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AbstractIn 1976 Sweden adopted a law on workplace democracy, presented by the Social Democratic government as the 'reform of the century'. What can the reform tell us about the history of the Swedish Model and how it was revised during the early 1970s under the prime minister, Olof Palme? This article compares four grand narratives of the development of welfare states, viewing dominant narratives of the Swedish Model as influential myths in their own right. The article argues that despite its global reputation as a hallmark of 'democratic socialism', the Swedish workplace democracy reform was a broad cross-class compromise, in the wake of a pan-European wave of similarly labelled reforms. Furthermore, the reform served to protect workplaces against Communist activism. The argument builds on the internal meeting protocols of the board and executive committee of the Swedish Social Democratic Party.

Since its publication in 1962, Rachel Carson's book Silent Spring has often been celebrated as the catalyst that sparked an American environmental movement. Yet environmental consciousness and environmental protest in some regions of the United States date back to the nineteenth century, with the advent of industrial manufacturing and the consequent growth of cities. As these changes transformed people's lives, ordinary Americans came to recognize the connections between economic exploitation, social inequality, and environmental problems. As the modern age dawned, they turned to labor unions, sportsmen's clubs, racial and ethnic organizations, and community groups to respond to such threats accordingly. The Myth of Silent Spring tells this story. By challenging the canonical "songbirds and suburbs" interpretation associated with Carson and her work, the book gives readers a more accurate sense of the past and better prepares them for thinking and acting in the present

The so-called Prima Prattica style of sixteenth-century polyphonic music was largely codified through the music of Adriano Willaert and the theoretical writings of his protege Gioseffo Zarlino, both musicians attached to the Chapel of San Marco, the central musical organization of the Republic of Venice. As the century progressed, however, the elements of Willaert's style that were emphasized and emulated by subsequent generations of Venetian musicians took the ceremonial music of the Republic in an aesthetic direction that prioritized expression over balance, sonic effects over contrapuntal clarity, and, at times, bombast over contemplation. The stylistic chasm that developed between this specifically Venetian music and what could be heard elsewhere in Europe at the time has yet to be adequately acknowledged or explained, a problem for music history especially due to the profound international influence wielded by later Venetian or Venice-adjacent composers such as Gabrieli, Monteverdi, Schütz, and Vivaldi. In this dissertation I explore the ways in which the distinctive cultural, political, religious, and artistic background of the Venetian republic created particular demands which, in conjunction with the unique background and inclinations of Adriano Willaert, led to the creation of this Venetian musical style. In my first chapter, through a brief examination of the foundational preoccupations of the republic and Church of Venice, I establish broad, categorical differences between the cultural demands of it and neighboring states. Next, in chapter two, I more closely investigate the historical circumstances of Venice in the fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries in order to show how material factors influenced the creation of the Venetian style to occur when and how it did. My third chapter looks specifically at the role of literary humanism in the Venetian cultural florescence of the early sixteenth century and in the work of Willaert, through the composer's own humanistic activities, particularly his Horatian secular motet Quid non Ebrietas Designat. Finally, in chapter four I examine Willaert's music for the Church of Venice, specifically his dual-choir, coro spezzato psalm settings, as a response to the specifically Venetian aesthetic demands set up in the previous chapters.

There is a subset of scholarly literature that asserts that the title of Adam Smith's famous work,The Wealth of Nations, is an allusion to passages from the Bible, such as Isaiah 60:5. Strong forms of the claim of this relationship between Smith and Scripture argue for a direct reliance of the former upon the latter. Weaker forms of the claim merely raise the possibility of the relationship or point more broadly to the significance and relevance of scriptural passages. This article sets these claims against the historical context of Smith and his work, finding that the relationship among "the wealth of nations," Adam Smith, and English translations of the Bible demonstrates that Smith did not, in fact, allude to the passages in Isaiah. Thus, the rise of political economy itself, of which Smith's work was an important element, was part of the background for, and preceded the appearance of, the phrase in English bibles.

