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Innovation in government organization through managing knowledge is important current research results. This research objective were to look at knowledge management in improving public services, particularly in public licencing process. Research problem was how sense making, knowledgecreating and knowledge sharing in public licencing services of Yogyakarta city. Research found that knowledge sharing and creating took place in midlle and bottom of organization level. Stages of innovation at the Licensing Agency began with the formulation of the problem, which consists of thousands of service files can not be known with certainty the level of completion. In the next stage, a member organization consisting of experienced employees who tried to solve by making the development of information systems. Licensing Office of the types of organizations can be categorized as a deliberative democracy 'adhocracy' an organization with the type of environment, where there is high public participation and concern in the licensing service.Keyword: Innovation, Knowledge sharing, Knowledge creation, AutonomyDOI: http://dx.doi.org/ 10.18196/jgp.2010.0002

This paper takes as its subject the 1997 film Mrs. Brown, an indigenously produced Scottish film that was nominated for several major awards and found audiences around the world. Despite this popular success and critical acclaim, the film has yet to find an adequate place in histories of Scottish cinema. The paper argues that the film mobilizes the generic practices of the so-called heritage film to construct a national allegory about Scotland and its relationship to the United Kingdom. This reading of the film is then situated against the film's historical backdrop which saw the passage of the second devolution referendum in Scotland, a measure that would lead to the nation's political devolution from the United Kingdom. The paper then concludes by arguing that such an understanding of its relationship to these larger generic and historical contexts means that Mrs. Brown is indeed a very important Scottish film that deserves greater consideration within the emerging canon of Scottish cinema.

Im vorliegenden Sammelband wird die Gleichstellungs- und Familienpolitik der Großen Koalition aus feministisch-politikwissenschaftlichen Perspektiven analysiert. Die Beiträge geben einen Überblick über wichtige politische Entwicklungslinien der letzten Jahre und bieten kritische Perspektiven auf der Grundlage unterschiedlicher methodischer und theoretischer Zugänge. Im Zentrum stehen die Auswirkungen politischer Reformen auf unterschiedliche Gruppen von Frauen und Männern sowie Analysen der Bedeutung der Geschlechterverhältnisse im Zusammenwirken mit anderen Diskriminierungskategorien in politischen Prozessen. Ergänzt werden die Auseinandersetzungen mit dem deutschen Status quo durch drei Beiträge, welche europäische Entwicklungen in ihre Überlegungen einbeziehen. ; The collected volume at hand analyses equality and family politics of the Grand Coalition from the perspective of feminism and political science. The contributions provide an overview of the important political developments charted in recent years and offer critical perspectives that are based on different methodological and theoretical approaches. Central to the volume are the effects of political reforms on different groups of women and men as well as analyses of the meaning of gender relations in conjunction with other categories of discrimination in political processes. The volume expands on the examination of the German status quo in three contributions, which include also European developments in their considerations.

Courting Justice is a documentary film about the role of women in building a human rights based democracy; South Africa is the democracy in question. The judiciary, the film makers argue, have a key role to play in 'living the dream' and of making that democracy happen. The role of women as members of the senior judiciary is the particular concern of this film. Courting Justice offers an intimate and revealing portrait of a number of women who at the time the film was made (2007-8) held high judicial office across the range of the superior courts in South Africa, from the Constitutional Court in Johannesburg to various High Courts. Through these lives the film's 70 minutes (and there is also a shorter 54 minute version) present the arguments for judicial gender diversity, explores some of the challenges to and considers the future facing the women who have taken on, and who might in the future participate in, the important political role of being a judge.

Dentro de la historiografía nacional sobre la época hispánica, las publicaciones sobre Cartagena de Indias son importantes y numerosas. No así las que se refie-ren a su provincia. La ciudad, dada su función como plaza fuerte, antemural y llave del reino y guardián del sur del Caribe español, ha sido objeto de numerosas in-vestigaciones sin las cuales no se entendería cabalmente la historia de Colombia y de América. El trabajo de María del Carmen Borrego Pla, Cartagena de Indias: laandadura de una vida bajo la Colonia, completa esta producción bibliográfica his-tórica porque su tema se aleja de la misión estratégica y militar de Cartagena y se adentra en un campo menos estudiado: la formación y la vida cotidiana de una sociedad en la larga duración, que en este caso la constituye los tres siglos en que el país fue parte integrante del imperio español. Además, se inscribe con abundan-cia de méritos en la especialidad de la historia regional.

