADIS, Cornelius. LO QUE HACE A GRECIA. Tomo 1. De Homero a Heráclito. (Seminarios 1982-1983). Traducción de Sandra Garzonio. Editorial: Fondo de Cultura Económica,Buenos Aires, 2006.SERVICIO OFICIAL DE RADIO DIFUSIÓN ELECTRICA DEL URUGUAY (SODRE), Ministerio de Instrucción Pública y Previsión Social, LA CULTURA GRIEGA, Oscar Secco Ellauri, Carlos M. Rama y otros (volumen colectivo), Montevideo, 1956.

International audience ; Im Jahr 1933 trat Karl zu Löwenstein in die SA ein, während Hubertus zu Löwenstein emigrierte und versuchte, die internationale Öffentlichkeit vor dem deutschen Nationalsozialismus zu warnen. 1948 übernahm Karl die Leitung der Katholikentage. Hubertus hingegen gelang es nicht, in der Politik Fuß zu fassen. Wie lässt sich erklären, dass Karl eine der einflussreichsten Persönlichkeiten der Bundesrepublik war und der Republikaner Hubertus gleichzeitig ein Außenseiter blieb ? Karl profitierte vom Einfluss seines Vaters und von dem besonderen Kontext der Nachkriegszeit, als man wieder eine Beziehung zu den konservativen Eliten aufbauen wollte. Diese standen einerseits für eine nationale Vergangenheit, die durch den Nationalsozialismus nicht in den Schmutz gezogen worden war. Andererseits betrachtete die Mehrheit der Deutschen sie als Opfer, obwohl sie sich durchaus auch hatten verführen lassen. Der Weitblick von Hubertus hingegen, der schon 1930 die Gefährlichkeit des Nationalsozialismus erkannt hatte, wurde als störend empfunden, weil er die Deutschen mit ihrer eigenen Blindheit konfrontierte. \\\ ///. In English: In 1933, Karl zu Löwenstein joined the SA while Hubertus zu Löwenstein emigrated and did one's utmost to warn the international public opinion against Nazi Germany. In 1948, Karl took over as the head of the Catholic congresses. Meanwhile, Hubertus did not manage to get a foothold in the political arena. How is it possible to explain that Karl was one of the most influential personalities of the Federal Republic whereas Hubertus remained as an outsider? Karl took advantage of his father's influence and used the particular context of the post-war years dominated by the need to renew with conservative elites, both symbols of a national past which had not been soiled by Nazism and still they presented themselves as victims of Nazism, like most Germans believed to be, even those elites who had been seduced. Hubertus' perspicacity, who had understood Nazism dangerousness as early as 1930, was bringing Germans out because it led them to look at their own blindness. ; En 1933, Karl zu Löwenstein entra à la SA tandis que Hubertus zu Löwenstein émigra et s'efforça de mettre en garde l'opinion publique internationale contre l'Allemagne nazie. En 1948, Karl prit la tête des Katholikentage. De son côté, Hubertus ne réussit pas à prendre pied sur la scène politique. Comment expliquer que Karl fut l'une des personnalités influentes de la République fédérale alors que le républicain Hubertus resta un outsider ? Karl profita de l'influence de son père et du contexte particulier des années d'immédiate après-guerre, dominées par le besoin de renouer avec les élites conservatrices, à la fois symboles d'un passé national non souillé par le nazisme et victimes du nazisme, comme la majorité des Allemands estimaient l'être, même quand ces élites s'étaient laissées séduire. La perspicacité de Hubertus, qui avait compris dès 1930 la dangerosité du nazisme, dérangeait puisqu'elle renvoyait les Allemands à leur propre aveuglement.

