Suchergebnisse

Równość płci stanowi kluczowy aspekt procesu integracji europejskiej. Szczegółowe przepisy regulujące kwestie płci zawarto w traktatach założycielskich, Karcie praw podstawowych i kilkunastu innych dyrektywach, ale zasada niedyskryminacji została dodatkowo wzmocniona decyzjami Trybunału Sprawiedliwooeci Unii Europejskiej, który wydał decyzje w ponad dwustu sprawach. Obecnie przepisy unijne dotyczące równości wychodzą daleko poza podstawowe kwestie płci, o czym mowa jest w niniejszym artykule. Koncentruje się on nie tylko na podstawowych przepisach UE dotyczących równości płci, ale także na kwestiach dotyczących poziomu ich realizacji i najważniejszych jej ograniczeniach. Rozważania te poszerzono o dyskusję na temat tych działań UE, które można również traktować jako element wdrżania prawodawstwa niedyskryminacyjnego. ; Gender equality is a vital aspect of the European integration process. Although specific legislation concerning gender issues was included in the establishing Treaties, in the Charter of fundamental rights and in a dozen other directives, non-discriminatory principle has also been strengthened by the jurisdiction of the Court of Justice of the European Union which formed a judgment in more than 200 cases. Nowadays, the EU equality legislation has moved far beyond basic gender issues, and this is also discussed in the article. It focuses not only on the fundamentals of EU legislation concerning gender equality but also on the level of its implementation and its most important limitations. Such considerations are broadened by a discussion on the EU actions which may be also treated as the implementation of non-discriminatory legislation.

NGOs play an institutionalised role in the European Union (EU), serving as unofficial opposition in a system otherwise orientated around consensus, and as policy partner to in times of need. Dialogue with institutions is structured along pluralist lines, but with pockets of quasi-corporatist practice, despite rejection of corporatist systems. A mature landscape of NGOs activity exists, with those founded at EU level self-organised into 'families' and network structures where professionalised social movement organisations rub shoulders with formal NGOs. Key debates involve the extent to which NGOs are instrumentalised by EU institutions, which stimulate group formation and fund NGOs, and the extent to which input legitimacy can be based around dialogue in the 'Brussels bubble'. EU institutions have opened up avenues of direct dialogue with citizens in pursuit of systemic input legitimacy, despite aspirations among some leading NGOs for this to be founded upon a 'civil dialogue' between themselves and EU institutions.

Intro -- STATES OFLIBERALIZATION Redefining the Public Sector in Integrated Europe -- Contents -- Tables -- Acknowledgments -- 1. INTRODUCTION -- 2. EUROPEAN INTEGRATION AS MARKET-MAKING -- 3. EXPLAINING EUROPEANIZATION -- 4. EUROPEAN COMMUNITY COMPETITION POLICY AND THE PUBLIC SECTOR -- 5. GOVERNMENT PURCHASING: THE PERSISTENCE OF PROTECTIONISM -- 6. DELAYED DELIVERY: POSTAL SERVICES LIBERALIZATION IN COMPARATIVE CONTEXT -- 7. CHALLENGING THE SOCIAL MARKET ECONOMY? EUROPEAN COMMUNITY COMPETITION POLICY AND GERMANY'S PUBLIC LAW BANKS -- 8. LIBERALIZATION AND ITS LIMITS -- Notes -- Chapter 1 -- Chapter 2 -- Chapter 3 -- Chapter 4 -- Chapter 5 -- Chapter 6 -- Chapter 7 -- Chapter 8 -- Bibliography -- Index -- A -- B -- C -- D -- E -- F -- G -- H -- I -- J -- K -- L -- M -- N -- O -- P -- R -- S -- T -- U -- V -- W.

Do the national trade unions have a European future? Observers and protagonists concur in identifying three decisive obstacles on the road to Europeanisation of the trade union movement. Established positions in the national arenas are showing cracks; the structures for supranational action fall short of requirements; the convergence required for harmonisation of national systems is barely perceptible. However, the attempt to think through the question of Europeanisation of the trade unions would not be complete if it failed to incorporate an additional area of data concerned with the internal springs of trade union action. How do the trade unions gain their status as actors on the national and European stage? From where do they derive their capacity for action and adaptation? The article focuses upon the "representative capacity" of the trade unions and shows that their strategic capacity is tied up with the requirement that they be representative of their membership. While representativeness remains a perennial objective of which the trade unions cannot afford to lose sight, it flows into different and deeply ingrained channels in different countries. It is also important to stress the dialectical nature of the construction of representative capacity. The conquest of representativeness depends perhaps less on the determination to reconcile the different and sometimes contradictory interests expressed by workers than on the trade unions' capacity to forge and confirm new collective identities.