Part I of this Article analyzes some of the contemporary critiques of, and debates around, shareholder value in order to illustrate why many of these contestations demonstrate underlying gaps or problematic assertions in the history and politics of shareholder value, especially if they are delimited by the narrow legal frames and neoliberal assumptions of corporations. It also provides the context necessary to explicate and ground why shareholder primacy and ownership assumptions are historically and legally flawed, and how financial values and assumptions continue to be championed (and financial power elided), despite the recent implosions of shareholder value. Part II expands upon several leading scholars' work in showing the paradoxical and ahistorical nature of the shareholder ownership assumption and the conflation of primary and secondary financial markets. Throughout, this Article attempts to differentiate and disentangle multiple problems with the shareholder value interpretation by emphasizing Wall Street's undue influence, the myth and ideology of shareholder value primacy, and the intersections between them.

National Museums and the Origins of Nations provides the first international survey of origins stories in national museums and examines the ways in which such museums use the distant past as a vehicle to reflect the concerns of the political present. Offering an international comparison of institutions in China, North and South America, the Middle East, Europe and Australia, the book argues that national museums tell us more about what sort of community a nation wishes to be today, than how and why that nation came into being. Watson also reveals the ways in which narrative and exhibition design attempt to engage the visitor in an emotional experience designed to promote loyalty to, and pride in, the nation, or to remind visitors who are not citizens that they do not belong. These narratives of origin are, it is claimed, based on so-called factual accuracies, but this book reveals that they are often selective, emotional and rarely critiqued within institutions. At a time when nationalism is very much back on the political agenda, this book highlights how museums reflect current political and social concerns. National Museums and the Origins of Nations will appeal to academics and students engaged in the study of museums, heritage, politics, nationalism and history.--

Frontmatter -- CONTENTS -- ACKNOWLEDGMENTS -- PREFACE -- INTRODUCTION -- PART ONE: STANDING: THE PUBLIC GOOD, THE INDIVIDUAL, AND THE COMMUNITY -- CHAPTER ONE Three Discourses in Defense of the Public Good -- CHAPTER TWO A Sketch of 18th-Century American Communalism -- CHAPTER THREE Localism and the Myth of American Individualism -- CHAPTER FOUR Three Leading Views of the Individual, Plus One -- PART TWO: THE MEANING OF LIBERTY IN THE REVOLUTIONARY ERA -- CHAPTER FIVE A Delusive Similarity: (Ordered) Liberty and Freedom -- CHAPTER SIX Spiritual Liberty: The Quintessential Liberty -- CHAPTER SEVEN Corporate Liberty: Political and Civil -- CHAPTER EIGHT The Concept of Slavery: Liberty's Antithesis -- AFTERWORD -- BIBLIOGRAPHY -- INDEX

International audience ; Sir John Fortescue (v. 1394-1476) fut un des plus grands juristes anglais du XVe siècle. Chancelier de la dynastie des Lancastre en exil après la déposition d'Henri VI par Édouard IV d'York en 1461, il composa des tracts polémiques mais aussi des traités politiques en latin et en anglais (en particulier le Governance of England), afin de démontrer que le régime monarchique anglais était d'essence contractuelle, un jus regale et politicum, en le mettant en relation avec le mythe des origines de la Grande-Bretagne, qui aurait été fondée par Brutus, le petit-fils d'Énée. Cette explication par les origines a généralement été considérée comme relevant du stéréotype, mais la comparaison du traitement de Fortescue avec d'autres œuvres majeures – l'Histoire des rois de Bretagne de Geoffrey de Monmouth, le Brut, chronique la plus diffusée de l'histoire anglaise, et le Polychronicon, chronique universelle de Ranulph Higden, également très diffusée – suggère pourtant que Fortescue a mis l'accent, plus que ses prédécesseurs, sur les choix effectués par la communauté originelle et l'accord contractuel avec le roi. En outre, il établit un lien, précoce mais fondamental, entre civilisation et contrat politique.