International audience ; Im Jahr 1933 trat Karl zu Löwenstein in die SA ein, während Hubertus zu Löwenstein emigrierte und versuchte, die internationale Öffentlichkeit vor dem deutschen Nationalsozialismus zu warnen. 1948 übernahm Karl die Leitung der Katholikentage. Hubertus hingegen gelang es nicht, in der Politik Fuß zu fassen. Wie lässt sich erklären, dass Karl eine der einflussreichsten Persönlichkeiten der Bundesrepublik war und der Republikaner Hubertus gleichzeitig ein Außenseiter blieb ? Karl profitierte vom Einfluss seines Vaters und von dem besonderen Kontext der Nachkriegszeit, als man wieder eine Beziehung zu den konservativen Eliten aufbauen wollte. Diese standen einerseits für eine nationale Vergangenheit, die durch den Nationalsozialismus nicht in den Schmutz gezogen worden war. Andererseits betrachtete die Mehrheit der Deutschen sie als Opfer, obwohl sie sich durchaus auch hatten verführen lassen. Der Weitblick von Hubertus hingegen, der schon 1930 die Gefährlichkeit des Nationalsozialismus erkannt hatte, wurde als störend empfunden, weil er die Deutschen mit ihrer eigenen Blindheit konfrontierte. \\\ ///. In English: In 1933, Karl zu Löwenstein joined the SA while Hubertus zu Löwenstein emigrated and did one's utmost to warn the international public opinion against Nazi Germany. In 1948, Karl took over as the head of the Catholic congresses. Meanwhile, Hubertus did not manage to get a foothold in the political arena. How is it possible to explain that Karl was one of the most influential personalities of the Federal Republic whereas Hubertus remained as an outsider? Karl took advantage of his father's influence and used the particular context of the post-war years dominated by the need to renew with conservative elites, both symbols of a national past which had not been soiled by Nazism and still they presented themselves as victims of Nazism, like most Germans believed to be, even those elites who had been seduced. Hubertus' perspicacity, who had understood Nazism dangerousness as early as 1930, was bringing Germans out because it led them to look at their own blindness. ; En 1933, Karl zu Löwenstein entra à la SA tandis que Hubertus zu Löwenstein émigra et s'efforça de mettre en garde l'opinion publique internationale contre l'Allemagne nazie. En 1948, Karl prit la tête des Katholikentage. De son côté, Hubertus ne réussit pas à prendre pied sur la scène politique. Comment expliquer que Karl fut l'une des personnalités influentes de la République fédérale alors que le républicain Hubertus resta un outsider ? Karl profita de l'influence de son père et du contexte particulier des années d'immédiate après-guerre, dominées par le besoin de renouer avec les élites conservatrices, à la fois symboles d'un passé national non souillé par le nazisme et victimes du nazisme, comme la majorité des Allemands estimaient l'être, même quand ces élites s'étaient laissées séduire. La perspicacité de Hubertus, qui avait compris dès 1930 la dangerosité du nazisme, dérangeait puisqu'elle renvoyait les Allemands à leur propre aveuglement.

International audience ; Im Jahr 1933 trat Karl zu Löwenstein in die SA ein, während Hubertus zu Löwenstein emigrierte und versuchte, die internationale Öffentlichkeit vor dem deutschen Nationalsozialismus zu warnen. 1948 übernahm Karl die Leitung der Katholikentage. Hubertus hingegen gelang es nicht, in der Politik Fuß zu fassen. Wie lässt sich erklären, dass Karl eine der einflussreichsten Persönlichkeiten der Bundesrepublik war und der Republikaner Hubertus gleichzeitig ein Außenseiter blieb ? Karl profitierte vom Einfluss seines Vaters und von dem besonderen Kontext der Nachkriegszeit, als man wieder eine Beziehung zu den konservativen Eliten aufbauen wollte. Diese standen einerseits für eine nationale Vergangenheit, die durch den Nationalsozialismus nicht in den Schmutz gezogen worden war. Andererseits betrachtete die Mehrheit der Deutschen sie als Opfer, obwohl sie sich durchaus auch hatten verführen lassen. Der Weitblick von Hubertus hingegen, der schon 1930 die Gefährlichkeit des Nationalsozialismus erkannt hatte, wurde als störend empfunden, weil er die Deutschen mit ihrer eigenen Blindheit konfrontierte. \\\ ///. In English: In 1933, Karl zu Löwenstein joined the SA while Hubertus zu Löwenstein emigrated and did one's utmost to warn the international public opinion against Nazi Germany. In 1948, Karl took over as the head of the Catholic congresses. Meanwhile, Hubertus did not manage to get a foothold in the political arena. How is it possible to explain that Karl was one of the most influential personalities of the Federal Republic whereas Hubertus remained as an outsider? Karl took advantage of his father's influence and used the particular context of the post-war years dominated by the need to renew with conservative elites, both symbols of a national past which had not been soiled by Nazism and still they presented themselves as victims of Nazism, like most Germans believed to be, even those elites who had been seduced. Hubertus' perspicacity, who had understood Nazism dangerousness as early as 1930, was bringing Germans out because it led them to look at their own blindness. ; En 1933, Karl zu Löwenstein entra à la SA tandis que Hubertus zu Löwenstein émigra et s'efforça de mettre en garde l'opinion publique internationale contre l'Allemagne nazie. En 1948, Karl prit la tête des Katholikentage. De son côté, Hubertus ne réussit pas à prendre pied sur la scène politique. Comment expliquer que Karl fut l'une des personnalités influentes de la République fédérale alors que le républicain Hubertus resta un outsider ? Karl profita de l'influence de son père et du contexte particulier des années d'immédiate après-guerre, dominées par le besoin de renouer avec les élites conservatrices, à la fois symboles d'un passé national non souillé par le nazisme et victimes du nazisme, comme la majorité des Allemands estimaient l'être, même quand ces élites s'étaient laissées séduire. La perspicacité de Hubertus, qui avait compris dès 1930 la dangerosité du nazisme, dérangeait puisqu'elle renvoyait les Allemands à leur propre aveuglement.

