Suchergebnisse

1PUBLIKASI ILMIAHPERLINDUNGAN HUKUM TERHADAP PEMEGANG HAK GUNA USAHA (STUDI TERHADAP TUMPANG TINDIH LAHAN PERKEBUNAN KELAPA SAWIT ANTARA PT MITRA KARYA SENTOSA DAN PT BUMI TATALESTARI DI KABUPATEN SANGGAU)Oleh :MUHAMAD INDRA LESMANA, S.SosA.21211033ABSTRACTThis thesis discusses the legal protection of the rights holders to cultivate (Study Against Overlapping Oil Palm Plantation Land Between Pt Mitra Karya Sentosa And Tata Pt Bumi Lestari In Sanggau). From the results of this thesis can be concluded that PT Bumi Tata Lestari is the party more rights to use the land area of ± 1353.50 ha located in the village of the District Noyan, Semongan Rural District of Noyan, Village Malenggang Sekayam Subdistrict, Sungai Tekarn, since the issuance of the certificate leasehold on behalf of PT Mitra Karya Sentosa is not in accordance with the regulations, there is an overlap undangan.Penyebab land on the ground Hak Guna Usaha (HGU) on behalf of PT Mitra Karya Sentosa and PT Bumi Tata Lestari in Sanggau is granting tenure business (HGU) implementation is not in accordance with the provisions of the legislation governing the granting of rights of exploitation in the district, lack even the absence of rigor in the granting of rights of exploitation by the agency authorized giving the right to cultivate in the district, lack of coordination between relevant agencies that grant the rights to cultivate in Sanggau. Efforts that can be taken as a form of legal protection of the license that has been granted to holders Hak Guna Usaha (HGU) in the event of overlapping plantations, is to use remedies filed to the State Administrative Court, applying for a revision of the certificate of the right to cultivate the head of National Land Agency of the Republic of Indonesia, the head of Sanggau District Land Office. Rekoemndasi of this thesis is that the plantation has a function as a source of country's foreign exchange, and a very important role in improving the welfare of the community, so that business activities can be run well then need to be balanced between entrepreneurs such plantations by not distinguishing whether or not the holding priority to one another, it is also necessary to provide legal certainty for license holders, good location permits, licenses of plantation and land rights holders. In addition, should the holding of a special team or institution consisting of government associated with plantations whose duties give consideration to requests for location permission for a plantation submitted to the competent authority for it, so that all the permits that have been and will be published can be recorded clearly, and when a plot locations have been granted permission for plantation while after the permit issued it to the same location no longer permit issued plantations. Overlap the location permit on behalf of PT Bumi Tata Lestari with Certificate Timeshares efforts on behalf of PT Mitra Karya Sentosa unavoidable relevant agencies continue to coordinate their2work and consider the outcome of the meeting was submitted by instasi related, in reaching a decision or issue permits. In addition, related parties should be the arbiter good and not in favor of one of the parties in resolving overlapping location permits and certificates of the right to cultivate.Keywords: Legal Protection, Holder, leasehold, Plantation, Palm Oil.ABSTRAKTesis ini membahas tentang perlindungan hukum terhadap pemegang hak guna usaha (Studi Terhadap Tumpang Tindih Lahan Perkebunan Kelapa Sawit Antara Pt Mitra Karya Sentosa Dan Pt Bumi Tata Lestari Di Kabupaten Sanggau). Dari hasil penelitian tesis ini diperoleh kesimpulan bahwa PT Bumi Tata Lestari adalah pihak yang lebih berhak memanfaatkan tanah seluas ± 1.353,50 Ha yang terletak di desa Noyan Kecamatan Noyan, Desa Semongan Kecamatan Noyan, Desa Malenggang Kecamatan Sekayam, Desa Sungai Tekarn, karena penerbitan sertifikat Hak Guna Usaha untuk atas nama PT Mitra Karya Sentosa tidak sesuai dengan peraturan perundang-undangan.Penyebab terjadi tumpang tindih lahan di atas tanah Hak Guna Usaha (HGU) atas nama PT Mitra Karya Sentosa dan PT Bumi Tata Lestari di Kabupaten Sanggau adalah Pemberian hak guna usaha (HGU) pelaksanaannya tidak sesuai dengan ketentuan peraturan perundang-undangan yang mengatur pemberian hak guna usaha di Kabupaten Sanggau, kurang bahkan tidak adanya ketelitian dalam pemberian hak guna usaha oleh instansi terkait yang berwenang memberikan hak guna usaha di Kabupaten Sanggau, tidak adanya koordinasi diantara instansi yang terkait yang berwenang memberikan hak guna usaha di Kabupaten Sanggau. Upaya yang dapat ditempuh sebagai bentuk perlindungan hukum terhadap izin yang telah diberikan bagi pemegang Hak Guna Usaha (HGU) dalam hal terdapat tumpang tindih lahan perkebunan, adalah menggunakan upaya hukum yang mengajukan gugatan ke Peradilan Tata Usaha Negara, mengajukan permohonan revisi sertifikat hak guna usaha kepada Kepala Badan Pertanahan Nasional Republik Indonesia, Kepala Kantor Pertanahan Kabupaten Sanggau. Rekoemndasi dari tesis ini adalah bahwa perkebunan mempunyai fungsi sebagai sumber devisa Negara, dan sangat berperan penting dalam meningkatkan kesejahteraan masyarakat, sehingga agar kegiatan usaha tersebut dapat berjalan dengan baik maka perlu diseimbangkan antara pengusaha-pengusaha perkebunan tersebut dengan tidak membedakan ataupun tidak diadakannya skala prioritas terhadap salah satu sama lainnya, hal tersebut juga perlu dilakukan untuk memberikan jaminan kepastian hukum bagi pemegang izin, baik izin lokasi, izin perkebunan maupun pemegang hak atas tanah. Selain itu, perlu diadakannya suatu tim khusus atau lembaga yang terdiri dari pemerintah yang terkait dengan perkebunan yang tugasnya memberikan pertimbangan-pertimbangan terhadap permohonan izin lokasi untuk perkebunan yang diajukan kepada pejabat yang berwenang untuk itu, sehingga semua izin yang telah dan akan di terbitkan dapat terdata secara jelas, dan apabila dalam suatu lokasi bidang tanah telah diberikan izin untuk usaha perkebunan sedangkan setelah izin tersebut diterbitkan maka untuk lokasi yang sama tidak diterbitkan lagi izin perkebunannya. Tumpang tindih izin lokasi atas nama PT Bumi Tata Lestari dengan Sertifikat Hak guna usaha atas nama PT Mitra Karya Sentosa dapat dihindari instansi yang terkait senantiasa saling berkoordinasi dan3mempertimbangkan hasil rapat yang telah disampaikan oleh instasi yang terkait, dalam memberikan keputusan atau menerbitkan izin. Selain itu, pihak-pihak yang terkait seharusnya dapat menjadi penengah yang baik dan tidak berpihak pada salah satu pihak dalam menyelesaikan permasalahan tumpang tindih izin lokasi dan sertifikat hak guna usaha.Kata Kunci : Perlindungan Hukum, Pemegang, Hak Guna Usaha, Perkebunan, Kelapa Sawit.

This study is developed against a background of high estate pressure in the Ile-de-France region, of brownfield conversion and of increased urban densification. All these processes are leading to the land-use in floodrisk areas. The aim of this thesis is to analyse urbanisation process in floodrisk areas, with regard to the current transformations in urban design methods. Large urban development projects require the intervention of several stakeholders and significant expertise. Uncertainties in projects that are designed over ten, twenty or thirty years and the need to develop a progressive process have to be evaluated. Researchers and land-use stakeholders qualify this process of "urban project". Our primary hypothesis was that the changes observed in urban project designs may challenge flood risk integration methods. Will the urban project stakeholders seize upon the risk integration in a different way using a more significant expertise and make risk management stakeholders play a part? Our analysis focus on two urban projects: les Ardoines in Vitry-sur-Seine and Parc-en-Seine in Villeneuve-le-Roi. Our study also integrates observation of other urban projects in the Greater Paris and in Germany. In our case studies in France, the risk is often analysed through the flood risk prevention plan. However, this will raise only marginally practices and urban forms related to prevention, protection and crisis management. Based on this concept it has been pro-posed that the application of the rule at the urban project scale is transformed into the construction of the ignorance process (Jouzel, Dedieu, 2013) concerning a global risk management, integrating all these actions. During the rule application, the advocacy coalitions (Sabatier, Jenkins-Smith, 1993) will find a common idea mainly focusing on ensuring the safety of goods and people and the hydraulic transparency. This expertise will be the most important piece to translate the rule in urban forms (stilts, raised ground floor, etc.) as a guarantee of good compliance with the rule. Construction of ignorance results in a lack of awareness of the impacts of development projects on the district and the city during flood periods. This process is partially filled in by a public development authority, which includes the two figures of the state, both protector and developer. They have for mission to develop and densify an area of three hundred hectares. The examples of German urban projects used in this thesis show a reversal of risk integration methods. The removal of any principle of prohibition of urbanization in flood-risk areas leads to the production of new rules in regard to urban forms (sealed buildings, elevated roads .) and also the obligations relating to the warning and management crisis. In conclusion, our study has shown that once an urban project is completed, the in-habitants will be the ultimate witnesses to the segmentation of the flood risk management. Indeed, receiving information from risk exposure, does not integrate the implications of this exposure - that is to say the role it will have to play in case of flood. More communication would lead to raise the question of responsibilities of each party and would highlight that the risk remains despite protection tools ; Cette recherche s'inscrit dans un contexte de fortes pressions foncières en Ile-de-France, de reconversion de friches industrielles et de « revalorisation » du principe de densification urbaine, qui conduisent à l'urbanisation en zones inondables. Cette thèse propose d'examiner le processus d'urbanisation en zones inondables au regard des transformations en cours dans les modes de fabrication urbaine. Aujourd'hui, l'élaboration des grands projets d'aménagement nécessite l'intervention d'une multitude d'acteurs, la production d'une expertise importante, l'intégration des incertitudes inhérentes à des projets qui se conçoivent et se réalisent sur dix, vingt ou trente ans et la nécessaire conception d'un processus de projet évolutif. Chercheurs et acteurs de l'aménagement qualifient ces processus de « projet urbain ».Nous testons l'hypothèse selon laquelle les transformations observées dans les modes d'élaboration des projets urbains peuvent créer une opportunité dans les modes d'intégration du risque inondation. Les acteurs du projet vont-ils se saisir différemment du risque en utilisant une expertise plus riche, en convoquant des acteurs du risque autour de l'élaboration du projet ? Notre recherche s'appuie sur l'analyse de l'élaboration du projet des Ardoines à Vitry-sur-Seine et de Parc-en-Seine à Villeneuve-le-Roi, complétée par l'observation d'autres projets urbains dans la métropole parisienne mais aussi en Allemagne. L'intégration du risque est, bien souvent, dans les cas étudiés en France dans cette recherche, réfléchie au travers du Plan de Prévention du Risque d'Inondation (PPRI). Elle n'engendre qu'à la marge des pratiques et des formes urbaines englobant plusieurs facettes de la gestion du risque (prévention, protection et gestion de crise). L'application de la règle à l'échelle du projet urbain se transforme ainsi en dispositif de construction de l'ignorance (Jouzel, Dedieu, 2013) quant à une gestion du risque globale, intégrant toutes ces actions. Lors de l'application de la règle, les coalitions d'acteurs (Sabatier, Jenkins-Smith, 1993), au sens de groupe d'acteurs qui vont se retrouver en ce qui concerne l'intégration du risque autour d'une idée commune qui va faire projet, vont être amenées à produire une expertise technique. Cette expertise va être essentiellement centrée sur la mise en sécurité des biens et des personnes et la transparence hydraulique et représente la pierre angulaire pour traduire la règle en formes urbaines (pilotis, rez-de-chaussée surélevés, etc.), gages du bon respect de la règle. La construction de l'ignorance, qui se traduit par une méconnaissance des impacts des aménagements sur le fonctionnement du quartier et de la ville en temps de crise, peut être partiellement comblée par la mise en place d'un Etablissement public d'aménagement. En effet, ce dernier va regrouper en son sein l'Etat, à la fois protecteur et aménageur. Les exemples de projets urbains allemands convoqués dans cette thèse montrent quant à eux une inversion des logiques d'intégration du risque. La suppression de tout principe d'interdiction d'urbanisation en zone inondable conduit à la production de nouvelles règles tant en ce qui concerne les formes urbaines (bâtiments étanches, voiries surélevées…) que les obligations relatives à l'alerte et à la gestion de crise. Une fois le projet urbain réalisé, l'habitant en prenant possession du projet urbain va être l'ultime témoin de la segmentation de la gestion du risque inondation. En effet, en recevant l'information de son exposition, il ne fait pas le lien avec ce qu'implique cette exposition, c'est-à-dire le rôle qu'il aura à jouer en cas de crue. Plus de communication aurait pour conséquence de reposer la question des responsabilités de chacun et de signaler que, malgré les moyens de protection et les aménagements pour réduire l'aléa dans le projet urbain, le risque demeure présent

