Suchergebnisse

The material referenced in this item is a video located externally on the Vimeo platform, and can be viewed in full on Vimeo by following the above provided link. 100 Years Later: RISING is a practice based research project led by Dr. Helena Enright which explores contemporary experiences of young people's social and political activism in the wake of the 100 year anniversary of the 1916 Easter Rising in Ireland. RISING is an original piece of verbatim theatre, commissioned and funded by Dublin Youth Theatre and was the main output of the research. This item contains the link to a short film of a Research and Development week in Dublin October 2015 as contextualising material. Filming credits: Kilian Waters, Shoot To Kill Productions (Link to the Shoot to Kill Productions website in references)

Survey research shows that foreign-born Latinos in the USA are among the least likely to participate in political activism. Yet during the spring of 2006, up to five million (mostly Latino) immigrants and their allies took part in a historic national protest wave. This article examines how nativist legislation can spark immigrant large-scale collective action in an unexpected location. The case of Fort Myers, FL illustrates the cognitive mechanisms that help explain why and how external threats can transform a latent sense of group membership among unconventional protest organizers (e.g. immigrant soccer league members and ethnic small business owners) into a willingness to take action and utilize pre-existing community resources for the purpose of mass mobilization. These findings have important implications for Latino politics, immigration, and social movement scholars.

This paper explores the self-presentation and online discursive practices of grass- roots hacker collectives on both sides of the Ukraine-Russia conflict within a larger geopolitical climate of a contested globalisation agenda and a growing fear of cyber warfare. Both pro-Russian and pro-Ukrainian hacker groups engage in DDoS attacks, malware distribution and leaking stolen information from the opposing side. They also use social media to enter the broader political discourse around the conflict. The paper analyses the Twitter posts of both collectives to reveal key modes of online practices and key discursive themes in the context of the conflict, such as political activism, information warfare, hacker ethics and patriotism. The study elucidates how these groups use their social media presence to construct a 'patriotic hacker' identity for themselves, to delegitimise their opponents and ultimately, to connect to the broader populist dis- course, where issues of patriotism, sovereignty and nationhood are contested.

With the rise of networked media such as Twitter, celebrities' ability to speak on policy matters directly to the public has become amplified. We investigate the political implications of celebrity activism on Twitter by estimating the political ideology of thirty-four South Korean news outlets and fourteen political celebrities based on the co-following pattern among 1,868,587 Twitter users. We also had a rare opportunity to match their following behavior with individual-level attributes by relying on supplementary survey data on 11,953 members of an online survey panel. Our results reveal that celebrity following on Twitter is ideologically skewed; a vast majority of Korean Twitter users following politically influential celebrities are liberal. Additionally, survey results show that political celebrities are more likely to attract those lacking the ability to process one-sided information in a balanced manner.

This article focuses on the way actors involved in the Flemish minority debates construct alternative modes of subjectivity and political awareness in the debate on the integration of 'allochthon' minority members. Resistance to hegemonic discourse requires articulatory practices marked by a high degree of metalinguistic awareness. This type of awareness is necessary in order to distinguish between preferred and disavowed modes of activism and subjectivity. Through his analyses of the decision of newspaper De Morgen to ban the notion of 'allochthony' and of an interview with a former Arab European League member, the author demonstrates that subjects can grip ideological elements actively through metalinguistic strategies. He argues that an understanding of resistance to hegemonic logics requires an understanding of metalinguistic awareness as marked in concrete texts and interactions. The author argues in favour of a methodological and theoretical articulation of poststructuralist discourse theory and linguistic pragmatics. ; info:eu-repo/semantics/published

The main premise of political ecology is that environmental change is not a neutral process amenable to technical management. Rather, it has political sources, conditions and ramifications that impinge on socio-economic inequalities and political process. The article seeks to provide an introduction to the rapidly growing research field of Third World political ecology and provides an overview of the historical development of the field since the 1970s. The theoretical tool has been employed to analyse the case study of kudremukh environment movement. The article raises certain questions like weren't the priorities of workers considered upon the closure of mining? Why have the trade unions not been able to dictate the central content of bargaining policy for trade unions? Why do NGOs select a particular issue in terms of environmental degradation and play crucial roles as lobbyist and umpire through judicial activism and well as act as interpreters and mediators through the press?

