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Chapter 1: Political parties, state resources and electoral clientelism -- Chapter 2: Clientelism and distributive politics in Australia: comparing partisan pork barrel with contingency-based vote-buying -- Chapter 3: Administrative clientelism and policy reform failure: the Western Canada Integrated Land Management experience 1990–2015 -- Chapter 4: Authoritarian clientelism: the case of the president's 'creatures' in Cameroon -- Chapter 5: Coordinating the machine: subnational political context and the effectiveness of machine politics -- Chapter 6: Political parties and clientelism in transition countries: evidence from Georgia, Moldova and Ukraine -- Chapter 7: Does clientelism hinder progressive social policy in Latin America? -- Chapter 8: Conclusion.

"In Latin America and beyond, societies are deeply unequal, the poor are marginalized, and states face continuous fiscal shortages and real or potential political instability. In this context, democracy functions imperfectly. It intermeshes with clientelism, with the incongruous result that clientelism not only erodes, but also accompanies and supplements democratic processes. Armed with evidence of these complex interactions, this book improves understandings of how and why clientelism endures and why state policy is often ineffective. Political scientists and sociologists, the contributors employ ethnography, targeted interviews, case studies, within-case and regional comparison, thick descriptions, and process tracing. They write from political economy and institutionalist as well as principal-centered and agent-centered perspectives"--

En este capítulo discutimos algunos de los temas más importantes relacionados con la literatura en clientelismo político. Luego de definir algunos de los conceptos básicos asociados con este tema, defendemos la afirmación de que la literatura se ha centrado excesivamente en el problema de la compra de votos, ignorando algunos temas (quizás) más importantes del proceso, como el patronazgo y el prebendalismo. Posteriormente, resaltamos la importancia de los intermediarios (brokers) y de las redes clientelistas, para poder entender la estructura de las relaciones entre patrones y clientes. Finalmente, revisamos algunas de las soluciones de corto y mediano plazo que han sido exploradas, principalmente a través de métodos experimentales, que incluyen mecanismos relacionados con instituciones, deliberación e información. ; In this chapter, we discuss some of the main issues pertaining to the literature on political clientelism. After defining some of the basic concepts associated with this topic, we support the claim that much of the literature has excessively focused on the problem of vote buying, while ignoring other (perhaps) more important aspects of the process, such as patronage and prebendalism. Afterwards, we underscore the importance that brokers and clientelistic networks have in order to understand the structure of patron-client relationships. Finally, we review some of the short- and medium-term solutions to the problem that have been explored mainly through experimental methods, which include mechanisms related to institutions, deliberation, and information.

This article examines how parties use clientelism in competitive and uncompetitive electoral environments. It argues that parties enjoy wide discretion to target clientelistic payoffs to inexpensive voters in their strongholds, but that head-to-head competition compels them to bid for more expensive voters. Empirically, it uses a list experiment embedded in a postelection survey to study electoral clientelism in Lebanon, a country with a mix of competitive and uncompetitive electoral districts. It finds respondents underreport clientelistic transactions by a factor of two. Proxies for the cost of a vote explain payoff targeting decisions in party strongholds, but lose their explanatory power in the competitive districts.

Introduction : the art of raccomandazione -- The ethnographic setting -- Patronage/clientelism : some theoretical considerations -- Towards a poetics of patronage -- Raccomandazione, tangente and mafia : an "amoral" family of genres -- Raccomandazione, class relations and the southern question -- Employing the 'little shove' : raccomandazione and work -- "We're not Uganda, but almost" : raccomandazione and southern identity -- Conclusion : raccomandazione and the bourgeois-liberal world order -- Epilogue : what happened when they read what I wrote : Mediterranean clientelism and corruption revisited

Discusses democratic consolidation and extension of substansive social, political, and civil rights to citizens, which is often undermined by clientelist social relations; theoretical and strategic issues and case studies; 5 articles. Contents: Theoretical and strategic issues: organizational empowerment versus clientelism, by Miguel Sobrado Chaves; Clientelism and citizenship: the limits of democratic reform in Sucre, Colombia, by Cristina Escobar; Levels of empowerment: marketers and microenterprise-lending NGOs in Apopa and Nejapa, El Salvador, by Serena Cosgrove; Changing patrons, from politician to drug don: clientelism in downtown Kingston, Jamaica, by Amanda Sives; Democracy, decentralization, and clientelism: new relationships and old practices, by María Pilar García-Guadilla.