This study is developed against a background of high estate pressure in the Ile-de-France region, of brownfield conversion and of increased urban densification. All these processes are leading to the land-use in floodrisk areas. The aim of this thesis is to analyse urbanisation process in floodrisk areas, with regard to the current transformations in urban design methods. Large urban development projects require the intervention of several stakeholders and significant expertise. Uncertainties in projects that are designed over ten, twenty or thirty years and the need to develop a progressive process have to be evaluated. Researchers and land-use stakeholders qualify this process of "urban project". Our primary hypothesis was that the changes observed in urban project designs may challenge flood risk integration methods. Will the urban project stakeholders seize upon the risk integration in a different way using a more significant expertise and make risk management stakeholders play a part? Our analysis focus on two urban projects: les Ardoines in Vitry-sur-Seine and Parc-en-Seine in Villeneuve-le-Roi. Our study also integrates observation of other urban projects in the Greater Paris and in Germany. In our case studies in France, the risk is often analysed through the flood risk prevention plan. However, this will raise only marginally practices and urban forms related to prevention, protection and crisis management. Based on this concept it has been pro-posed that the application of the rule at the urban project scale is transformed into the construction of the ignorance process (Jouzel, Dedieu, 2013) concerning a global risk management, integrating all these actions. During the rule application, the advocacy coalitions (Sabatier, Jenkins-Smith, 1993) will find a common idea mainly focusing on ensuring the safety of goods and people and the hydraulic transparency. This expertise will be the most important piece to translate the rule in urban forms (stilts, raised ground floor, etc.) as a guarantee of good compliance with the rule. Construction of ignorance results in a lack of awareness of the impacts of development projects on the district and the city during flood periods. This process is partially filled in by a public development authority, which includes the two figures of the state, both protector and developer. They have for mission to develop and densify an area of three hundred hectares. The examples of German urban projects used in this thesis show a reversal of risk integration methods. The removal of any principle of prohibition of urbanization in flood-risk areas leads to the production of new rules in regard to urban forms (sealed buildings, elevated roads .) and also the obligations relating to the warning and management crisis. In conclusion, our study has shown that once an urban project is completed, the in-habitants will be the ultimate witnesses to the segmentation of the flood risk management. Indeed, receiving information from risk exposure, does not integrate the implications of this exposure - that is to say the role it will have to play in case of flood. More communication would lead to raise the question of responsibilities of each party and would highlight that the risk remains despite protection tools ; Cette recherche s'inscrit dans un contexte de fortes pressions foncières en Ile-de-France, de reconversion de friches industrielles et de « revalorisation » du principe de densification urbaine, qui conduisent à l'urbanisation en zones inondables. Cette thèse propose d'examiner le processus d'urbanisation en zones inondables au regard des transformations en cours dans les modes de fabrication urbaine. Aujourd'hui, l'élaboration des grands projets d'aménagement nécessite l'intervention d'une multitude d'acteurs, la production d'une expertise importante, l'intégration des incertitudes inhérentes à des projets qui se conçoivent et se réalisent sur dix, vingt ou trente ans et la nécessaire conception d'un processus de projet évolutif. Chercheurs et acteurs de l'aménagement qualifient ces processus de « projet urbain ».Nous testons l'hypothèse selon laquelle les transformations observées dans les modes d'élaboration des projets urbains peuvent créer une opportunité dans les modes d'intégration du risque inondation. Les acteurs du projet vont-ils se saisir différemment du risque en utilisant une expertise plus riche, en convoquant des acteurs du risque autour de l'élaboration du projet ? Notre recherche s'appuie sur l'analyse de l'élaboration du projet des Ardoines à Vitry-sur-Seine et de Parc-en-Seine à Villeneuve-le-Roi, complétée par l'observation d'autres projets urbains dans la métropole parisienne mais aussi en Allemagne. L'intégration du risque est, bien souvent, dans les cas étudiés en France dans cette recherche, réfléchie au travers du Plan de Prévention du Risque d'Inondation (PPRI). Elle n'engendre qu'à la marge des pratiques et des formes urbaines englobant plusieurs facettes de la gestion du risque (prévention, protection et gestion de crise). L'application de la règle à l'échelle du projet urbain se transforme ainsi en dispositif de construction de l'ignorance (Jouzel, Dedieu, 2013) quant à une gestion du risque globale, intégrant toutes ces actions. Lors de l'application de la règle, les coalitions d'acteurs (Sabatier, Jenkins-Smith, 1993), au sens de groupe d'acteurs qui vont se retrouver en ce qui concerne l'intégration du risque autour d'une idée commune qui va faire projet, vont être amenées à produire une expertise technique. Cette expertise va être essentiellement centrée sur la mise en sécurité des biens et des personnes et la transparence hydraulique et représente la pierre angulaire pour traduire la règle en formes urbaines (pilotis, rez-de-chaussée surélevés, etc.), gages du bon respect de la règle. La construction de l'ignorance, qui se traduit par une méconnaissance des impacts des aménagements sur le fonctionnement du quartier et de la ville en temps de crise, peut être partiellement comblée par la mise en place d'un Etablissement public d'aménagement. En effet, ce dernier va regrouper en son sein l'Etat, à la fois protecteur et aménageur. Les exemples de projets urbains allemands convoqués dans cette thèse montrent quant à eux une inversion des logiques d'intégration du risque. La suppression de tout principe d'interdiction d'urbanisation en zone inondable conduit à la production de nouvelles règles tant en ce qui concerne les formes urbaines (bâtiments étanches, voiries surélevées…) que les obligations relatives à l'alerte et à la gestion de crise. Une fois le projet urbain réalisé, l'habitant en prenant possession du projet urbain va être l'ultime témoin de la segmentation de la gestion du risque inondation. En effet, en recevant l'information de son exposition, il ne fait pas le lien avec ce qu'implique cette exposition, c'est-à-dire le rôle qu'il aura à jouer en cas de crue. Plus de communication aurait pour conséquence de reposer la question des responsabilités de chacun et de signaler que, malgré les moyens de protection et les aménagements pour réduire l'aléa dans le projet urbain, le risque demeure présent

This study is developed against a background of high estate pressure in the Ile-de-France region, of brownfield conversion and of increased urban densification. All these processes are leading to the land-use in floodrisk areas. The aim of this thesis is to analyse urbanisation process in floodrisk areas, with regard to the current transformations in urban design methods. Large urban development projects require the intervention of several stakeholders and significant expertise. Uncertainties in projects that are designed over ten, twenty or thirty years and the need to develop a progressive process have to be evaluated. Researchers and land-use stakeholders qualify this process of "urban project". Our primary hypothesis was that the changes observed in urban project designs may challenge flood risk integration methods. Will the urban project stakeholders seize upon the risk integration in a different way using a more significant expertise and make risk management stakeholders play a part? Our analysis focus on two urban projects: les Ardoines in Vitry-sur-Seine and Parc-en-Seine in Villeneuve-le-Roi. Our study also integrates observation of other urban projects in the Greater Paris and in Germany. In our case studies in France, the risk is often analysed through the flood risk prevention plan. However, this will raise only marginally practices and urban forms related to prevention, protection and crisis management. Based on this concept it has been pro-posed that the application of the rule at the urban project scale is transformed into the construction of the ignorance process (Jouzel, Dedieu, 2013) concerning a global risk management, integrating all these actions. During the rule application, the advocacy coalitions (Sabatier, Jenkins-Smith, 1993) will find a common idea mainly focusing on ensuring the safety of goods and people and the hydraulic transparency. This expertise will be the most important piece to translate the rule in urban forms (stilts, raised ground floor, etc.) as a guarantee of good compliance with the rule. Construction of ignorance results in a lack of awareness of the impacts of development projects on the district and the city during flood periods. This process is partially filled in by a public development authority, which includes the two figures of the state, both protector and developer. They have for mission to develop and densify an area of three hundred hectares. The examples of German urban projects used in this thesis show a reversal of risk integration methods. The removal of any principle of prohibition of urbanization in flood-risk areas leads to the production of new rules in regard to urban forms (sealed buildings, elevated roads .) and also the obligations relating to the warning and management crisis. In conclusion, our study has shown that once an urban project is completed, the in-habitants will be the ultimate witnesses to the segmentation of the flood risk management. Indeed, receiving information from risk exposure, does not integrate the implications of this exposure - that is to say the role it will have to play in case of flood. More communication would lead to raise the question of responsibilities of each party and would highlight that the risk remains despite protection tools ; Cette recherche s'inscrit dans un contexte de fortes pressions foncières en Ile-de-France, de reconversion de friches industrielles et de « revalorisation » du principe de densification urbaine, qui conduisent à l'urbanisation en zones inondables. Cette thèse propose d'examiner le processus d'urbanisation en zones inondables au regard des transformations en cours dans les modes de fabrication urbaine. Aujourd'hui, l'élaboration des grands projets d'aménagement nécessite l'intervention d'une multitude d'acteurs, la production d'une expertise importante, l'intégration des incertitudes inhérentes à des projets qui se conçoivent et se réalisent sur dix, vingt ou trente ans et la nécessaire conception d'un processus de projet évolutif. Chercheurs et acteurs de l'aménagement qualifient ces processus de « projet urbain ».Nous testons l'hypothèse selon laquelle les transformations observées dans les modes d'élaboration des projets urbains peuvent créer une opportunité dans les modes d'intégration du risque inondation. Les acteurs du projet vont-ils se saisir différemment du risque en utilisant une expertise plus riche, en convoquant des acteurs du risque autour de l'élaboration du projet ? Notre recherche s'appuie sur l'analyse de l'élaboration du projet des Ardoines à Vitry-sur-Seine et de Parc-en-Seine à Villeneuve-le-Roi, complétée par l'observation d'autres projets urbains dans la métropole parisienne mais aussi en Allemagne. L'intégration du risque est, bien souvent, dans les cas étudiés en France dans cette recherche, réfléchie au travers du Plan de Prévention du Risque d'Inondation (PPRI). Elle n'engendre qu'à la marge des pratiques et des formes urbaines englobant plusieurs facettes de la gestion du risque (prévention, protection et gestion de crise). L'application de la règle à l'échelle du projet urbain se transforme ainsi en dispositif de construction de l'ignorance (Jouzel, Dedieu, 2013) quant à une gestion du risque globale, intégrant toutes ces actions. Lors de l'application de la règle, les coalitions d'acteurs (Sabatier, Jenkins-Smith, 1993), au sens de groupe d'acteurs qui vont se retrouver en ce qui concerne l'intégration du risque autour d'une idée commune qui va faire projet, vont être amenées à produire une expertise technique. Cette expertise va être essentiellement centrée sur la mise en sécurité des biens et des personnes et la transparence hydraulique et représente la pierre angulaire pour traduire la règle en formes urbaines (pilotis, rez-de-chaussée surélevés, etc.), gages du bon respect de la règle. La construction de l'ignorance, qui se traduit par une méconnaissance des impacts des aménagements sur le fonctionnement du quartier et de la ville en temps de crise, peut être partiellement comblée par la mise en place d'un Etablissement public d'aménagement. En effet, ce dernier va regrouper en son sein l'Etat, à la fois protecteur et aménageur. Les exemples de projets urbains allemands convoqués dans cette thèse montrent quant à eux une inversion des logiques d'intégration du risque. La suppression de tout principe d'interdiction d'urbanisation en zone inondable conduit à la production de nouvelles règles tant en ce qui concerne les formes urbaines (bâtiments étanches, voiries surélevées…) que les obligations relatives à l'alerte et à la gestion de crise. Une fois le projet urbain réalisé, l'habitant en prenant possession du projet urbain va être l'ultime témoin de la segmentation de la gestion du risque inondation. En effet, en recevant l'information de son exposition, il ne fait pas le lien avec ce qu'implique cette exposition, c'est-à-dire le rôle qu'il aura à jouer en cas de crue. Plus de communication aurait pour conséquence de reposer la question des responsabilités de chacun et de signaler que, malgré les moyens de protection et les aménagements pour réduire l'aléa dans le projet urbain, le risque demeure présent

[spa] De familia de clase media acomodada, Margarita Nelken pudo recibir clases del pintor Eduardo Chicharro, en cuyo taller coincidió, a inicios de la primera década del siglo, con María Blanchar y Diego Rivera, con quien andando el tiempo se había de reencontrar en México. Ahora bien, durante las dos largas décadas de intensa labor de crítica de arte en dicho país no pudo ocuparse de la obra muralista de Diego Rivera por motivos políticos. A Nelken se la debe el prestigio, no reconocido, de ser una de la primeras críticas de arte que darán a conocer fuera de nuestras fronteras el arte español, que desde Goya había quedado ignorado en los círculos artísticos europeos. Por otra parte, y adelantándose de nuevo a su tiempo, Margarita Nelken fue una intelectual comprometida a clarificar el papel que le correspondía a la mujer en la sociedad. En su novela La trampa del arenal se constata, a través de una realidad recreada, la denuncia de la marginación social de la mujer. Además, realizó un excelente estudio sobre el papel de la mujer como autora literaria desde la Edad Media hasta Emilia Pardo Bazán en la obra Las escritoras españolas. Resulta significativo la atención que dedica a dos figuras relevantes de mujer: Isabel Rebeca Correa, erudita judía del siglo XVI y la insigne doctora Teresa de Jesús. En 1931 la Nelken es elegida diputada a Cortes por la provincia de Badajoz, cargo que ocupará en las tres legislaturas. Mujer apasionada y vehemente, se dedicará plenamente a la defensa del campesinado extremeño que sobrevivía en ínfimas condiciones. Es en el llamado "bienio negro" cuando se agravan sus sentimientos de impotencia como diputada parlamentaria, cuando sus letanías sinceras sobre la brutalidad de la represión rural sólo obtenían las respuestas poco serias del ministro de la Gobernación Rafael Salazar Alonso. A raíz del fracaso de la Revolución de Octubre, Nelken acusada de incitar y promover las huelgas campesinas de Badajoz, marcha primero a Francia, en donde contacta con Henry Barbusse. Viaja posteriormente a la Unión Soviética en donde su ideología se impregna de un romanticismo revolucionario. En esta segunda etapa de la trayectoria vital de Nelken se dará por azar y necesidad una dedicación plena y casi exclusiva a la labor periodística y de crítica de arte. En febrero de 1939 se daba por terminada la contienda y comenzaba el exilio, la salida desde Figueras hasta la frontera, el paso a Francia. Es el paso ya indefectible hacia el exilio definitivo. Las colaboraciones de Margarita Nelken se encuentran difundidas en gran número de publicaciones mexicanas. Una de ellas es Tribuna Israelita, la revista editada mensualmente por la comunidad judía de México, y que trata de temas políticos y culturales. Desde 1946 hasta 1966 Nelken publicará con regularidad artículos sobre arte de pintores judíos, o sobre el arte en relación con la cultura hebrea. También colaboró con el influyente periódico Excélsior, en el que publicó semanalmente un artículo sobre arte desde principios de los años cuarenta, hasta final de los sesenta. En resumen, durante casi treinta años Nelken se ocupó sin interrupción (excepto la impuesta por su viaje a Europa en 1948) del arte mexicano. Analizó en su justa medida la pintura femenina, que adquiere en esos años un notable valor, con figuras como Remedios Varo, Frida Kahlo, Alice Rahón, Marysole Wornez, Leonora Carrigton, Lillia Carrillo y María Izquierdo. Y en su vasto panorama crítico comentará con lucidez, a través de premios y exposiciones internacionales, las trayectorias artísticas de pintores españoles como Salvador Dalí, Pablo Picasso, Antoni Tapies y Joan Miró. A lo largo de su trayectoria vital, Margarita Nelken nos dejó tras de sí una intensa labor literaria, periodística y de crítica de arte, en la que no luchó menos que en el campo de la política o el reconocimiento de la mujer. Por tanto, sus análisis del panorama artístico más destacado de la España del primer tercio de siglo y del México del tercio siguiente, hechos con firme y agudo criterio, resultan hoy de un gran interés y utilidad al historiador. ; [eng] Margarita Nelken painter. Defense of working women. Female workers unions. Creating the cigarette unions. Clashes between chaconeras and yellow. Debates in the Madrid Ateneo. Difference feminism "Around us" Performance at the Casa del Pueblo Madrid. Commissioned by several Spanish intellectuals to bring aid to the German people after the Great War. Writer of the novel "sand trap" social novel regarding women. Novella and stories whose purpose was chrematistic. German translations including Frank Kafka's Metamorphosis at the request of García Morente for the Revista de Occidente. Newspaper articles in Spanish and American Illustration. Sphere. White and Black. Hermes. Mondays of Impartial Study of female figures sque left track and dealing in Spanish Writers: Rebeca Isabel Correa. Olive Sabuco. Teresa of Avila. Carolina Coronado. Conference in Madrid's Ateneo Art with projected images exposed through glass plates positive. In its long history of art criticism in Spain articles. Julio Antonio. El Greco. Darius Regoyos. Matthew Inurria. Henry Le Sidanier.- sculpture (Rodin. Meunier, Mestrovic) -Engraved Kathe Kollwitz and Angelina Beloff. Valentin and Ramon Zubiaurre. Francisco de Goya. Women's Suffrage. Deputy for Badajoz in three terms of the Second Republic. Exile to former USSR (1935). Labor support and propaganda at the siege of Madrid (1936-1939). Exile to Mexico. Expulsion from the Communist Party. Elegy for Magda. Santiago de Paul Nelken, hero of the Red Army. In exile mexican surrealist painters work. Mexican painters. Spanish avant-garde painters. Unpublished text Presence and evocations of the leading figures of the cultural and political world . Benito Perez Galdos. Don Miguel de Unamuno. Pau Casals. José Gutiérrez Solana. Screenplays in Mexico. Adapter of plays . Poem on the death of García Lorca. Lan Adomian composer of poems by Miguel Hernández. Document declassified Venona project at key in which Nelken notifies the death of his son Santiago de Paul. Document declassified Venona project at key in which Nelken notifies the death of his son Santiago de Paul. Travel to Europe in postwar Europe. Items of Mexico Today. Rapporteur Cali Colombia Exclusive Interview with representative the State of Israel in Paris Jarblum Marcos (1948). Two decades writing on Diorama of Culture, supplement Excelsior. The affair Jusep Campalans Torres.