Dissertation focuses on qualitative aspects of EU communication strategies applied in two new EU member states, young democracies – Lithuania and Estonia. The overall goal of the research was twofold: to gain a better understanding about the reasons that determine implementation of EU Communication Policy in different national contexts as well as to propose possible solutions how to reshape and adapt it to specific cultures and conditions. Dissertation deals with the normative approach, that EU communication can provide a basis for the formation of the European public sphere and can help to bridge the 'gap' between EU institutions and citizens on the national level. Generally, this comparative study performed in two Baltic countries has shown that while analysing European political communication, it is crucially important to examine strategic-organisational, as well as contextual factors (socio-cultural, political, economic conditions, local particularities of histories and traditions of communication) and values of those communicating (institutional communication officers and journalists) that influence their relationship (political communication culture) and have an impact on messages produced.

AbstractUnder the premise of recognizing the political matter as proper sphere of the human being and the society permits to direct tendencies and priorities in terms of education, this article of reflection starts from two central questions: What are the underlying policies to virtual education?, What political tendencies is the virtual matter contributing to education? ; Bajo la premisa de que reconocer lo político como una esfera propia del ser humano y de la sociedad permite direccionar tendencias y prioridades en términos de formación, el presente artículo de reflexión parte de dos preguntas centrales: ¿cuáles son las políticas subyacentes a la educación virtual?, ¿qué tendencias políticas está aportando lo virtual a la educación. ; ResumoBaseado em que reconhecer que a política pertence à esfera do ser humano e da sociedade permite orientar tendências e prioridades em quanto formação, este artigo de reflexão se fundamenta em duas questões importantes: que políticas subjacem à educação virtual ? e que tendências políticas fornece o virtual à educação?

South African municipalities experience serious challenges in dealing wit the interface between politicians and officials. Inappropriate political interference in administrative matters as well as strained relations between key political and administrative officials in the municipalities appear to be the order of the day. Oftentimes, the lack of a separation of powers between legislative and executive authority at local government level is blamed for this. This contribution has attempted to draw the attention away from the conflation of legislative and executive authority in the municipal council while still recognising it as an important background. It is suggested that, instead of spending energy on examining a possible separation of powers in local government, the relevant stakeholders (i.e. national lawmakers, municipalities and supervising provinces) should consider smaller institutional changes to the governance makeup of municipalities. Even more importantly, the political and administrative leadership of municipalities and political structures that surround them should be acutely aware of the consequences that inappropriate political leadership has on the functioning of municipalities and therefore on service delivery.

EUDO - European Democracy Observatory ; An important tension had been underlying the first decade of the European Monetary Union. On the one hand, governments had embraced a revolutionary prospect when designing its institutions. They called on market forces and supranational institutions to limit popular democracy and scale back the interventionist state. On the other hand, they were unprepared to live up to this prospect. Hence the accumulation of large economic imbalances and their culmination in the Greek crisis and the instability of the Union's periphery. These developments have given governments pause. With breathtaking speed, elites have agreed on the need for austerity. But it is difficult to see how the current attempt to return to the spirit of Maastricht would fare any better than before. Permanent austerity is fraught with economic irresponsibility and political risks. Europe therefore needs a new political debate about how much it wants to allow markets to determine the fate of its citizens and countries.

В интервью двух бывших специальных представителей президента (Дмитрия Рогозина со стороны России и Гедиминаса Киркиласа со стороны Литвы) по Калининградской области речь идет о ходе переговорного процесса между РФ и ЕС по проблемам Калининградской области, связанным с расширением Европейского союза в начале 2000-х годов. Даются важные оценки переговорам, их результатам. Впервые поясняется роль отдельных европейских государств и политиков в ходе решения «калининградского вопроса». Представленный материал позволяет выявить и сравнить две разные точки зрения России и Литвы. ; This interview with two former special presidential representatives for the Kaliningrad region (Dmitry Rogozin on the Russian side and Gediminas Kirkilas on the Lithuanian side) recounts the EU-Russia negotiation process concerning the Kaliningrad region and the enlargement of the European Union in the early 2000s. The interview provides an important assessment of the negotiations and their results and explains for the first time the role of individual European states and politicians in the 'Kaliningrad issue'. These facts allow the reader to understand and compare two different, Russian and Lithuanian, points of view.