This book improves understandings of how and why clientelism endures in Latin America and why state policy is often ineffective. Political scientists and sociologists, the contributors employ ethnography, targeted interviews, case studies, within-case and regional comparison, thick descriptions, and process tracing.

This article examines the usefulness of the theory of clientelism for understanding the politics of Andhra Pradesh (AP), where pressures to secure election funds as populations became more mobile led political leaders to seek centralized control over state resources and access to private funds. Innovative chief ministers sought new ways of relating to voters that undercut local leaders, leading to populist politics and a shift towards programmatic politics that provided individual benefits rather than collective benefits as under the prior system of patronage politics. These changes created a system that was more amenable to individual leadership but also more vulnerable when the leadership collapsed. The theory of clientelism provides a useful guide to the political and economic costs of this system, including the democratic deficit, but does not provide for voters' innovative responses. The theory's emphasis on transactional politics does not adequately address the continuing role of social groupings such as caste nor does it acknowledge the critical role of leadership in building and sustaining the system.

It appears that elections increase chances for a smooth transition to democracy only in competitive authoritarian regimes where political instability already exists. This essay explores the process the author calls 'competitive clientelism' whereby elections supply ruling elites in authoritarian regimes opportunities to compete over limited sets of state resources that they then distribute to local elites a structure that reduces demand for any change to democracy. Adapted from the source document.

Backed by studies finding only limited propensity for free-riding when communities have an interest in self-provision, the last few decades have seen a surge of interest in community-based development. A major caveat to the "second wave" of collective action studies, however, is that collective action often breaks down under hierarchical social relationships. This is unfortunate news for developing countries' rural societies, which are often entrenched in patron-client networks. Using a natural experiment found in the construction of a motorway, the article finds that clientelist relationships do not, in and by themselves, block peasant collective action. Rather, it is the interaction between clientelism and isolation that empowers patrons to block community-based projects. Peasants in connected villages face no such constraints, but instead rely on their patrons' assistance in collective projects, making the hierarchical network an additional resource.

"After the ousting of former Egyptian president Hosni Mubarak in February 2011, there was much debate about the reasons for the former regime's longevity and its collapse. Here, Safinaz El Tarouty provides an original contribution to the study of authoritarianism in Egypt by focusing on the role of businessmen in authoritarian survival. As the regime intensified neo-liberal economic reforms that led to social deprivation and frustration amongst increasing numbers of Egyptian citizens, they co-opted businessmen in order to defuse challenges and buttress the regime, constructing a new political economy of authoritarianism. Extending the existing literature on clientelism, El Tarouty creates a typology of regime-businessmen relations to describe the multiple mechanisms of co-option in the context of economic liberalization. Ultimately, though, these businessmen proved too narrow a constituency to provide legitimacy to the regime and in fact formed one of the reasons for its collapse"--

It is widely believed that clientelism-the giving of material goods in return for electoral support-is associated with poorer development outcomes. However, systematic cross-country evidence on the deleterious effects of clientelism on development outcomes is lacking. In this paper we examine the relationship between political clientelism, public goods provision, and governance quality using cross-country panel data for 161 countries for the period 1900-2017. We distinguish between two manifestations of political clientelism-whether vote buying exists, and whether political parties offer material goods to their constituents in exchange for political support (non-programmatic party linkages). We find negative effects of political clientelism on development outcomes, with increases in clientelism leading to lower coverage of welfare programmes, increased political corruption, and weaker rule of law. We also find that the deleterious effects of political clientelism are mainly through non-programmatic party linkages rather than the practice of vote buying.