L'articolo ripercorre la vicenda professionale e umana di Anita Mondolfo (Senigallia, 1886-1977), figura di indiscutibile originalità nel panorama bibliotecario italiano, che - per le sue origini ebraiche e per le convinzioni politiche non allineate - dovette subire le persecuzioni del regime fascista. Laureatasi all'Istituto di studi superiori pratici e di perfezionamento a Firenze - una scuola di studi rigorosi e di severità intellettuale e morale - dopo la specializzazione in paleografia, la Mondolfo intraprende per scelta (ma sarebbe più giusto dire per vocazione) la carriera nelle biblioteche governative. Prima sede di servizio è la Biblioteca nazionale di S. Marco a Venezia (1909-1911), dalla quale viene trasferita, per suo espresso desiderio, alla Nazionale centrale di Firenze (1911), dove in breve diventa responsabile delle sale di consultazione. Negli anni della prima guerra mondiale frequenta gli ambienti antifascisti e partecipa ad iniziative di soccorso in favore dei profughi rifugiatisi a Firenze, avvicinandosi alle idee di Gaetano Salvemini e Piero Calamandrei, al cui movimento parteciperà più direttamente nel secondo dopoguerra (sarà candidata con "Unità Popolare" alle elezioni del 1953). Risale probabilmente a questo periodo la conoscenza di Croce e Gentile, che avranno un ruolo centrale nei momenti cruciali della sua biografia. Dopo due anni di reggenza della Biblioteca governativa di Lucca (1926-1928), la Mondolfo viene chiamata a dirigere la Marucelliana di Firenze (1928-1936), dove dà prova di notevoli doti organizzative continuando l'azione intrapresa anni prima da Guido Biagi. Spinta dalla preoccupazione di conservare il suo lavoro (da lei più volte definito «lo scopo della mia vita») che sente minacciato dalla progressiva irreggimentazione ideologica, si iscrive - seppur tardivamente - al Fascio di Firenze: è il 1933, anno in cui l'appartenenza al partito diventa requisito obbligatorio per i dipendenti pubblici. Nel 1936 è chiamata a ricoprire la direzione della Biblioteca nazionale centrale di Firenze, dove dà inizio a uno schema unificato di soggetti che, col titolo di Soggettario per i cataloghi delle biblioteche italiane, uscirà nel 1956 con la sua prefazione. Circa un anno dopo, il Ministero le comunica il trasferimento alla Biblioteca universitaria di Padova: da tempo la Mondolfo era sorvegliata dalla questura fiorentina (che aveva anche intercettato una sua lettera diretta all'«oppositore Benedetto Croce»), e le era stata, inoltre, annullata d'ufficio l'iscrizione al PNF. Riesce - con l'aiuto di Gentile - a essere mandata a Roma, dove lavorerà alla collana ministeriale «Indici e cataloghi delle biblioteche italiane» e alla redazione dell'Enciclopedia italiana, alla quale collaborava già da qualche anno. Con l'applicazione delle leggi razziali (1938) Anita Mondolfo viene licenziata dal Ministero e collocata in pensione. Il 10 giugno 1940, giorno dell'entrata in guerra dell'Italia, è tratta in arresto come «ebrea antifascista» giudicata «capace di turbare l'ordine pubblico in tempi eccezionali». Dopo alcuni giorni di detenzione nel carcere di Regina Coeli, viene tradotta a Montemurro (Potenza) e poi a Senigallia, entrambe località d'internamento per dissidenti politici: dovrà attendere il dicembre del 1942 quando - per intervento di Gentile - potrà tornare libera in seguito alla grazia concessale da Mussolini. Dopo la Liberazione riesce, con qualche difficoltà, a essere reintegrata al suo posto di direttrice della Nazionale (che, nel frattempo, il Ministero aveva affidato ad Anna Saitta Revignas): riorganizza la biblioteca e la dirige, con riconosciuta autorevolezza e competenza, dal 1945 fino al 1953, anno in cui le viene conferito l'incarico di ispettrice generale bibliografica, col quale chiuderà la sua carriera (1955). Nel corso della sua lunga attività Anita Mondolfo ha dato un apporto fondamentale ai più importanti temi di politica bibliotecaria, intervenendo ai congressi dell'AIB (lungimirante, in quello del 1931, la sua proposta di «accentramento di schedatura»), ricoprendo importanti incarichi (fu membro del Centro nazionale per il catalogo unico e docente di biblioteconomia all'Università di Firenze), pubblicando contributi originali sulle principali riviste e repertori italiani. I suoi scritti sono riuniti per la prima volta nell'esauriente bibliografia che segue all'articolo, omaggio postumo a una singolare figura di bibliotecaria sino ad oggi non abbastanza ricordata dalle nostre riviste professionali. ; The article traces the professional and personal history of Anita Mondolfo, an Italian librarian of Jewish origins who in 1940, on the day (June 10th) of the declaration of war, was arrested and accused of being an element capable of disrupting the public order in exceptional times. She, then at the age of 54, was released only in December 1942, after two and a half years of political confinement. Born in Senigallia in 1886, even as a teenager Anita Mondolfo was conspicuous by her temperament, which was inclined to literature and study. After high school, she studied philosophy and philology at Florence's Institute of Higher Practical Studies (today's University). After a short period as a teacher, she was appointed assistant librarian in 1909 and from 1911 worked at the National Central Library of Florence, where she was responsible for the reference department. During the First World War, Mondolfo worked for soldiers and their families, being an active participant in solidarity and aid initiatives. Matured by the experiences of difficult years, Mondolfo increasingly rejected the culture and rhetoric of the fascist regime, a rejection which was to become more radical over the years. Hers was not so much political acceptance of the ideas of her many antifascist friends, but rather a sort of intellectual and moral attraction. In 1926 she was appointed to her first executive position, as director of the State Library of Lucca, and in 1928 she moved to Florence's Marucelliana Library. In 1931 she was one of the speakers at the first conference of the Association of Italian Librarians, where she proposed arrangements for central and cooperative cataloguing. In 1933 she joined the Florence branch of the Fascist Party, because membership was mandatory for public servants. In 1936, she was appointed director of the National Library of Florence, a post from which she was dismissed a year later because she was considered an opponent of the fascist regime. Until her confinement Anita Mondolfo lived in Rome, working for the national series of printed library catalogues («Indici e cataloghi») and the Enciclopedia italiana. After the Liberation, in 1945, Anita Mondolfo was reappointed as director of the National Library of Florence, where she undertook various projects, including the revision of the alphabetical catalogues and of the reference rooms, as well as the updating of the subject headings. Of Mondolfo's long career, we would mention also a number of publications (an exhaustive bibliography is appended) and her activities as a lecturer at the School for Librarians and Archivists-Palaeographers of Florence. Anita Mondolfo died in Senigallia in 1977, aged 91.

The objective of this thesis is to explore the relationship between the performance of Indonesia's civilian regimes in security sector reform and the military's response to these reforms. The period of investigation spanned the entire process of democratic transition from the resignation of President Soeharto and the collapse of his authoritarian New Order regime in May 1998 to the end of the presidency of Megawati Soekarnoputri in October 2004. With the subsequent presidency of Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, Indonesia entered a period of political consolidation. By that time, a lengthy process of constitutional change had come to an end and ushered in a new presidential political system which has been rated by Freedom House and other democracy indices as the most democratic in Southeast Asia. Yet, this study shows that democratic consolidation is still incomplete. By the end of the transition process the military as the former authoritarian regime's major pillar had regrouped and rescued many of its erstwhile privileges and reserved domains into the Era Reformasi. This thesis examines the reasons why military reform in Indonesia was only partial and why military influence resurged in the post-Soeharto years. The thesis departs from the theoretical transition literature by combining actor-oriented, structural and cultural perspectives. Empirically, the study rests on extensive interviews, newspaper analysis, internet research and analysis of websites, publicly accessible documents, statistics and scientific literature. The study explores for each of the three transitional civilian presidencies between 1998 and 2004 (Habibie, Abdurrahman Wahid and Megawati Soekarnoputri) military responses to civilian reform in areas such as prosecution of human rights violations by the military and the investigation of corruption cases (KKN --Kolusi, Korupsi, Nepotisme) involving the former President Soeharto and his cronies, as well as separatism and Islamic radicalism. The study demonstrates that even though the armed forces were in retreat after the end of the New Order regime and discredited in large parts of the public due to flagrant human rights violations and severe military repression in the Soeharto era, the TNI managed to remain a major power factor in the Indonesian political system. The Megawati presidency confirmed the second hypothesis formulated at the outset of the study: The less reform policies of the democratic civilian regimes threatened the vested interests of the Indonesian military, the more likely it was that the military behaved cooperatively towards the respective regimes. However, while this brought back political stability to the country, it also shut doors to further military reform. By the end of her presidency, the military had regrouped and regained a position which, although less powerful than in the Soeharto era, was far more influential than the armed forces in a full-fledged (Western) democracy. Finally, the study also confirms the hypothesis that the combination of historical and cultural factors and the civilian regimes' poor performance was conducive to the Indonesian military's resistance to reform. It was amply demonstrated that the ideological underpinnings of the TNI still resonated strongly with the integralistic and organicist conception of statehood which became the main characteristic of the 1945 State Constitution. Indonesian organicism was closely linked to seemingly traditional Javanese notions of power and kingship, which also attributed an elevated role to the ksatria, the warriors. These notions of statehood, which combined conservative Western influences with Javanese tradition, were inculcated into the collective memory of the armed forces through the soldier's oath, military doctrines such as the Sapta Marga and at all levels of officers training. They fell on fertile ground as until today a majority of the TNI officer corps is of Javanese descent. More importantly, however, many of the organicist and integralistic notions of statehood are shared not only by the military, but also by wide sections of the public. Especially Megawati Soekarnoputri shared these ideas which she adopted from her father, Indonesia's first president, Soekarno, but they are also highly popular in her party, the Partai Demokrasi Indonesia Perjuangan (PDI-P) and many other nationalist forces in the country. With these cognitive predispositions in wide sections of the Indonesian political class, the military and the public, it may be explained why the military influence on Indonesian politics is so resilient. It also does not bode well for military reform, which after the stalemate reached under the Megawati presidency will proceed only very slowly in the future. ; Die vorliegende Dissertation beschäftigt sich im Rahmen der politikwissenschaftlichen Transitionsforschung mit der Problematik der zivilmilitärischen Beziehungen und deren Einfluss auf den Demokratisierungsprozess in Indonesien. Der Untersuchungszeitraum umfasst die politischen und gesellschaftlichen Prozesse seit dem Zusammenbruch des autoritären Regimes im Jahre 1998 bis hin zum Ende der Präsidentschaft von Megawati Sukarnoputri im Oktober 2004. Ausgangspunkt der politischen Transition in Indonesien waren der Rücktritt Suhartos und der damit verbundene Zusammenbruch der autoritären "Neuen Ordnung" im Jahre 1998. Im Zuge des sich daran anschließenden Demokratisierungsprozesses wurden von den Zivilregierungen der Folgejahre mehrfach Versuche einer Reformierung des indonesischen Sicherheitssektors vorgenommen. Das Widererstarken des Militärs in den letzten Jahren lässt jedoch erkennen, dass speziell im Bereich des Sicherheitssektors bislang nur partiell Reformen durchgesetzt werden konnten. Am Ende des Transitionsprozesses hat es das Militär, welches die wichtigste Stütze des autoritären Vorgänger-Regimes war, geschafft, sich zu reorganisieren und eine Vielzahl seiner alten Privilegien in die Reformasi-Ära zu überführen. Obwohl Indonesien mit der Präsidentschaft von Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono im Jahre 2004 in die Phase der demokratischen Konsolidierung eingetreten ist und das neue demokratische System von verschiedenen Demokratie-Indizes durchaus positiv bewertet wurde, muss in Anbetracht der gegenwärtigen Einflussmöglichkeiten des Militärs auf zivil-politische Prozesse davon ausgegangen werden, dass der Konsolidierungsprozess in Indonesien noch nicht abgeschlossen ist. Ausgehend von der Frage, warum der Einfluss der Streitkräfte in der post-Suharto-Ära wieder zugenommen hat, wird untersucht, was die Gründe für die lediglich partielle Reformierung des Militärs in Indonesien waren. Diesbezüglich werden die Reformvorhaben im Bereich des indonesischen Sicherheitssektors und die Reaktionen des Militärs auf diese in den drei Präsidentschaftsperioden der indonesischen Transitionszeit zwischen 1998 und 2004 in welcher Habibie, Abdurrahman Wahid und Megawati Soekarnoputri regierten, analysiert. In allen drei untersuchten Regierungsphasen wurden Reformvorhaben im Bereich des Sicherheitssektors angestoßen. Diese bezogen sich unter anderem auf die Strafverfolgung von Menschenrechtsverletzungen, die Untersuchung von Korruptionsfällen im Umfeld des ehemaligen Präsidenten Suharto und den Umgang mit separatistischen und militanten islamischen Gruppierungen. Die theoretische Fundierung der Dissertation bilden politikwissenschaftliche Transitionstheorien, anhand welcher durch die Kombination von akteurszentrierten, strukturalistischen und kulturalistischen Ansätzen eine multiperspektivische Herangehensweise intendiert wird. Empirisch beruht die Studie auf umfangreichen Interviews, Internetrecherchen und der Analyse von Zeitungsartikeln, Internetseiten, öffentlich zugänglichen Dokumenten, Statistiken und fachwissenschaftlicher Literatur. Die Ausgangsthese der vorliegenden Arbeit lautet, dass das Militär in Indonesien nach wie vor einen bedeutenden Machtfaktor innerhalb des politischen Systems darstellt. Trotz des Rückzuges der Streitkräfte infolge des Endes der "Neuen Ordnung" und ihrer Diskreditierung in weiten Teilen der Öffentlichkeit aufgrund von Menschenrechtsverletzungen und militärischen Repressionen während der Suharto-Ära, hat es das Militär geschafft, einige zentrale Einflusssphären in die Phase der demokratischen Konsolidierung zu überführen und sich als fester Bestandteil des neuen politischen Systems zu etablieren. Die unzureichende Entmachtung der Streitkräfte kann sowohl auf interne als auch auf externe Einflussfaktoren zurückgeführt werden. So wurde das Wiedererstarken des Militärs durch die Schwäche der zivilen Regierungen und die Machtkämpfe innerhalb der politischen Elite, welche diese zur Kooperation mit militärischen Kräften veranlasste, begünstigt. Darüber hinaus hat aber auch der nachlassende externe Druck, der auf einen Bedeutungszuwachs des Militärs im Rahmen der internationalen und nationalen Terrorismusbekämpfung zurückzuführen ist, zu einem Wiedererstarken der Streitkräfte beigetragen. Die Terroranschläge in den USA und Europa und insbesondere jene in Indonesien selbst, lenkten die Aufmerksamkeit zunehmend auf Strategien der Terrorismusbekämpfung. Demzufolge wurde das Militär, welches als wesentlicher Akteur des "Krieges gegen den Terrorismus" innerhalb Indonesiens betrachtet wurde, auch von internationalen Mächten wie den USA rehabilitiert, was zu einem Nachlassen des Reformdrucks im Bereich des Sicherheitssektors führte. Zudem können für jede der drei untersuchten Regierungsphasen spezifische Problemkonstellationen herausgestellt werden, die das Verhalten von Zivilregierung und Militär hinsichtlich der Reformierung des Sicherheitssektors beeinflusst haben. Zusammenfassend lässt sich mit diesen empirischen Befunden nachweisen, dass die Reformverweigerung des indonesischen Militärs letztendlich durch eine Kombination aus historischen und kulturellen Faktoren und unzureichender Regierungsperformanz begünstigt wurde.