New social and political movements from radically different political positions are emerging across Europe using social media, posing a new challenge to existing political parties and structures. The Pirate Party in Germany and the Occupy movement are examples of movements that have employed social media to grow rapidly and create a significant political and social impact, all in the last three years.Beppe Grillo, the Italian comedian and blogger, is one of the first political figures to have embraced this change. He has used social media to communicate, recruit and organize, growing the Moviment 5 Stelle from practically nothing to a major political force in Italy in the space of three years, with it expected to play a crucial role in the 2013 Italian elections. His anti-establishment message has resonated with many against a backdrop of declining trust in political institutions, falling political party membership and ever-lower voter turnout.This report presents the results of a survey of 1,865 Facebook fans of Beppe Grillo and the Movimento 5 Stelle. It includes data on who they are, what they think, and what motivates them to shift from virtual to real-world activism. It also compares them with other similar parties in Western Europe and their attitudes to those of the Italian population. This report is the seventh in a series of country specific briefings about the online support of populist parties across Europe.

THIS ARTICLE EMPLOYS 1965 AND 1979 SURVEY DATA IN AN ANALYSIS OF TWO SPECIFIC QUESTIONS. FIRST, TO WHAT EXTENT DID A HISTORICAL ALLIANCE BETWEEN FEMINISM AND THE LIBERAL PARTY AFFECT PARTY IDENTIFICATION IN QUEBEC, PARTICULARLY AMONG WOMEN VOTERS WHO CAME OF AGE POLITICALLY DURING THE SUFFRAGIST PERIOD? SECOND, HOW HAVE MORE RECENT PROCESSES OF SOCIAL CHANGE THAT ARE BROADLY ASSOCIATED WITH QUEBEC'S "QUIET REVOLUTION" INFLUENCED PARTISANSHIP, AND ESPECIALLY PARTI QUEBECOIS SUPPORT, AMONG NEWER FEMALE COHORTS? IT WAS FOUND THAT IDENTIFICATION WITH THE LIBERALS REMAINS STRONG AMONG WOMEN WHO FORMALLY ENTERED THE ELECTROATE DURING THE HEIGHT OF SUFFRAGIST ACTIVISM IN QUEBEC, AND THAT SUBSTANTIAL GENDER DIFFERENCES IN PARTY IDENTIFICATION EXIST AMONG YOUNGER RESPONDENTS IN THE CONTEMPORARY PERIOD. OVERALL, THIS STUDY SUGGESTS THAT THE TREATMENT OF WOMEN BY POLITICAL PARTIES MAY BE AN IMPORTANT DETERMINANT OF FEMALE ATTITUDES IN CANADA AS WELL AS IN OTHER WESTERN DEMOCRACIES.

AbstractThe Indian Constitution embraces economic and social rights as directive principles of state policy, ostensibly insulated from judicial review. The Supreme Court's interpretation of traditional civil and political rights to include economic and social guarantees has been praised by academics and activists keen to advance the cause of justiciable economic and social rights. In recent commentary, however, the extent to which the court's jurisprudence furthers the goal of increasing access to goods such as health care, housing, food and water for India's poor, is questioned. This article reconsiders the court's record in this area. It suggests that a more realistic assessment of the court's jurisprudence is necessary and draws on the South African experience of economic and social rights adjudication to argue for more serious engagement with factors that inform the level of judicial activism or restraint applied in the cases.

