The Left - Left Out: West Bengal Post 2011
In: Socialist perspective: a quarterly journal of social sciences, Band 39, Heft 3-4, S. 147-160
ISSN: 0970-8863
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In: Socialist perspective: a quarterly journal of social sciences, Band 39, Heft 3-4, S. 147-160
ISSN: 0970-8863
In: New left review: NLR, S. 49-70
ISSN: 0028-6060
Overview of the Communist Party of India and the Communist Party of India-Marxist since their formation. Partial contents: The rise and fall of Naxalism; The redefinition of Hinduism; The future of Indian communism; The new movements; Socialism and radical activism.
In: International organization, Band 45, Heft Autumn 91
ISSN: 0020-8183
Many argue that in an era of great economic interdependence, there is little for partisan governments to pursue distinctive and independent economic policies. Argues that although the policy instruments through which governments can pursue their objectives have changed, the objectives have not been rendered infeasible. Partisan economic separation between left and right has not been eliminated. (SJK)
In: New left review: NLR, Heft 235, S. 60-61
ISSN: 0028-6060
Introduces a discussion that assesses the legacy & commemorates the tenth anniversary of the student movement that began in Beijing in March 1989 & was repressed by military force on June 4. Three of the leaders -- Wang Dan, Wang Chaohua, & Li Minqi -- leaders of the June 4th Movement -- are introduced. Twenty questions are presented to the three discussants. The discussion was held at Harvard University on February 21 & moderated by Lee Ou-fan Lee, Professor in the Department of East Asian Languages & Civilizations. R. Rodriguez
In the most definitions of terrorism, the key concept is «violence». The purpose of violence is to achieve the desired development for the terrorists: the change of power, the destabilization of society, the undermining of economic and information stability of both the states as a whole and individual segments in their economy in particular.The structural-functional approach to the study of terrorist organizations means their consideration as social groups consisting of the following components: political, financial-economic, integrative (discipli- nary), ideological. But for the study of modern terrorism the analytical tools of structural-functional approach is not enough. In particular, it is necessary to use the conflict paradigm that would allow considering the origin and development of terrorist organizations as a conflict of interests of the ruling classes, their activity as a catalyst for social change in countries which are donating terrorism and countries which are the object of aggression. Theory of background practices would be useful to uncover the motivation of terrorists, their awareness of everyday life, the degree of their involvement in the struggle and commitment to ideological patterns.The terrorist organizations now are specific territorial units and important technology in the hybrid war in the modern world. The hybrid war can be defined as a aggression of one state against another through non formal groups represented by the military (often by guerrilla warriors) and non-governmental organizations, local communities, communication with which is formally denied. The state, which leads the hybrid war is not positioning itself as a member of a military conflict, describing it as a civilian one. Events in Donbas were a ruled process of implementation of complex social technologies: the information war, the distortion of democratic procedures, the use of terrorism tactics, combat operations in populated areas etc. ; Стаття представляє систематичну оцінку основних тенденцій протестної активності українських лівих партій, організацій і неформальних ініціатив перед початком протестів Майдану наприкінці листопада 2013 р. Представлений аналіз помісячної динаміки, кількості учасників, тактики, темати- ки, географії та союзників в протестних подіях за участі лівих груп на всій території України з 1 січня 2011 р. по 20 листопада 2013 р.
BASE
This article places the Labour Party's present post‐Corbyn renewal in the context of previous periods of renewal in the party's recent history, associating with the new leadership of Keir Starmer a potential to rediscover the strategic project of the pluralist soft left as an alternative to the programmatic character of the hard left. After assessing the Corbynist hegemony established in the Labour Party between 2015 and 2019, it considers the current absence of any clearly defined set of principles or values underpinning 'Starmerism'. It then looks back to the Kinnockite ascendency in the 1980s, and the Blairite ascendency in the 1990s, as possible templates for how the party reassesses its positioning with reference to changing electoral, social and economic circumstances. A critique of Corbynism's left populism culminates in a consideration of the possible grounds for a new pluralist agenda attuned to the policy and electoral challenges Labour faces today.
BASE
In: Cambridge journal of regions, economy and society, Band 17, Heft 1, S. 37-58
ISSN: 1752-1386
Abstract
We document that children growing up in places left behind by today's economy experience lower levels of social mobility as adults. Using a longitudinal database that tracks over 20,000 places in the USA from 1980 to 2018, we identify two kinds of left behind places: the 'long-term left behind' that have struggled over long periods of history; and 'recently left-behind' places where conditions have deteriorated. Compared to children of similar baseline household income levels, we find that exposure to left behind places is associated with a 4-percentile reduction in adult income rank. Children fare considerably better when exposed to places where conditions are improving. These outcomes vary across prominent social and spatial categories and are compounded when nearby places are also experiencing hardship. Based on these findings, we argue that left behind places are having 'scarring effects' on children that could manifest long into the future, exacerbating the intergenerational challenges faced by low-income households and communities. Improvements in local economic conditions and outmigration to more prosperous places are, therefore, unlikely to be full remedies for the problems created by left behind places.
In: Telos, Band 34, S. 49-73
ISSN: 0040-2842, 0090-6514
An abridged version of a longer article originally written in July 1977. Examined is the hypothesis of the Left parties winning the French elections of Mar 1978. The organizational & ideological structures of both the Communist & Socialist parties are analyzed. The best that can be expected from a Left victory is seen to be a possible repoliticization of French society. Despite recent talk of streamlining, the French Left has not come to terms with its unchanged internal structure-hence its lingering bureaucratic & statist outlook whose emancipatory thrust has been exposed as totally fraudulent. Modified HA.
In: Contemporary political theory: CPT, Band 11, Heft 2, S. 130-152
ISSN: 1476-9336
In: The American interest: policy, politics & culture, Band 6, Heft 3, S. 22-28
ISSN: 1556-5777
World Affairs Online
In: Interventions: international journal of postcolonial studies, Band 12, Heft 1, S. 1-10
ISSN: 1469-929X