Supervision gilt im Krankenhaus als bewährte Methode der Personalentwicklung. Mit zunehmender Praxisverbreitung wird ein Bedarf nach wissenschaftlicher Evaluation und Weiterentwicklung formuliert, dem bisher nicht hinreichend Rechnung getragen wurde. Die Arbeit befaßt sich aus arbeits- und organisationspsychologischer Sicht mit Supervision in der Krankenpflege. Sie stellt den Stand der Forschung dar und untersucht, ob und in welcher Weise Supervision zur Prävention und Bewältigung arbeitsbezogener Belastungen dient. Untersuchungsfeld ist das Freiburger Universitätsklinikum, ein Krankenhaus der Maximalversorgung mit rund 8000 Beschäftigten, in dem die über 2500 Pflegekräfte die größte Berufsgruppe darstellen. Die Verfasserin ist als Diplom-Psychologin seit 1993 zur Supervision von Pflegenden und Stationsteams am Klinikum angestellt. Ziel ihrer Untersuchungen war es, den Stand der Supervision am Klinikum zu beschreiben und zu untersuchen, ob und inwieweit die intendierten Effekte und Ziele des Angebots erreicht werden. Pragmatische Perspektive war die Identifikation von Optimierungsmöglichkeiten, die für Konzeption und Durchführung der Supervision bedeutsam sind (formative Evaluation). Die Hauptfragestellungen umfassten deskriptive und evaluative Aspekte der Struktur-, Prozess- und Ergebnisqualität. Sie richteten sich auf das Erleben arbeitsassoziierter Belastungen, Erwartungen an Supervision, Akzeptanz und Inanspruchnahme, Inhalte der Sitzungen, Beurteilung des Nutzens und Prädiktoren für Supervisionsteilnahme. Durchgeführt wurden drei Studien. Datenquellen waren die fortlaufende Dokumentation der Supervisorinnen und Erhebungen bei Supervisanden, ehemaligen Supervisanden und einer vergleichbaren Kontrollgruppe Pflegender: Studie 1 Basisdokumentation Studie 2 Prä-/Postbefragung Studie 3 Katamnese mit Kontrollgruppe Die psychometrische Überprüfung der Gütekriterien der Instrumente erbrachte gute bis befriedigende Resultate, die Überprüfung der Skalenbildungen Hinweise auf eine reliable Erfassung der Konstrukte und Konvergenz mit der Literatur. Hauptergebnisse: • Pflege im Krankenhaus geht mit vielfältigen Belastungen einher. Zu den vorherrschenden zählen dabei neben hoher Arbeitsdichte Konflikte in der Zusammenarbeit im Pflegeteam und mit anderen Berufsgruppen. • Im Erleben der Pflegenden haben psychosoziale Belastungen einen höheren Stellenwert als die körperliche Beanspruchung durch ihren Beruf. Stress kann auf Ebene des Individuums, an der Schnittstelle Individuum-Organisation (im Team), sowie auf Ebene der Organisation entstehen. Umschriebene personenbezogene Faktoren (Alter, Geschlecht, Funktion auf Station) moderieren das Belastungserleben. Deutliche Effekte finden sich auch für das bedingungsbezogene Merkmal Abteilungszugehörigkeit. • Die Supervisionserwartungen und -bedürfnisse der Pflegenden sind realistisch an Möglichkeiten und Grenzen von Supervision geknüpft und dabei inhaltlich von den Arbeitsbelastungen auf Station bestimmt. Die Erwartungen sind in Abhängigkeit der Handlungserfordernisse Ziel- und Lösungsorientiert. • Bereichsspezifisch ist Supervision mit einem deutlichen Rückgang im Belastungserleben assoziiert. Unabhängig von personenbezogenen Merkmalen beurteilt die große Mehrheit der Pflegenden Supervision als wirksam zur Bewältigung ihrer Anforderungen im Krankenhaus. • Prädiktoren künftiger Inanspruchnahme sind neben den aktuellen Arbeitsbelastungen auch gute Erfahrungen mit bzw. ebensolche Erwartungen an Supervision. Letzteres verweist auf die Bedeutung einer bedarfsgerechten, umsetzungsorientierten Supervisionsgestaltung. Die Meta-Evaluation der Untersuchungen ergibt forschungsmethodische sowie praktische Konsequenzen für die Supervision im Krankenhaus: Bei expliziten Effizienzbetrachtungen (Kosten-Nutzen-Analysen) ist eine Ausweitung der Zielkriterien nötig. Neben subjektiven Aussagen müssen dann, unter Einhaltung des Persönlichkeits- und Datenschutzes, weitere quantifizierbare Daten erhoben werden (z.B. Leistungsdaten, Abwesenheitstage). Gleiches gilt für die vertiefte Erfassung personen- und zielgruppenspezifischer Effekte im Längsschnitt. Für die Supervision im Krankenhaus ergeben sich mehrere praktische Konsequenzen. Sie sollte niederschwellig angeboten werden, um zeitnah und bedarfsgerecht zum Einsatz zu kommen. Supervisoren sollten um die Determinanten arbeitsassoziierter Belastungen von Pflegenden wissen und diese situationsspezifisch sorgfältig identifizieren können. Bei Konflikten zwischen den Berufsgruppen ist es für die Effektivität einer Supervision unerläßlich, alle Konfliktparteien an einen Tisch zu holen. Ansatzpunkte von Supervision sind die individuelle Ebene, die Gruppenebene und die Schnittstelle Individuum – Organisation. Eine konsequent Lösungs- und Umsetzungsorientierte Supervision wird dem Bedarf von Pflegenden gerecht und erweist sich im Krankenhaus als effektiv. ; This thesis deals with psychological supervision groups for nurses working in hospitals. It reports on the state of the scientific research on work-related stress and on supervision groups in the hospital setting and evaluates empirically, whether and in what way these groups are being helpful in preventing and coping with work-related stress. The author is an occupational and organisational psychologist and psychological supervisor with Freiburg University Hospital. As a formative evaluation this work has two major concerns: firstly, to analyse scientifically the data collected in the field over several years in order to deduct evidence about the effectiveness of psychological supervision in a hospital setting; secondly, it reconsiders, develops and optimizes the practice of the so called "Freiburg Model" of psychological supervision groups for nurses. The conceptual background of the work is Occupational and Organisational Psychology. Freiburg University Hospital is a hospital of maximum care. All fields of medicine are represented by special clinics or institutes. More than 50.000 in-patients and nearly 380.000 out-patients are treated each year. The hospital employs a total of 8.000 people, among them 900 physicians. With over 2.500 nurses, this is the largest professional group. The hospital´s service of psychological supervision for nurses and ward teams aims at preventing psychosocial work hazards and at compensating for those hazards which are not fully inevitable in daily work on the ward. It is a hospital wide approach on the individual-organisational interface. The service was evaluated by three studies presented in this book: basic documentation, a longitudinal study and a cross sectional study with a control-group design. The psychometric properties of the instruments applied in the studies have been examined and proved to be good. The theoretical assumptions of the main dimensions based the on literature were confirmed. In summary, the scientific evaluation of the supervision groups´ effectiveness supports the following: Nurses are confronted with a great deal of work-related psychosocial stress. Characteristics of nursing are often a high work load and shortage of nursing staff, stress caused by patients´ problems, conflicts within the nursing team, poor work organisation and problems of communication and collaboration with doctors. The stress can arise at the individual level, at the individual-organisational interface and at the organisational level. Nurses´ assessment of work-related stress is moderated by personal and work-related factors. Nurses have a clear understanding of the potential and the limits of psychological supervision groups as a means of stress reduction. The expectations and needs regarding the supervision are articulated in a precise and goal-oriented way and relate closely to the specific stress at work. The perception of work-related stress decreases significantly after the supervision group sessions. The majority of the participants evaluate the psychological supervision as effective in preventing and overcoming psychosocial stress at work. This assessment is not affected by personal characteristics (e.g. age, gender, job position), thus indicating the effects of supervision being independent of these characteristics. Dealing with problems in interdisciplinary communication proves most successful when every party is represented in the supervision group. The wish of the former participants for future participation can be seen as a mathematical function of the present stress level at work and how they succeeded in translating groups´ outcome into action, whilst the wish of the so far non-participants for participating in the future is a mathematical function of the present stress level at work and their expectations regarding the groups´ effectiveness. The studies´ meta-evaluation emphasizes methodological as well as practical consequences. Methodological consequences for future research include investigating extended objectives -e.g. data on sick leave or rotation- when focusing on the cost-effectiveness of psychological supervision and using repeated measurement design for evaluating differential personal effects. In both cases, data protection legislation has to be fully taken into account. Practical consequences for psychological supervision groups in hospitals are: to provide easy access, to act early and in close response to demand, to acknowledge a problem at its source, to focus on problems on the individual-organisational interface, to include all parties concerned in a particular conflict and to translate resources into action.

Telegrams exchanged between Gen, Plutarco Elías Calles and the following people: Military commanders, Head Secretaries of Government, Mayors, Mexican Consul in Chicago, Carlos Palacios Roji and the Consul in New York, Enrique D. Ruiz, the Banana Plantation of Chiapas, S.C.L., the National Chamber of Labor, the Nogales Brewery Cooperative, the Anti-Chinese Committee of Torreón, the Mexican Women's Protection Society, the National Bank of Agricultural Credit, Ltd., Development and Urbanization, Ltd., his personal secretary, Soledad González, the executive vice president of Missouri Airlines, the National Party of Railroads workers, the Chamber of Labor from the state of Nuevo León, the Regional Organizer of Ejidos (farming land) from Puebla, and the National Chamber of Commerce from Monterrey. The aforementioned telegrams concern President Abelardo L. Rodríguez' visit to Tampico; a report on the social peace in Chiapas; birthday greetings from Luis B. Castillas to Teresa Díaz Covarrubias; a petition to remove an official of Public Finance; confirming the visit of the Governor of Chiapas to evaluate the damages caused by the flooding; information about Gen. Plutarco Elías Calles' health status; protests against the smear campaign to discredit the Governor of Querétaro; confirming the installation of the Agrarian Congress in Querétaro; endorsement of the Governor of Tamaulipas, Rafael Villarreal; confirming the repeal of the martial law in Tamaulipas, a request for funding allocation; appreciation for greetings, a request to replace a troop that assisted with the works on the construction of a road in Hermosillo, Sonora; reports on the situation of the victims in Chiapas; a notice about the difficult situation in La Paz, Baja California, granting of credit to the Agrarian Confederation in Mazatlán, Sinaloa; confirming that it is not possible to send financial assistance to the farm workers in Arizona due to the emergency and the need to assist victims in Tampico; a request to stop terminating workers of the National Graphic Shops, a report on the establishment of the Council of rice growers in Puebla; a notice confirming the positive outcome in the solution of the conflict between the Nogales Brewery Cooperative and the Secretariat of Finance, requests for appointments; economic assistance submission to the School of Medicine; a request to support the candidate for Governor of Coahuila, Julio Madero; a request to protect a journalist who uncovered a conspiracy to assassinate Gen. Lázaro Cárdenas; a request for stationery; an invitation to visit Huajuapan de León, Oaxaca; confirming Lázaro Cárdenas' visit to Ciudad Anáhuac, Coahuila; a request for awarding a prize to products of Ejidos in Veracruz; a report about the establishment of the Association of Rice Growers in Michoacán, a request to set up telephone service at Gen. Plutarco Elías Calles' house in Cuernavaca; confirming the Pro-victims actions in Tampico; a request to make a payment to the Chapultepec Cotton Mill; a request for payment submission to the Mexican Development Company, Ltd.; news about the attacks against the Governor of Nuevo León, Francisco A. Cárdenas, a request for Lázaro Cárdenas' whereabouts, a request for promotion, a report stating that the Mexican monetary policy has successfully resisted the crisis; a request for leave extension in favor of Rodolfo Elías Calles, confirming Bartolomé Vargas Lugo's managing position; information about funds movements in Tampico, and appreciation for funds allocation to the Medicine School. / Telegramas entre el Gral. PEC, Comandantes Militares, Gobernadores, Secretarios Generales de Gobierno, Presidentes Municipales, Cónsul de México en Chicago Carlos Palacios Roji y en Nueva York Enrique D. Ruiz, Platanera de Chiapas, S.C.L.; Cámara Nacional del Trabajo, Cooperativa Cervecería Nogales, Comité Anti-Chino de Torreón, Sociedad Protectora de la Mujer Mexicana, Banco Nacional de Crédito Agrícola, S.A.; Fomento y Urbanización, S.A., Secretaria Particular Soledad González, Vicepresidente Ejecutivo Líneas Missouri, Partido Nacional Ferrocarrilero, Cámara del Trabajo del Estado de Nuevo León, Organizador Regional Ejidos de Puebla y Cámara Nacional de Comercio de Monterrey, acerca de: visita del Presidente Abelardo L. Rodríguez a Tampico, informe de paz social en Chiapas, Luis B. Casillas felicita por onomástico a María Teresa Diaz Covarrubias, petición de destitución de funcionario de Hacienda, notificación de visita del Gobernador de Chiapas a la valoración del desastre ocasionado por inundaciones, reportes de salud del Gral. PEC, protestas por campaña de descrédito contra Gobernador de Querétaro, notificación de instalación de Congreso Agrario en Querétaro; adhesiones al Gobernador de Tamaulipas Rafael Villarreal, notificación de derogación de ley marcial en Tamaulipas, solicitud de envío de fondos, agradecimientos por atenciones brindadas al administrador del Gral. PEC, respuestas de enterado y agradecimientos por buenos deseos, solicitud de reemplazo de tropa que habían participado en trabajos de construcción de carretera en Hermosillo, Son.; reportes sobre damnificados en Chiapas, notificación de difícil situación financiera en La Paz, B.C., concesión de crédito a Confederación Agraria en Mazatlán, Sin.; notificación sobre no poder enviar ayuda económica a los trabajadores agrícolas de Arizona por necesidad de apoyar a los damnificados de Tampico, solicitud de ayuda para que no se despidan a más trabajadores de los Talleres Gráficos de la Nación, informe sobre constitución de junta de arroceros en Puebla, notificación de resolución favorable entre la Cooperativa Cervecería Nogales y la Secretaría de Hacienda, solicitudes de audiencia, envío de ayuda económica para la Escuela de Medicina, solicitud de apoyo al candidato a Gobernador de Coahuila Julio Madero, solicitud de garantías a periodista que descubrió complot para asesinar al Gral. Lázaro Cárdenas, solicitud de envío de papelería, invitación a Huajuapan de Léon, Oax.; notificaicón sobre visita de Lázaro Cárdenas a Ciudad Anáhuac, Coah.; solicitud de premio a productos ejidales en Veracruz, informe sobre formación de asociaciones de productores de arroz en Michoacán, solicitud de instalación de teléfonos en la casa de Cuernavaca del Gral. PEC, notificación de acciones pro damnificados en Tampico, solicitud de pago a Fábrica de Algodón Chapultepec, solicitud de envío de giro a Compañía Desarolladora Mexicana, S.A., informe sobre ataques que está sufriendo el Gobernador de Nuevo León Francisco A. Cárdenas, solicitud de informe sobre paradero de Lázaro Cárdenas, solicitud de ascenso, informe sobre que la política monetaria mexicana ha sido la acertada para sortear la crisis, solicitud de prórroga de licencia a favor de Rodolfo Elías Calles, notificación sobre cargo gerencial a favor de Bartolomé Vargas Lugo, informe sobre movimiento de fondos en Tampico y agradecimientos por envío de fondos para la Escuela de Medicina.