AbstractIn his ethnohistory of the military labour market in eastern Hindustan, 1450-1850, Dirk Kolff is concerned as much with the qualities of the supply side of the market, that is the villages of the rural countryside, as by the demand side of what the state might need or when it might need it. He describes the towns and villages of the region as an armed society in the Mughal and early modern centuries, and implies that this martial ethos extends into the late nineteenth and the twentieth centuries. My suggestion is that the social, cultural, and political history of the twentieth century affirms this to be the case, generally in Gangetic north India, and speci fically so in Bhojpur and Bihar, the heart of Kolff's Hindustan. Dans son étude ethno-historique du marché du travail militaire en Hindoustan oriental entre 1450 et 1850, Dirk Kolff se concentre autant sur l'offre provenant des villages ruraux que sur la demande représentée par les besoins de l'Etat. Il décrit les villes et villages de la région pendant la période moghole et pre-modern comme une société guerrière, et sous-entend que leur idéologie militaire perdure aux XIXe et XXe siècles. L'histoire socio-culturelle et politique du vingtième siècle semble con firmer cette théorie dans la région nord de l'Inde, et plus précisément dans le Bhojpur et le Bihar, le centre de l'Hindoustan chez Kolff.

Рассматриваются основные тенденции формирования политического участия в современном российском обществе, особенности вовлечения граждан в политический процесс. Выявляются факторы политической мобилизации граждан, их проявление в конкретных формах политического участия; анализируются возможности и перспективы использования Интернет-коммуникаций для продвижения позитивных (политический активизм, ответственность за собственный политический выбор) гражданских политических ценностей и конвенциональных моделей политического поведения и участия.This article discusses the key trends shaping political participation in contemporary Russian society, peculiarities of citizen involvement in the political process. There are identified the factors of citizen political mobilization, their manifestation in concrete forms of political participa45 tion; analyzed possibilities and perspectives to use the Internet communications for promotion of positive (political activism, responsibility for their own political choice) civic political values and conventional models of political behavior and participation.

In debates about promoting civic and political engagement in America, political scientists are often skeptical about the role of nonprofit organizations offering health and social services in the US because they are constrained by the tax code and grant agreements. However, I argue that by focusing on what I term social movement-borne nonprofits, we can see how these organizations may engage (marginalized) communities and participate in political activities. To illustrate, I consider the California Prostitutes Education Project (CAL-PEP) and the St. James Infirmary (SJI), two San Francisco Bay-area nonprofits created by prostitute-rights activists that offer HIV/AIDS and other health services to sex workers. Drawing on multi-method qualitative research on CAL-PEP and the SJI, I argue that social movement-borne nonprofits engage in political activities through a process of radical institutionalization, whereby they incorporate and advance activist goals within their organizational practices. I theorize the properties of radical institutionalization as "oppositional implementation," "community engagement," and "claims-making activities." My hope is that scholars will test for and further define these properties in order to broaden understandings of nonprofits' evolving role in civic and political life, and in processes of social change.

Sabine ZARCO, Note; Acknowledgments; Contents; I Introduction; II Power Struggles at Every Level: The Complexity of Established-Outsider Figurations; II. 1 Scrutinizing 'the Gift of Grace': The Threat of Rustin's Charisma; II. 2 An Expression of Oppression: The Perception and Reception of Civil Rights Leaders; II. 3 Pervasion of Oppression: Oppression within the Oppressed Group; III Exploring the Networks of Figurations: Options and Limitations for Actions; III. 1 Rustin's Spiritual Roots: Quakerism; III. 2 Rustin's Political Activism: Civil, Labor, and Human Rights.

Against a backdrop of war and anti-Catholic sentiment, one man loses his rights because he is falsely accusedIn this fascinating, detailed history, William Issel recounts the civil rights abuses suffered by Sylvester Andriano, an Italian American Catholic civil leader whose religious and political activism in San Francisco provoked an Anti-Catholic campaign against him. A leading figure in the Catholic Action movement, Andriano was falsely accused in state and federal Un-American Activities Committee hearings of having Fascist sympathies prior to and during World War II. As his ordeal began, A