International audience The reforms and privatisation programmes of the 1990s structured the Russian oil industry around a few large national and private companies. This organisational structure poses some questions in respect of the Russian authorities will to take back the oil sector. Three factors may explain this evolution. First, the Russian authorities want to ensure the long-term future of the oil industry by encouraging new strategies in exploration. Second, the government can use the oil sector to support economic growth. This would involve sharing out the rent in a different manner. Third, and it is e new but important factor, the State intends to use Russia's oil power in this international relationships with the United States, Europe and Asia (China, Japan, South Korea, and India). The future of the Russian oil industry has some importance for the stability of the international oil market. Could Russia produce 12 Mb/d and challenging the dominant position of the Saudi Arabia?

Debate about gender justice in the context of policy making has increased in the past 30 years, and both 'gender equality' and 'gender equity' are terms in widespread use. However, there is often confusion about what these mean, the distinction between them, and what this distinction might mean for strategies to address gender justice. This is particularly important in the context of health where the gap between women and men is not simply the result of gender differences but also reflects biological influences. Gender justice implies that women and men should be regarded as being of equal moral value, and that they should be treated equally in relation to access to the goods and services that both require in order to flourish. However, biological differences between them also affect their capacity to optimize their potential for health. As a result, measures that address gender equality without also explicitly considering equity can result in unjust treatment for either men or women. Adapted from the source document.

The influence of firms on the elaboration of climate policy in a democratic system is quite controversial. Firms do not form a solid bloc of opponents to environmental regulation. Some firms even expect to gain from such regulation, either because they offer goods and services that will allow other firms to comply with the regulation or because they are in a better position to comply than their competitors. As a result, the detailed features of climate policy are more important than the general thrust. Firms and industry associations could try to influence those features rather than oppose the policy upfront. Building on the literature on interest group influence, this paper contributes to the issues of acceptability and effective implementation of climate policy measures. The paper investigates how the positions of the Swiss business community are transmitted into the decision making process of the Swiss CO2 law. Data for the empirical analysis are drawn from the two consultations on the Swiss CO2 law and the word protocols of the Swiss Parliament.

Миф и мифоэтические структуры сознания не только в первобытности это мощное духовное оружие. Для того чтобы предупредить и обезопасить людей от этих и других видов духовного закабаления, важно эксплицировать, прояснить основания мифа и производных от него форм (социальных и политических утопий, квазинаучных мифологий, фольклорных жанров и др.). Используя образность мифологической истории можно воспитывать у посетителей музеев устойчивые морально-этические нормы и принципы, развивать эстетическое восприятие, актуализировать культурно-историческое прошлое человечества. ; Myth and mithoethic structure of consciousness, not only in the primitive state, but in the conditions of modern civilization is a powerful spiritual weapon. In order to prevent and protect people from these and other forms of spiritual bondage, it is important to explicate, clarify the basis of myth and its derivative forms (social and political utopias, quasi-scientific mythology, folklore genres, etc.). Using the imagery of mythological stories can educate museum visitors sustained moral and ethical norms and principles, develop aesthetic appreciation, actualize the cultural and historical past of mankind.

This paper is the result of study that focus to media practices and disinformation especially to political disinformation in Indonesia. There are four factors that push this study so it was done seriously. First, information has the important role that can shape and color the reality. Second, freedom of information and expression require the accountable and transparency. Therefore it needs the responsibility for implementation. Third, information can be controlled by any kind of interests. Fourth, the spread of information can be limited, stored and deviated. The production and reproduction of information can be designed in according to any differences interests. Finally the gap to access of informationcanmakeitmisusingandmisleading. Inthiscontextmassmediahassignificantposition to make disinformation through selecting and drawing to the events in the line with the interests. Mass media can be controlled by the owner, parties, NGO (Non-Government Organization), and any factions that involve the competition. Then disinformation took place when communications conflict show up through giving false and mistaken information.