TANİN'DEKİ YAZILARI ÇERÇEVESİNDE BABANZÂDE İSMAİL HAKKI'NIN MEŞRUTİYET DÜŞÜNCESİÖZETBabanzâde İsmail Hakkı Bey; etkili bir aydın, politikacı, gazeteci ve yazar olarak II. Meşrutiyet döneminin önemli isimlerinden biri olmuştur. Kökü 16. yüzyıla uzanan, Süleymaniye şehrinin kurucusu ünlü Kürt aşireti Baban ailesine mensuptur. İslamcılık düşüncesinin güçlü temsilcilerinden Babanzâde Ahmed Naim'in kardeşidir. Hukuk Mektebi'ni bitirdikten sonra Mülkiye ve Mühendis Mektepleri'nde hocalık; İkdam, Tanin, Şura-yı Ümmet gibi gazetelerde köşe yazarlığı yapmıştır. Hukukla ilgili eserlerinin yanı sıra Bismarc biyografisi ve Dreyfus Meselesini anlattığı kitapları da bulunmaktadır.Meclis-i Mebusan'da Bağdat (1908) ve Divaniye (1912) mebusu olarak yer almış, İbrahim Hakkı Paşa Kabinesi'nde Maarif Vekilliği (1911) siyasi kariyerinin en üst noktası olmuştur. 26 Aralık 1913'te, henüz 37 yaşında iken ders verdiği sırada vefat etmiştir.Meşrutiyet düşüncesini resmetmeye çalıştığım bu tezde onu tanımlayabilecek temel kavramlar; itidal, tedrici tekâmül, meşruiyet,parlamenter sisteme bağlılık, teamül , uzlaşma kültürüdür.Babanzâde, Meşrutiyet'i demokrasi ile eşanlamlı bir yönetim olarak gördüğü için yazılarını, demokrasiyi oluşturan temel unsurları (çoğunluk, çoğulculuk, yasama, yürütme, yargı, güçler ayrılığı, basın özgürlüğü, hukukun üstünlüğü vb.) esas alarak sınıflandırdım.Nitekim 1909 Ağustos'unda yayınlanan Şeyhülislamlık Beyannamesi'ni değerlendirdiği yazılarında; hâkimiyet-i milliye, iktidarın denetlenmesi, güçler ayrılığı, müsavat kavramlarını vurguladığı görülmektedir.Yaşanan olaylara sosyolojik izahlar getirmesi, akademik kimliğinin yazılarına akseden önemli bir parçasıdır. Etki-tepki kanunu, değişimin kaçınılmazlığı, parça-bütün ilişkisi, evrimci yaklaşım, bazı sorunların ancak toplumsal olgunlaşma ile çözülebileceği, yeniliklerin somut ihtiyaçlardan başlaması gerektiği bunlardan birkaçıdır. İttihad ve Terakki Partisi'nin güçlü olduğu dönemde, siyasi rakiplerinin kürsü dokunulmazlığı ve emeklilik haklarını savunması demokrasiye olan bağlılığındaki samimiyeti gösterir.Sultan Reşad'ın cülus yıldönümlerinde kaleme aldığı yazılar, Meclis'te hanedanın damatlarının -onurlarının korunabilmesi için- ödeneklerinin artırılması teklifini desteklemesi onun saltanata karşı olduğu iddiasını çürütmektedir. Ancak sistem içerisinde padişaha biçtiği rol de oldukça sınırlıdır: Milletin birliğini ve ülkenin bütünlüğünü temsil eden, siyasi yetkileri azaltılmış sembolik bir makam.Ona göre; halk Meşrutiyet yönetimiyle beraber iktidara ortak olmuştur. Ancak sınırsız bir özgürlük elde etmemiştir. Hakkını kurallar içerisinde aramalıdır. Rüşvet, tembellik, düzensizlik gibi toplumsal hastalıkların tedavisi için siyasi ve medeni terbiyenin yükselmesi gereklidir.Çoğulculuk kavramına çok erken sayılabilecek bir dönemde vurgu yapması onun demokrasi çıtasının yüksekliğini göstermektedir. Ona göre azınlıkta kalan siyasi hareketler ancak sağlam ve tutarlı fikirlerle hayatta kalabilirler.Karmaşık seçim sisteminde en iyi sonucu alabilmek için İttihad ve Terakki'nin hem seçmenlerine hem adaylarına hem de parti yöneticilerine tavsiyelerde bulunur. Bu tavsiyeler günümüzde dahi yerleşmemiş olan parti içi demokrasi anlayışı açısından oldukça önemlidir.Dini inançların seçim malzemesi yapılmasına karşı çıkar. Siyasi cinayetlere şiddetle karşıdır. Partisinin seçim başarısını açıklarken güçlü bir analizci olduğu görülmektedir.Basının halkın sesi olduğuna dair iyimserliği siyasi rekabetin labirentlerinde kaybolur. Bu alandaki düzensizliğin önlenmesi için bir Matbuat Cemiyeti kurulmasını ve bir Matbuat Nizamnamesi hazırlanmasını önemsemiştir. Yabancı basının iç politikada taraf olmasına karşı çıkar.Osmanlı Devleti'nin azınlıkları Türkleştirmeye çalıştığı ithamını bir iftira olarak görür. Ancak herkesi ortak vatan ve ortak vatandaşlık çatısı altında bir araya getirecek Osmanlıcılık politikasının da gerekli olduğunu savunur. Eşitlik talep eden azınlıkların eski ayrıcalıklarının devam etmesini istemelerini ise bir çelişki olarak görür. Kültürel amaçla kurulan Kürt Teavün ve Terakki Cemiyeti'ne (1908) üye olması ve bu Cemiyet'in gazetesinde yazı yazması, azınlıkları Türkleştirmenin yanlış olacağını savunması kendisinin Türkleşmiş Kürt olduğu iddiasını çürütür; Osmanlıcılık idealine samimiyetle bağlı Kürt kökenli bir aydın olduğunu gösterir.Arnavutluk'un Osmanlı Devleti'nden ayrılış süreci tam bir travma etkisi doğurur. Çünkü bu ayrılış "ümmet" anlayışına vurulan ilk darbedir. Arap siyasi hareketlerine, bu süreçte yaşananları bir ibret olarak hatırlatır.Devleti oluşturan unsurlardan başta yasamayı (Meclis) öne çıkarırken daha sonra yürütmeyi ilk sıraya geçirmiştir. Bir hükümet kurulurken padişah-sadrazam-Meclis arasında güvenoyu alınmasını sağlayacak bir işbirliğini gerekli görür. Bugünkü tabirle teknokrat bir koalisyon hükümeti kurulmasına, yürütmeyi zayıflatacağı için karşı çıkar.Örfi İdarenin hatalarının üstünü örtme çabası ve muhalefetin sesini daha gür duyurabileceği açık alan mitinglerine karşı çıkması onun demokrasi anlayışında tespit edebildiğimiz nadir kırılmalardır. Halaskarân Zabitan tehdidi karşısındaki dik duruşu ise takdire şayandır.Ona göre, yasama organının diğer parçası olan Ayan Meclisi'nin varlığı -aristokratik bir geçmişe dayanmadığı için- sadece bir sebeple anlamlıdır: Kanunların hazırlanması sürecinde ihtiyaç duyulan teenniyi sağlaması. Buna rağmen zaten Meclis'in feshinde onay hakkına sahip olan Ayan Meclisi'nin bir de hükümeti düşürebilecek istizah (gensoru), kendi üyelerini seçme gibi haklara sahip olursa sistemdeki tek güç olacağı uyarısını yapar. Meclis müzakerelerinin uzamaması için yaptığı teklifler tam bir uzman görüşüdür. Muhalefet milletvekillerinin iktidarın istediği kanunları engellemek için başvurduğu obstrüksiyon (engelleme) yöntemlerini demokrasi dışı uygulamalar olarak tanımlar.Ocak 1912'de Meclis'in ilk feshinin ardından aynı yıl Ahmet Muhtar Paşa Kabinesi döneminde yeniden feshedilmesi çabasına şiddetle karşı çıkar. Bu amaçla dile getirilen Meclis'in ömrüne dair fikirleri ustaca çürütür.Güçler dengesi bağlamında Meclis'in istizah hakkına karşılık hükümetin cevabın ertelenmesi hakkının hangi dengede olması gerektiğini izah eder. İstizah, güven oylaması ile sonuçlanan bir yöntem olarak kullanıldığı için iktidarın denetlenmesinde daha hafif bir yöntem olarak sual yöntemini teklif eder. Meclis'in adem-i itimad oyuna karşılık Hükümet'in Meclis'i feshetme hakkını düzenleyen 35. maddenin değiştirilmesi meselesi, güçler dengesi başlığının en önemli konusudur. Anayasa'da yapılan 1909 tadilatıyla bu denge İttihad ve Terakki tarafından Meclis lehine bozulmuştur. 1912'de dengenin yeniden kurulması için yapılan teklifin de İttihadçılardan gelmesi muhalifler tarafından şiddetle eleştirilmiştir.Babanzâde, yargı alanında reform ihtiyacını kabul etmektedir. Ancak bunun da tedrici bir şekilde olması gerektiğini savunur. Mahkemelerin tekliği esas olmasına rağmen bir süre daha memurların yargılanması için idari mahkemelerin varlığını sürdürmesi gereklidir. Gezici sulh mahkemelerinin kurulması adi suçların çözümünü hızlandıracaktır. Hâkimlerin ilmi yeterliliklerini artırmak için hukuk mekteplerinin sayısı artırılmalı, gayret eksikliğini gidermek için görevde yükselme şartlarını belirleyen objektif kriterler getirilmelidir.Ordu ve adliye mensubu memurların politikadan uzak durması şarttır. Ancak bu sayede saygınlıklarını koruyabilirler. Küçük düzeydeki memurların halkı bilgilendirmek amacıyla politikayla ilgilenmesi yanlış olmaz, aksi takdirde siyasi güç kısa zamanda yerel zorbaların eline geçer. Memurların sendikal haklara sahip olmaması fikri ise bugün geçerliliğini yitirmiştir.BABANZÂDE İSMAİL HAKKI'S CONSTİTUTİONALİZM İDEA İN THE VİEW OF HİS WRİTİNGS İN TANİNBabanzâde İsmail Hakkı Bey: He is one of the important names of II. Constitutionalizm as an effective intellectual, politician, journalist and an auther.He is a member of Baban Family which is a famous Kurdish tribe in 16. Cc. The founder of Suleymaniye city. He is the brother of Babanzâde Ahmet Naim who is the most powerful represantative of Pan-İslam. After graduation from law school,he worked at Mülkiye and Engineering Schools and wrote articles to İkdam, Tanin, Şura-yı Ümmet newspapers. In addition to his Works about law, he wrote Bismarc biography and the book which he told about Dreyfus matter.He worked as a representative of Bağdat and Divaniye in Grand National Assembly (Mebusan Meclisi). He worked as an Education Minister with İbrahim Hakkı's Goverment. This position was his top career. While he was teaching ,26 th December 1913 at 37 years old he died.When I want to describe his constitutionalism with this thesis, I can say these terms: moderate, improving step by step, legitimacy, devotion on the system of parliament, customs, culture of reconcile.As Babanzâde has seen constitutinalism and democracy the same, I classified his writings as the basic items: majority, pluralism, legislation, propulsion, judgement the diversity of powers, the freedom of press and dominiant of law.In his writings which criticized Şeyhülislam Declaration in 1909 August, it is seen that he focused on soverignity, inspecting the power goverment, the diversity of power and equality.His sociological way of describing the events is important part of his career. Effect and cause, inevitable change, the relation of part and whole, evolutionist approach, the thing that some problems can only be solved by the maturity of the society and the necessity that the innovation must started by the concrete need are some of them.When İttihad and Terakki Party was powerful, his defensing the rivals seat untouchable position of its and the rights of being retired shows his dependancy on democracy.In Sultan Reşat's ascending the throne anniversary writings his supporting increasing the subsidy of sons in law on the behalf of protecting their honour in the assembly refutes the idea of opposition against the throne. But the role of the Sultan is very limited in his system it is a symbolic stage which represents the unity of the nation and the unity of whole country.According to him the people participated in the political power with constitutinaolism. However,they couldn't get endless freedom. They have to look for their right according to the rules and law. The social disorders like bribery, laziness, untidiness can be solved by increasing the level of political and civilized understanding of society.His focusing the concept of pluralism at early period shows his improving the idea of democracy for him weak political movements can only stay alive by strong and coherent ideas.He has some suggestions both to the candidates and voters of İttihad and Terakki in order to be succesful on the complicated voting system. These suggestions are very important for the today's changeable party and democracy understanding.He is opposed to misusing of religious beliefs. He is strongly object to political murders. While he is describing his party's voting success, he is seen to be a strong analisist.The optimism of the press about being the voice of the nation disappears in the labyrinth of political competition. He gave importance to the foundation of press and to the event of preparing a press declaration in order to prevent the disorders in this field. He opposes to foreign press's side in inside policy.The minorities of Ottoman Empire sees the accusation of making them Turkish as a slander. On the other hand,he thinks that the Ottoman policy which will make all the natives and non-natives United is a most that the minorities who demands equality and also demanding their old privilages is seen as a contradiction by him. The event of being a member of the Kurdish Teavün and Terakki Association founded with the aim of culture (1908) and writing many articles in this association's newspaper and defending that it would be wrong to make Kurdish people Turkish refutes that he is a Kurdish. It shows that he is a Kurdish-rooted, intellectual person who is strongly devoted himself to Ottoman idealism.The period in which Albania seperated from Ottoman Empaire reveals a real travma. Because this parting is a real blow for the Muslim Community. He sees it as a sample for the Arabic political movements.He gives importance to legislation but then he finds carrying a law more important than legislation. He thinks a cooperation providing with winning a vote of confidence among Sultan-Grand Vizier and Assembly is necessary. He objects to today's technocrat coalition goverment, because of its dangerous effects on carrying out the law.His effors to conceal the faults of cencorship and his objections to opposition party's demonstrations are his defects of his democracy understanding. However,his standing upwright against the threat of Halaskarân is worth to appreciating.In his opinion, existing Ayan Assembly another part of legislation is only meaningful -because of not depending on the aristocratic past- while laws being pirepared the needed calmness is because provided. Neverthless he warns that if Ayan Assembly has the right to select its own members and to give interpellation in Parliment, it will be the unique power.His suggestions not to last the parliment discussions are totally expert ideas. He identifies the methods which the opposition party's members applied for preventing the power's laws are out of democracy.He is strongly against to the efforts of repealing during Ahmet Muhtar Paşa Kabinet period again after the first repealing of parliment in January 1912. He eliminates the ideas of the life-span of the Assembly.He explains the necessary balance between assembly's interpellation right and goverments delaying right to answer. As interpellation is a method used for voting for trust he proposes as a light method "questioning method" to inspect the goverment.The problem which is about the changing of the 35. Matter the right of repealing the goverment is the most important subject of the power balance. The change in 1909 constitution ,this balance was ruined against the Parliment by İttihad and Terakki. In 1912 the proposal by İttihad and Terakki to rebuild this balance was strongly criticized by the opponents.Babanzâde accepts the need for a change in judgement. But he defends that is should be step by step. Although the courts are the only way to judge, managerial courts must exist to judge the officers for a while. Founding portable peace courts will make the solution the vulgar crimes faster. The number of law schools should be more in order to develop the judge's careers and there should be some objective criteria to improve on their careers and to prevent the effort deficiency.It is a condition for army and judge staff to be away from the policy. Providing that they can protect their esteem. Low-level officers' dealing with the policy is not wrong, otherwise political-power can be subsituted with local tyrants. The officer's union rights have disappeared today.