Als im Frühsommer 2007 die US-Immobilienkrise begann, konnte niemand erahnen, wo das alles hinführen sollte. Letztendlich führte es in die größte Krise, die die EU und die europäische Währungsunion seit Bestehen zu bewältigen hatte. Nach der Finanzkrise folgte die EURO-Krise bzw. die EU-Schuldenkrise. Europa rutschte von einer Krise in die nächste und die Medien wussten gar nicht, über welche wirtschaftlichen Horrornachrichten sie zuerst berichten sollten.Als dann sehr schnell klar wurde, dass Griechenland alsbald zahlungsunfähig sein würde, musste gehandelt werden. Aber zu welchem Preis? Als

Dieser Band gibt einer Generation das Wort, die mit der Praxis der europäischen Einigung der letzten beiden Jahrzehnte aufgewachsen ist, und geht damit über die geläufigen Europadiskurse weit hinaus. Er ist aus einem besonderen Ereignis hervorgegangen: Das deutsche und das italienische Staatsoberhaupt haben im Juli 2011 mit 29 jungen Bürgerinnen und Bürgern aus beiden Ländern in der Villa Vigoni am Comer See ein lebendiges und unkonventionelles Gespräch über die Zukunft Europas geführt. Der Band bietet den Wortlaut dieser spannenden Diskussion, im Anschluß daran ausgearbeitete Programmtexte de

Hauptbeschreibung Die Industrieemissionsrichtlinie (RL 2010/75/EU) löst die IVU-Richtlinie ab, führt weitere Immissionsschutzbezogene Richtlinien zusammen und enthält einige Neuerungen, die im deutschen Immissionsschutzrecht umzusetzen sind. Mit potenziellen Folgen der Änderungen für die Wirtschaft befasste sich ein von der Deutschen Bundesstiftung Umwelt (DBU) gefördertes Forschungsprojekt, dessen Ergebnisse in dieser Publikation veröffentlicht werden. Das Werk ist die erste umfassendere Untersuchung der Umsetzung der Industrieemissionsrichtlinie und richtet sich sowohl an

Defence date: 25 January 2013. ; Examining Board: Professor Gráinne de Búrca, NYU, formerly EUI (Supervisor); Professor Philippe C. Schmitter, EUI; Professor Dimitry Kochenov, University of Groningen; Professor Erwan Lannon, University of Ghent. ; First made available online on 11 September 2019 ; In the late 1980s/early 1990s the EU started to purse a new policy: that of democracy promotion. It quickly put in place a whole range of instruments that would facilitate the transition to democracy and its consolidation in new democracies. Democracy assistance has over the last two decades, due to its 'positive' features, increasingly emerged as one of the EU's preferred instruments of that policy, expressed in particular in increasing budgets for democracy assistance programmes, new democracy assistance facilities, and explicit policy declarations on the topic. This thesis outlines and analyses the EU's strategy of democracy promotion through the use of democracy assistance from its inception in the early 1990s until 2011, focusing on all major world regions except the enlargement dimension. While revealing numerous details on the strategy, it attempts to also answer the following three more fundamental questions: What is the EU's underlying conception of democracy? What is its preferred model of democratization? And what is its preferred approach to democracy assistance? In looking for answers, the thesis first traces the emergence and evolution of the use of EU democracy assistance, revealing major developments, stumbling blocks, and key features of the policy tool. A discussion of primary law traces the partly difficult development of EC/EU competences to engage in democracy promotion and especially assistance as well as the limited role primary law plays in policy implementation. An outline of the procedural and institutional dimension investigates the role of core actors in policy-making and implementation, including EU institutions, civil society organizations, and third state governments. Further, the thesis provides detailed quantitative data on EU commitments and expenditure under its specific democracy assistance programme - the EIDHR - as well as under mainstream assistance programmes and analyses the thematic and geographical distribution of provided funds.