International audience ; Im Jahr 1933 trat Karl zu Löwenstein in die SA ein, während Hubertus zu Löwenstein emigrierte und versuchte, die internationale Öffentlichkeit vor dem deutschen Nationalsozialismus zu warnen. 1948 übernahm Karl die Leitung der Katholikentage. Hubertus hingegen gelang es nicht, in der Politik Fuß zu fassen. Wie lässt sich erklären, dass Karl eine der einflussreichsten Persönlichkeiten der Bundesrepublik war und der Republikaner Hubertus gleichzeitig ein Außenseiter blieb ? Karl profitierte vom Einfluss seines Vaters und von dem besonderen Kontext der Nachkriegszeit, als man wieder eine Beziehung zu den konservativen Eliten aufbauen wollte. Diese standen einerseits für eine nationale Vergangenheit, die durch den Nationalsozialismus nicht in den Schmutz gezogen worden war. Andererseits betrachtete die Mehrheit der Deutschen sie als Opfer, obwohl sie sich durchaus auch hatten verführen lassen. Der Weitblick von Hubertus hingegen, der schon 1930 die Gefährlichkeit des Nationalsozialismus erkannt hatte, wurde als störend empfunden, weil er die Deutschen mit ihrer eigenen Blindheit konfrontierte. \\\ ///. In English: In 1933, Karl zu Löwenstein joined the SA while Hubertus zu Löwenstein emigrated and did one's utmost to warn the international public opinion against Nazi Germany. In 1948, Karl took over as the head of the Catholic congresses. Meanwhile, Hubertus did not manage to get a foothold in the political arena. How is it possible to explain that Karl was one of the most influential personalities of the Federal Republic whereas Hubertus remained as an outsider? Karl took advantage of his father's influence and used the particular context of the post-war years dominated by the need to renew with conservative elites, both symbols of a national past which had not been soiled by Nazism and still they presented themselves as victims of Nazism, like most Germans believed to be, even those elites who had been seduced. Hubertus' perspicacity, who had understood Nazism dangerousness as early as 1930, was bringing Germans out because it led them to look at their own blindness. ; En 1933, Karl zu Löwenstein entra à la SA tandis que Hubertus zu Löwenstein émigra et s'efforça de mettre en garde l'opinion publique internationale contre l'Allemagne nazie. En 1948, Karl prit la tête des Katholikentage. De son côté, Hubertus ne réussit pas à prendre pied sur la scène politique. Comment expliquer que Karl fut l'une des personnalités influentes de la République fédérale alors que le républicain Hubertus resta un outsider ? Karl profita de l'influence de son père et du contexte particulier des années d'immédiate après-guerre, dominées par le besoin de renouer avec les élites conservatrices, à la fois symboles d'un passé national non souillé par le nazisme et victimes du nazisme, comme la majorité des Allemands estimaient l'être, même quand ces élites s'étaient laissées séduire. La perspicacité de Hubertus, qui avait compris dès 1930 la dangerosité du nazisme, dérangeait puisqu'elle renvoyait les Allemands à leur propre aveuglement.