Donors increasingly fund interventions to counteract inequality in developing countries, where they fear it can foment instability and undermine nation-building efforts. To succeed, aid relies on the principle of upward accountability to donors. But federalism shifts the accountability of subnational officials downward to regional and local voters. What happens when aid agencies fund anti-inequality programs in federal countries? Does federalism undermine aid? Does aid undermine federalism? Or can the political and fiscal relations that define a federal system resolve the contradiction internally? This study explores this paradox via the Promotion of Basic Services program in Ethiopia, the largest donor-financed investment program in the world. Using an original panel database comprising the universe of Ethiopian woredas (districts), the study finds that horizontal (geographic) inequality decreased substantially. Donor-financed block grants to woredas increased the availability of primary education and health care services in the bottom 20 percent of woredas. Weaker evidence from household surveys suggests that vertical inequality across wealth groups (within woredas) also declined, implying that individuals from the poorest households benefit disproportionately from increasing access to and utilization of such services. The evidence suggests that by combining strong upward accountability over public investment with extensive citizen engagement on local issues, Ethiopia's federal system resolves the instrumental dissonance posed by aid-funded programs to combat inequality in a federation.

Sata kuntaa riittää , Puolet pois! ja Lopulta kuntia voi olla vain 30. Tutkimuksen aiheena on 1990-luvun alusta 2000-luvun puoliväliin käyty kuntarakennetta koskeva julkinen keskustelu. Keskustelua näkökohtineen, vaatimuksineen ja osapuolineen tarkastellaan totuuden politiikan kautta. Kiinnostuksen kohteena on se, miten tuotetaan ne totuudet, joilla perustellaan kuntarakenteeseen kohdistuvia vaatimuksia. Tutkimuksen aineisto muodostuu kuntaliitoksia käsittelevistä sanomalehtikirjoituksista. Tutkimuksen perusteella kuntarakennekeskustelun solmukohdassa käydään kamppailua tehtävien, voimavarojen ja kuntarakenteiden keskinäisestä suhteesta. Kunnille osoitettujen tehtävien ja voimavarojen merkitys on kansantaloudellisesti ja jakopoliittisesti keskeinen. Voimavaroissa tai tehtävissä tunnistettu muutos käynnistää tarpeen sopeuttaa kahta muuta elementtiä. Muutosvaatimukset ovat kytkeytyneet myös poliittisen vallanjaon jännitteisiin eli puolueiden valtapoliittisiin asemiin kuntakentässä. Kamppailu oikeista tulkinnoista, määritelmistä ja näkökulmista eli totuudesta ilmenee puhe- ja ajattelutavoissa eli diskursseissa. Kuntarakennekeskustelua hallitsee puhetapa, joka on nimetty valtadiskurssiksi. Sen keskeisenä päämääränä on kuntarakenteen uudistaminen suurempien kuntien muodostamiseksi. Kysymys on kuntien toimintaedellytysten ja voimavarojen vahvistamisesta. Keskeiseksi muodostuu kuntien toimintaympäristön muutos. Valtadiskurssissa kuntarakenteen uudistaminen asetetaan rahoituksen tai tehtävien uudelleenmäärittelyn edelle. Kun kuntien tehtävissä tai voimavaroissa tapahtuu muutoksia, rakenteiden tulee sopeutua näihin muutoksiin. Kuntarakenne näyttäytyy hallittavana , sen piirteitä voidaan mitata, arvioida ja muuttaa. Vastadiskurssiksi nimetty diskurssi syntyy reaktiona vaatimukselle kuntarakenteen muutoksesta. Vastadiskurssin lähtökohdista käsin pyrkimys kuntarakenteen muutokseen ei ole perusteltu. Kunnat nähdään historialtaan ja identiteetiltään ainutkertaisina itsehallinnollisina yhteisöinä, joilla on alueellinen itsemääräämisoikeus. Kunnan kehittämistä ja palveluja koskeva päätöksenteko halutaan säilyttää mahdollisimman lähellä kuntalaisia. Kuntaliitosten nähdään johtavan kehittämistoimenpiteiden ja palveluiden keskittymiseen eli hyvinvointivaltion paikalliseen alasajoon. Toimintaympäristön muutos edellyttää sopeutumista, mutta kuntaliitosten sijaan ratkaisuksi esitetään kuntien voimavarojen lisäämistä, tehtävien vähentämistä, kuntien yhteistyön lisäämistä ja muita palvelutuotannon tehostamiseen tähtääviä toimenpiteitä. Nykyiset kunnat ovat muodostuneet useiden vuosisatojen aikana monien vaiheiden kautta. Kuntia on yhdistetty ja niitä on jaettu. Muutoksia on perusteltu eri aikoina ajankohtaisilla kuntien tehtäviin ja taloudellisiin voimavaroihin kohdistuvilla haasteilla. 1990-luvun alussa kuntarakenteen muutostarve kytkettiin byrokratiaan ja lamaa seuranneeseen kunnallistalouden kriisiin. Vaatimus palvelujen tehokkuudesta ja byrokratisoituneen hallinnon virtaviivaistamisesta muodostui hyvin keskeiseksi. 1990-luvulta 2000-luvulle tultaessa alkoi korostua seutuistuminen, kuntien keskinäinen riippuvuus ja yhteistyö elinkeinojen kehittämisessä sekä palvelujen turvaamisessa. Samalla omaksuttiin kaksi erilaista sopeutumisstrategiaa eli pyrkimys edistää sekä kuntaliitoksia että seutuyhteistyötä. Kaksikärkinen strategia edusti kompromissia tilanteessa, jossa kunnat eivät olleet halukkaita liitoksiin. 2000-luvun puoliväliin tultaessa kuntarakennekeskustelussa tapahtui kuitenkin diskursiivinen muutos. Kuntarakenteen muutosta vaadittiin entistä voimakkaammin nimenomaan palvelujen turvaamiseksi. Kuntien taloudellisen aseman eriytyminen kiihtyi muuttoliikkeestä ja kuntien rahoitusperusteiden muutosten seurauksena. Uhkana olivat myös väestön ikääntymisestä ja palveluvaatimusten muutoksista johtuva palvelukustannusten kohoaminen. Kunnat näyttivät jakautuvan menestyviin ja menettäviin. Monien kuntien edellytykset palvelujen järjestämiseen olivat merkittävästi heikentyneet. Kuntien taloudellinen vastuullistaminen ja vaatimus elinvoimaisuudesta korostuivat. Julkisen talouden sopeuttamistarpeen ja kuntien palvelukustannusten kasvun myötä tehokkuuden rinnalle nousi vaatimus tuottavuuden kohottamisesta. Toimintaympäristön muutoksiin varautumisen katsottiin edellyttävän myös elinvoimaisuutta. Aiempina vuosikymmeninä valtion rahoitusta ohjattiin voimakkaasti infrastruktuurin ja palveluverkon ylläpitämiseen syrjäseudulla ja heikosti toimeentulevissa kunnissa. Tapahtuneessa muutoksessa on kysymys siitä, että yksi totuuden politiikka korvautuu toisella. Kuntien odotetaan kantavan vastuunsa elinkelpoisuudestaan ja yhdistyvän väestö- ja elinkeinopohjaltaan ja sitä kautta entistä vahvemmiksi kokonaisuuksiksi. 2000-luvun edetessä kuntaliitoshankkeita on käynnistynyt kiihtyvällä tahdilla ja yhä useammissa niistä kunnat yhdistyvät. Kuntayhteisön historia, identiteetti ja ainutkertaisuus väistävät, kun yhdistyminen muodostuu yhden tai useamman kunnan taloudellisen aseman tai toiminnallisten edellytysten kannalta välttämättömäksi. Keskusteltaessa kuntarakenteesta keskustellaan samalla kuntien itsehallinnosta. Voimakas vaatimus kuntien elinvoimaisuudesta ja elinkelpoisuudesta merkitseekin itsehallintokäsityksen muuttumista. ; The topic of this study is the public discussion on desired local authority size and the need for municipal mergers. The study is based on the French philosopher Michel Foucault´s discoursive view of knowledge and power and an analytics of governmentality, which has evolved from Foucault´s research. The discussion on local government structure concerns information on local authorities, power and competing governmental rationalities. Governmental rationalities refer to different ways of producing truths and giving causes for social and political aims. The study is based on the conception that governmental rationalities are bound up with a discoursive struggle. This struggle is integrated into public discussion. The material of the study consists of newspaper articles on local government structure and municipal mergers. The discussion on local government structure is examined in contexts from the early 1990s and early 2000s. With regard to these two periods I analyse the changing historical conditions under which the discourses unfold. During the time that passed between the two periods the local authorities faced a major change in economic fluctuations, migration, internationalisation, the European integration and the effects of extensive public administration reforms. The discussion on local government structure is analysed in relation to the recent development of the operating environment, the metamorphosis of the welfare society and the changeable role of local authorities. An important issue in my study is what kind of discourses form the framework for public discussion on local government structure? And how do they regulate the governmental rationalities concerning the relations between the duties, resources and structures of local governments? According to my study, the debate on local government structure is in fact a defining struggle over the local authorities´ mission, resources and structure and how these are related to one another. A change detected in resources or duties triggers a need to adjust either one of the two other elements in question. The interpretations of adjustment in each case result in specific governmental rationalities of reform. There is also the question of how political power is distributed and the tensions arising from it, i.e. a struggle for political power in connection to the political parties´ differentiated position in local governments. A change in local government structure signifies new strategic positions and political strongholds. The positions of the traditional ruling parties, i.e. the Centre Party and the Social Democratic Party, produce opposite dispositions of how and on whose conditions the governmental models are outlined. The study shows that the discussion on local government structure is dominated by a power discourse that strongly emphasises a demand for restructuring in order to form larger municipalities. The power discourse strengthens a rationality that gives priority to restructuring local governments instead of financing or redefining duties. Within the power discourse the conception of local government structure turns into an instrument of governmentality and a perspective which sets aside other possible ways of representing local authorities. Local authorities are perceived as a part of the total structure of administrative units, the characteristics of which may be measured, assessed ­ and changed. A counterdiscourse arises as a reaction to the power discourse and its demand for adjustment to the change of operational environment through a change of local government structure. This counterdiscourse questions the notion of local authorities as a structure that can be steered and governed. Local authorities are seen as unique, autonomous regional institutions where decisions on their development and services must be made as close to the local residents as possible. Thus the counterdiscourse emphasises the local authorities´ territorial autonomy, which secures preserve the unique history and identity of the present municipalities. In the 1990 s the interpretation that the operating environment developed towards regionalisation was characteristic for the change management. The aim to promote regionalisation and conditions influencing regionalisation was strengthened. Regional cooperation represented a compromise between reluctance to merge and securing of industrial development needs and services. The discussion concerning local authority structures was founded upon a two-peaked strategy of adjusting, i.e. the aim was to actively further the promotion of both municipal mergers and regional cooperation. Securing services is the topic in the core of the discussions on local government structures. And this topic is enwrapped in the discourse on equality. However, equality appears to be the ambivalent precondition for the reform. In the power discourse the equal status of citizens is threatened by the differentiation of the financial situation of local authorities. A change of the local government structure arises as the solution. The counterdiscourse emphasises one aspect above all others, i.e. to secure services as close to the local residents as possible. The pursuit of scale benefits, concentration of resources and development measures and cutting down on services are considered risks in the change of local government structures. The fear for the effects of concentrated powers and for the dismantlement of the welfare society at local level will be actualised in the counterdiscourse. From the beginning of the 1990 s to the mid-2000 s there is a discoursive change in the discussion on local government structures. The discussion starts increasingly to circle around the change of operating environments of local authorities. The prerequisites of local governments to secure the services are getting questioned due to migration, changes in the population s age structure and regional differentiation. There seems to be a division into winning and losing local authorities. The financial and operating prerequisites of small and remote local authorities are considered to have weakened. Making provisions for changes in the operating environment emphasises vitality and viability. A condition is that local authorities embrace their financial responsibilities. The responsibilisation in the discoursive change is similar to the responsibilisation frequently applied in connection with the management of welfare drawing on different neoliberal practices. The mentality of liberalisation and responsibilisation can be more widely acknowledged in the development of the relations between local authorities and the state. In political rationalisation the promotion of productivity has become the counterpart of the securing of services. The rhetoric of financial necessities is more strongly than before starting to regulate the discussion. In the 1990 s the emphasis was on effectivity and claims for the streamlining of the bureaucratised governance. In the 2000 s the talk focused on productivity and the demand that more should be achieved despite decreasing resources. The concept of productivity welling from the background assumptions of economic science is problematic for the public sector. It does not measure welfare and wellbeing. Consequently the dispute is not about measures but about goals. What kind of local authorities will be given the responsibility for the services to residents and the development of their close environment? The answer to this question also implies how resources and duties are allocated to local authorities. The discoursive change is all about a reorganisation of the mutual relations between knowledge and power. One politics of truth is replaced with another politics of truth with more explanatory power and penetrating effects than the former one. The responsibilisation of local authorities and the assessment based on financial processes come in the centre of the discussion on local government structures. The definitions of local authority duties, resources and structures also contribute to the revision of local self-government. The strong claim for vital and viable local authorities actually means the articulation of a new kind of basis for the self-government.

This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License. The images or other third party material in this article are included in the article's Creative Commons license, unless indicated otherwise in the credit line; if the material is not included under the Creative Commons license, users will need to obtain permission from the license holder to reproduce the material. Acknowledgements: We especially thank all volunteers who participated in our study. This study made use of data generated by the 'Genome of the Netherlands' project, which is funded by the Netherlands Organization for Scientific Research (grant no. 184021007). The data were made available as a Rainbow Project of BBMRI-NL. Samples were contributed by LifeLines (http://lifelines.nl/lifelines-research/general), the Leiden Longevity Study (http://www.healthy-ageing.nl; http://www.langleven.net), the Netherlands Twin Registry (NTR: http://www.tweelingenregister.org), the Rotterdam studies (http://www.erasmus-epidemiology.nl/rotterdamstudy) and the Genetic Research in Isolated Populations programme (http://www.epib.nl/research/geneticepi/research.html#gip). The sequencing was carried out in collaboration with the Beijing Institute for Genomics (BGI). Cardiovascular Health Study: This CHS research was supported by NHLBI contracts HHSN268201200036C, HHSN268200800007C, HHSN268200960009C, N01HC55222, N01HC85079, N01HC85080, N01HC85081, N01HC85082, N01HC85083, N01HC85086; and NHLBI grants HL080295, HL087652, HL105756 and HL103612 with additional contribution from the National Institute of Neurological Disorders and Stroke (NINDS). Additional support was provided through AG023629 from the National Institute on Aging (NIA). A full list of CHS investigators and institutions can be found at http://www.chs-nhlbi.org/pi.htm. The CROATIA cohorts would like to acknowledge the invaluable contributions of the recruitment teams in Vis, Korcula and Split (including those from the Institute of Anthropological Research in Zagreb and the Croatian Centre for Global Health at the University of Split), the administrative teams in Croatia and Edinburgh and the people of Vis, Korcula and Split. SNP genotyping was performed at the Wellcome Trust Clinical Research Facility in Edinburgh for CROATIA-Vis, by Helmholtz Zentrum München, GmbH, Neuherberg, Germany for CROATIA-Korcula and by AROS Applied Biotechnology, Aarhus, Denmark for CROATIA-Split. They would also like to thank Jared O'Connell for performing the pre-phasing for all cohorts before imputation. The ERF study as a part of EuroSPAN (European Special Populations Research Network) was supported by European Commission FP-6 STRP grant number 018947 (LSHG-CT-2006-01947) and also received funding from the European Community's Seventh Framework Programme (FP7/2007-2013)/grant agreement HEALTH-F4-2007-201413 by the European Commission under the programme 'Quality of Life and Management of the Living Resources' of 5th Framework Programme (no. QLG2-CT-2002-01254). High-throughput analysis of the ERF data was supported by joint grant from the Netherlands Organisation for Scientific Research and the Russian Foundation for Basic Research (NWO-RFBR 047.017.043). This research was financially supported by BBMRI-NL, a Research Infrastructure financed by the Dutch government (NWO 184.021.007). Statistical analyses for the ERF study were carried out on the Genetic Cluster Computer (http://www.geneticcluster.org), which is financially supported by the Netherlands Scientific Organization (NWO 480-05-003 PI: Posthuma) along with a supplement from the Dutch Brain Foundation and the VU University Amsterdam. We are grateful to all study participants and their relatives, general practitioners and neurologists for their contributions and to P. Veraart for her help in genealogy, J. Vergeer for the supervision of the laboratory work and P. Snijders for his help in data collection. The FamHS is funded by a NHLBI grant 5R01HL08770003, and NIDDK grants 5R01DK06833603 and 5R01DK07568102. The Framingham Heart Study SHARe Project for GWAS scan was supported by the NHLBI Framingham Heart Study (Contract No. N01-HC-25195) and its contract with Affymetrix Inc for genotyping services (Contract No. N02-HL-6-4278). DNA isolation and biochemistry were partly supported by NHLBI HL-54776. A portion of this research utilized the Linux Cluster for Genetic Analysis (LinGA-II) funded by the Robert Dawson Evans Endowment of the Department of Medicine at the Boston University School of Medicine and Boston Medical Center. We are grateful to Han Chen for conducting the 1000G imputation. The Family Heart Study was supported by the by grants R01-HL-087700 and R01-HL-088215 from the National Heart, Lung, and Blood Institute (NHLBI). We would like to acknowledge the invaluable contributions of the families who took part in the Generation Scotland: Scottish Family Health Study, the general practitioners and Scottish School of Primary Care for their help in recruiting them, and the whole Generation Scotland team, which includes academic researchers, IT staff, laboratory technicians, statisticians and research managers. SNP genotyping was performed at the Wellcome Trust Clinical Research Facility in Edinburgh. GS:SFHS is funded by the Scottish Executive Health Department, Chief Scientist Office, grant number CZD/16/6. SNP genotyping was funded by the Medical Research Council, United Kingdom. We wish to acknowledge the services of the LifeLines Cohort Study, the contributing research centres delivering data to LifeLines and all the study participants. MESA Whites and the MESA SHARe project are conducted and supported by contracts N01-HC-95159 through N01-HC-95169 and RR-024156 from the NHLBI. Funding for MESA SHARe genotyping was provided by NHLBI Contract N02.HL.6.4278. MESA Family is conducted and supported in collaboration with MESA investigators; support is provided by grants and contracts R01HL071051, R01HL071205, R01HL071250, R01HL071251, R01HL071252, R01HL071258 and R01HL071259. We thank the participants of the MESA study, the Coordinating Center, MESA investigators and study staff for their valuable contributions. A full list of participating MESA investigators and institutions can be found at http://www.mesa-nhlbi.org. Netherland Twin Register (NTR) and Netherlands Study of Depression and Anxiety (NESDA): Funding was obtained from the Netherlands Organization for Scientific Research (NWO) and MagW/ZonMW grants Middelgroot-911-09-032, Spinozapremie 56-464-14192, Geestkracht programme of the Netherlands Organization for Health Research and Development (Zon-MW, grant number 10-000-1002), Center for Medical Systems Biology (CSMB, NWO Genomics), NBIC/BioAssist/RK(2008.024), Biobanking and Biomolecular Resources Research Infrastructure (BBMRI-NL, 184.021.007), VU University's Institute for Health and Care Research (EMGO+) and Neuroscience Campus Amsterdam (NCA); the European Science Foundation (ESF, EU/QLRT-2001-01254), the European Community's Seventh Framework Program (FP7/2007-2013), ENGAGE (HEALTH-F4-2007-201413); the European Science Council (ERC Advanced, 230374); and the European Research Council (ERC-284167). Part of the genotyping and analyses were funded by the Genetic Association Information Network (GAIN) of the Foundation for the National Institutes of Health, Rutgers University Cell and DNA Repository (NIMH U24 MH068457-06), the Avera Institute, Sioux Falls, South Dakota (USA) and the National Institutes of Health (NIH R01 HD042157-01A1, MH081802, Grand Opportunity grants 1RC2 MH089951 and 1RC2 MH089995). PREVEND genetics is supported by the Dutch Kidney Foundation (Grant E033), the EU project grant GENECURE (FP-6 LSHM CT 2006 037697), the National Institutes of Health (grant 2R01LM010098), The Netherlands Organisation for Health Research and Development (NWO-Groot grant 175.010.2007.006, NWO VENI grant 916.761.70, ZonMw grant 90.700.441) and the Dutch Inter University Cardiology Institute Netherlands (ICIN). The PROSPER study was supported by an investigator-initiated grant obtained from Bristol-Myers Squibb. J.W.J is an Established Clinical Investigator of the Netherlands Heart Foundation (grant 2001 D 032). Genotyping was supported by the seventh framework programme of the European commission (grant 223004) and by the Netherlands Genomics Initiative (Netherlands Consortium for Healthy Aging grant 050-060-810). The Rotterdam Study is funded by Erasmus Medical Center and Erasmus University, Rotterdam, Netherlands Organization for the Health Research and Development (ZonMw), the Research Institute for Diseases in the Elderly (RIDE), the Ministry of Education, Culture and Science, the Ministry for Health, Welfare and Sports, the European Commission (DG XII) and the Municipality of Rotterdam. We are grateful to the study participants, the staff from the Rotterdam Study and the participating general practitioners and pharmacists. The generation and management of GWAS genotype data for the Rotterdam Study is supported by the Netherlands Organisation of Scientific Research NWO Investments (nr. 175.010.2005.011, 911-03-012). This study is funded by the Research Institute for Diseases in the Elderly (014-93-015; RIDE2), the Netherlands Genomics Initiative (NGI)/Netherlands Organisation for Scientific Research (NWO) project no. 050-060-810. We thank Pascal Arp, Mila Jhamai, Marijn Verkerk, Lizbeth Herrera and Marjolein Peters for their help in creating the GWAS database. ; Peer reviewed ; Publisher PDF

[spa] La presente tesis doctoral se presenta como una investigación de Historia Contemporánea con raíces en la Ciencia Política. Su finalidad es comprender la identidad insular característica de las Illes Balears y de manera particular de Eivissa, ya que el tema identitario, además de cobrar relevancia en los tiempos presentes, es un concepto que ayuda a comprender la cultura política de las sociedades contemporáneas así como un elemento principal en el desarrollo del capital social de las mismas. En este sentido, el insularismo sería el concepto clave para comprender la identidad insular. Por ello se procederá a desarrollar diferentes consideraciones en torno a este concepto con el fin de hacer comprensible a cualquier residente del continente la carga simbólica de los ciudadanos de las Illes Balears. En el primer capítulo introductorio se expondrán los objetivos e hipótesis de la investigación, y en segundo capítulo se desarrollará la metodología empleada y se detallarán las fuentes estudiadas para explorar la identidad insular como característica propia del archipiélago balear. El tercer capítulo se dedicará a exponer el marco teórico y a reflexionar sobre las diferentes nociones que influyen en la conformación del concepto principal de este estudio. Le seguirá un desarrollo teórico necesario para comprender la identidad insular y todas las cargas simbólicas que se construyen en torno a dicho concepto y para abordar la relación existente entre la identidad insular y la cultura política. Esta relación explica en gran medida las relaciones existentes entre todos los elementos estudiados en esta investigación. Diferentes elementos que ayudan a explicar tanto la identidad insular predominante así como los efectos de esta identidad insular en el desarrollo político y social insular, dando así una justificación a la conexión entre todos los capítulos siguientes. El capítulo IV ofrecerá una visión macro a través del ejercicio comparado entre dos territorios insulares, el archipiélago canario y el balear, que puede ayudar a visualizar el desarrollo identitario y sus consecuencias. Servirá como referencia el estudio realizado por Eve Hepburn en el que analiza comparativamente distintas regiones insulares y sus demandas de autonomía, de soberanía o de independencia. Se utilizarán las variables que propone la autora y se estudiará el sistema de partidos balear 8 que, a diferencia del canario, carece de un partido de índole autonómico o archipielágico, lo que a posteriori se traduce en unas demandas insulares satisfechas o insatisfechas. Otra variable a destacar es el análisis de la «Linz-Moreno question», pregunta aplicada en las encuestas del CIS que suele medir el grado de identificación, nacionalismo o regionalismo y, en nuestro caso, de insularismo. Otras variables que se contemplarán en esta investigación serán los recursos económicos, las relaciones externas con el Estado y entidades supranacionales, el papel de Balears en la administración del Estado y factores asociados con el «islandness», destacando como aportación propia de este estudio la incorporación del índice del malapportionment como factor asociado al «islandness». En el capítulo V se realizará un análisis del Diario de Ibiza a partir de la teoría del nacionalismo banal de Michael Billig y del concepto de insularismo banal desarrollado teóricamente en el capítulo III. Concluirá la investigación con un análisis diacrónico del sistema político de Eivissa durante la II República aplicando una fórmula propia para poder determinar la participación absoluta en dicho periodo. En este sentido, el apartado se centra en el estudio del comportamiento electoral como un elemento clave en la cultura política. Se llevarán a cabo análisis comparados de la participación electoral a nivel estatal, autonómico e insular en los periodos mencionados, conjugando así una dimensión diacrónica y sincrónica. En el conjunto del trabajo se aprecian las conexiones entre uno y otro capítulo como fenómenos explicativos el uno del otro. ; [cat] La present tesi doctoral es presenta com una recerca d'Història Contemporània amb arrels en la Ciència Política. La seva finalitat és comprendre la identitat insular característica de les Illes Balears i de manera particular d'Eivissa, ja que el tema identitari, a més de cobrar rellevància en els temps presents, és un concepte que ajuda a comprendre la cultura política de les societats contemporànies així com un element principal en el desenvolupament del capital social d'aquestes. En aquest sentit, l'insularisme seria el concepte clau per a comprendre la identitat insular. Per això es procedirà a desenvolupar diferents consideracions entorn d'aquest concepte amb la finalitat de fer comprensible a qualsevol resident del continent la càrrega simbòlica dels ciutadans de les Illes Balears. En el primer capítol introductori s'exposaran els objectius i hipòtesis de la recerca, al segon capítol es desenvoluparà la metodologia emprada i es detallaran les fonts estudiades per a explorar la identitat insular com a característica pròpia de l'arxipèlag balear. El tercer capítol es dedicarà a exposar el marc teòric i a reflexionar sobre les diferents nocions que influeixen en la conformació del concepte principal d'aquest estudi. Li seguirà un desenvolupament teòric necessari per a comprendre la identitat insular i totes les càrregues simbòliques que es construeixen entorn d'aquest concepte i per a abordar la relació existent entre la identitat insular i la cultura política. Aquesta relació explica en gran manera les relacions existents entre tots els elements estudiats en aquesta recerca. Diferents elements que ajuden a explicar tant la identitat insular predominant així com els efectes d'aquesta identitat insular en el desenvolupament polític i social insular, donant així una justificació a la connexió entre tots els capítols següents. El capítol IV oferirà una visió macro a través de l'exercici comparat entre dos territoris insulars, l'arxipèlag canari i el balear, que pot ajudar a visualitzar el desenvolupament identitari i les seves conseqüències. Servirà com a referència l'estudi realitzat per Eve Hepburn en el qual analitza comparativament diferents regions insulars i les seves demandes d'autonomia, de sobirania o d'independència. S'utilitzaran les variables que proposa l'autora i s'estudiarà el sistema de partits balear que, a diferència 10 del canari, manca d'un partit de tipus autonòmic o arxipielàgic, la qual cosa a posteriori es tradueix en unes demandes insulars satisfetes o insatisfetes. Una altra variable a destacar és l'anàlisi de la «Linz-Moreno question», pregunta aplicada en les enquestes del CIS que sol mesurar el grau d'identificació, nacionalisme o regionalisme i, en el nostre cas, d'insularisme. Altres variables que es contemplaran en aquesta recerca seran els recursos econòmics, les relacions externes amb l'Estat i entitats supranacionals, el paper de Balears en l'administració de l'Estat i factors associats amb l'«islandness», destacant com a aportació pròpia d'aquest estudi la incorporació de l'índex del malapportionment com a factor associat a l'«islandness». En el capítol V es realitzarà una anàlisi del Diario de Ibiza a partir de la teoria del nacionalisme banal de Michael Billig i del concepte d'insularisme banal desenvolupat teòricament en el capítol II. Conclourà la recerca amb una anàlisi diacrònica del sistema polític d'Eivissa durant la II República aplicant una fórmula pròpia per a poder determinar la participació absoluta en aquest període. En aquest sentit, l'apartat se centra en l'estudi del comportament electoral com un element clau en la cultura política. Es duran a terme anàlisis comparades de la participació electoral a nivell estatal, autonòmic i insular en els períodes esmentats, conjugant així una dimensió diacrònica i sincrònica. En el conjunt del treball s'aprecien les connexions entre un i un altre capítol com a fenòmens explicatius l'un de l'altre. ; [eng] This thesis investigates contemporary history using political science as a frame of reference. Its purpose is to understand the insular identity of the Balearic Islands, with a focus on the Island of Eivissa. This issue has gained relevance in present times since it helps understand the current political culture and the development of social capital in the Island. The thesis builds its theoretical backbone on the concept of insularism since this is a key concept in the understanding of the symbolic burden of the Balearic Islands citizenship. The first chapter introduces the objectives and hypotheses of the research project, and the second chapter shows the methodology and the sources utilized to explore the insular identity as an idiosyncratic characteristic of the Balearic Islands. The third chapter focuses on the theoretical framework and on the description and analysis of important notions that influence insular identity. This is followed by a description of the theoretical framework that is required to understand the concept of insular identity, its symbolic loading and on addressing the relationship between insular identity and political culture. This relationship largely explains the relationships between all the elements studied in this research. Different elements that help to explain both the predominant insular identity as well as the effects of this insular identity in the insular political and social development, thus giving a justification to the connection between all the following chapters. The fourth chapter offers a macro view through the comparative analysis of two island territories: The Canary Islands and the Balearic Islands. This exercise helps us visualize the development of identity and its consequences. The main reference for this analysis is the study carried out by Eve Hepburn in which she comparatively analyzes different island regions and their demands for autonomy and sovereignty. Our study utilizes the same variables as Hepburn, but in addition, it also studies the impact of an autonomous archipelago party, which the Balearic Islands have but the Canary Islands do not. We also analyze the «Linz-Moreno question», which is often included in CIS surveys, that usually measures the degree of identification, nationalism or regionalism and, in our case, insularism. Other variables that will be considered in this research will 12 be economic resources, external relations with the State and supranational entities, the role of the Balearic Islands in the administration of the State and factors associated with «islandness». As an important contribution, we link this latter factor to the «malapportionment» index. In chapter V, we use Michael Billing's theory of banal nationalism and concept of banal insularism to analyze the content of Diario de Ibiza, a local newspaper. We also perform a diachronic analysis of the political system of Eivissa during the Second Republic, focusing on the study of electoral behavior as a key element in political culture. We then conclude with a comparative analyzes of electoral participation at the state, regional and island levels in the aforementioned period, thus combining a diachronic and synchronic dimension. The thesis can be seen a collection of highly interlinked phenomena that both affect and get affected by each other.

Studies of entrepreneurship focus on one of three areas: entrepreneurship as an engine to drive national economic growth, CE as an instrument to facilitate corporate performance, and individual EI as the source of entrepreneurial behavior. There has been rapid development and corporate catching-up in emerging economies, such as BRIC, but there are few studies of entrepreneurship in this environment. In the context of China, the largest emerging country in the world, this dissertation addresses the research question: How does entrepreneurship develop in China at the national, corporate, and individual levels? Entrepreneurship has played a significant role in China's rapid growth; Huang (2010) presented evidence for this. However, China's entrepreneurship development cannot be isolated from its transitional environment, which has involved political and economic reforms. To explore entrepreneurship development in the recent economic transition stage, in chapter 2, I first asked: what stage has entrepreneurship in China reached? To answer this question, one must select the transitional pillars that are important in the context of Chinese reform. As explained in Chapter 2, I chose four: GDP per capita to reflect the standard of living and poverty reduction, educational resources to reflect reform in the national institutional system (the heavy investment in higher education), FDI to reflect the open economy, and the unemployment rate to reflect the consequences of reform in state-owned sectors. Before evaluating the impact of these four factors on entrepreneurial activities in China, I discussed the Chinese entrepreneurship environment, beginning at the start of the economic reform at the end of the 1970s. I then showed the evolution of entrepreneurial development, with its lower-case-v shape. GDP per capita increased from 1996 (the year that private entrepreneurship was formally acknowledged) to 2008. This corresponds to China's economic transition: from the factor-driven phase to a transitional stage between the factor-driven and efficiency-driven phases, and then to the efficiency-driven stage. Taking this into account, I focused on the most recent transition stage (the efficiency-driven stage) and analyzed the impact of economic transition (in terms of the four pillars) on entrepreneurship development. The results reveal the positive impact of China's economic transition on entrepreneurship development. Typically, GDP per capita has a significant inverted-U-shaped impact on entrepreneurship, which reflects the government's focus on state sectors and urban infrastructure since 2007 (to reduce the marginal rate of increase in self-employment). Educational resources and economic openness are positively related to entrepreneurship (and have a positive interactive impact economic growth), corresponding to GEM's report (GEM Global Report, 2008), which states that Chinese entrepreneurs are likely to be highly educated. Unemployment has a positive push effect and a negative interactive effect on GDP per capita, demonstrating that China's entrepreneurship had developed (by 2008) into a transitional phase between necessity-based and opportunity-based. Unemployed people are likely to prefer wage employment to self-employment, which is consistent with the efficiency-driven development stage of that time. This study contributes to empirical studies on the relationship between the economic-development stage and entrepreneurship development. It provides another view of entrepreneurship development in a transitional economy. Moreover, this study contributes to the debate on the Beijing consensus versus the Washington consensus. In terms of the former, this study indicates that entrepreneurship development in China is government-led and owes much to the governmental initiation of institutional transition. However, the results suggest that the ex ante dimensions of entrepreneurship development correspond to the requirements of the Washington consensus (at least in terms of economic openness). Hence, I take a middle position in this lively debate: I believe that China's development is driven by both scenarios. At the political level, which I argue is the framework level, China follows the Beijing consensus, because it has long-term political decision-making (by a single political party) and experimentation-based policy development (defined by Deng Xiaoping). At the micro level however, economic development is driven by the Washington consensus. China is trying to build up a formal institutional framework that supports private property rights, economic openness, financial reforms, macroeconomic stability, and political liberalization. There is a contradiction between the political liberalization defined by the Washington consensus and the current situation in China. However, I still argue that, as a result of the government's proactive behavior, quiet progress is being made on every disputed issue (including liberalization). Chapter 2 investigated Chinese entrepreneurship development at the macro level. I explored corporate entrepreneurial development and its impact on corporate catching-up. The catching-up concept originated in the economics field at the national level. The investigation of corporate catching-up, especially for emerging countries, is challenging because there is a theoretical deficit. National catching-up theory indicates that innovation is essential for catching-up and social advance is a necessary precondition for catching-up (Abramovitz, 1986). I assumed that similar arguments would apply to corporate catching-up, and I wanted to explore the underlying mechanism. I used CE theory, resource-based theory, dynamic-capability theory, and network theory to explain my corporate catching-up framework. I tested the framework in chapter 3 with a case study of Huawei Technologies Co., Ltd. The results show that social capability helps a firm to acquire social capital, diffuse technology and knowledge, improve its social status, address resource gaps, and explore opportunities. Moreover, the results indicate that catching-up firms are similar to entrepreneurial firms in terms of growth-orientation, innovation, and alertness. CE strategies, particularly collaboration-based networks, facilitate corporate catching-up. Huawei's growth indicates that networking improves social capability and allows a company to exploit and explore new technologies and new opportunities. I also made peripheral findings. For instance, the integration of the three network layers is an overall approach for corporate catching-up. This is because of the structural, relational, and cognitive social capital gained from networks for knowledge acquisition, transfer, sharing, and creation internally and externally. Structurally, a sparse interfirm network with increased network composition and strong ties can coexist with a cohesive intrafirm network. This facilitates external opportunity exploration and internal opportunity exploitation. Moreover, the industrial-district network provides a snapshot of intrafirm and interfirm networks in a particular location. Theoretically, this work supports corporate catching-up theory, enriches social network theory, and provides support for the aggregation of strategic alliances, M&As and corporate venturing in an open-innovation paradigm. This study provides empirical evidence for the process by which people exploit opportunities within existing organizations (Shane, 2012). Practically, this work has many strategic implications for latecomer catching-up firms. Chapters 2 and 3 presented a partial picture of China's entrepreneurship development. Chapter 2 indicated that China's entrepreneurship is moving from necessity-based to opportunity-based, and higher education now plays a role. Chapter 3 showed that corporate catching-up is closely associated with individual EI and behavior. Any entrepreneurial behavior can be traced down to the individual level. Krueger (1993) indicates that intentionality is a predictor of entrepreneurial behavior. Therefore, it is important to understand the determinants of EI endogenously and exogenously. Given the results of chapters 2 and 3 and the observation that the emerging generation of entrepreneurs has more education, I predicted that there would be several influential factors. These are the perceived desirability, the perceived feasibility, and the entrepreneurship cognition developed through education or exposure to entrepreneurial activity. Therefore, chapter 4 aimed to identify the role of education in shaping individual entrepreneurial intention. It indirectly contributes to the discussion about whether entrepreneurs are born or made. I used a conceptual framework (Fig. 4.1) based on Ajzen's TPB and Shapero's EEM. The data were collected via a survey of ten Chinese universities. The results show that education is the major source of entrepreneurship knowledge and has a significant positive impact on EI. However, exposure to entrepreneurial activity has a negative impact on EI in China. More interestingly, the results show that males and students with technological backgrounds have higher EI than females and those without this background. These results are strengthened by the moderate impact of entrepreneurship education, which indicates that such education is more likely to have positive consequences for technological universities and majors than for other universities and majors. This work makes contributions in two areas. (1) By adapting the TPB (Ajzen, 1991) and the EEM (Shapero & Sokol, 1982), this study contributes theoretically by integrating the two streams of theory. I have shown the role of entrepreneurial knowledge in the EI model and compared the impact of different variables on EI. (2) This study contributes to empirical knowledge by providing supporting evidence. Entrepreneurship research should focus (Mitchell et al., 2007) on person, situation, cognition, and motivation. This study provides evidence for the source of individual entrepreneurial cognition in the Chinese context. Shane and Venkataraman (2000) argue that entrepreneurship should be seen as a process and not as the embodiment of a type of person. Following this, I argue that in terms of opportunity identification, evaluation, and exploitation this process is important not only at the individual level but also at the corporate and national levels. Recently, Shane (2012) has claimed that existing studies of entrepreneurship do not provide a sufficient understanding of how the context influences the identification and exploitation of opportunities. However, we do have a better understanding of the process by which people exploit opportunities within existing organizations. I have provided evidence for and insight into this topic in the context of emerging and transitional economies. Regarding the process perspective of entrepreneurship (Shane, 2012), the three core chapters of this dissertation loop as a reciprocal process between (1) the EI-formation process, which can be the ex ante step of identifying and exploiting high-potential opportunities (Chapter 4), (2) the process of identifying and exploiting catching-up opportunities in existing organizations (Chapter 3), and (3) the process of understanding the impact of institutions and corporate characteristics on entrepreneurship (Chapter 2). This loop can be explained as follows: first, process (2) cannot work without process (1), because corporate identification and exploration are carried out by individuals. Secondly, process (1) depends on process (2), because process (2) involves actors in process (1). The relationship between process (3) and process (2) is similar, meaning that if process (3) at the national level is entrepreneur-friendly, the development of process (2) is facilitated, and this leads to more efficient entrepreneurial progress. Meanwhile, process (2) helps to drive process (3) at an aggregate level.