Les incertitudes du grand élargissement: l'Europe centrale et balte dans l'intégration européenne
In: Pays de l'Est
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World Affairs Online
In: Informationen zur Meinungsbildung / Reihe A, Politik, Bd. 3
World Affairs Online
World Affairs Online
World Affairs Online
"An analysis by SELA for its member States regarding the relations of Latin American and Caribbean countries and the subregional integration organizations with the increasingly integrated European Community"--Handbook of Latin American Studies, v. 57
In: Ethics & Global Politics, Band 3, Heft 4, S. 277-301
Thomas Pogge has been challenging liberal thinking on global politics, often through critical engagement with John Rawls' work. Pogge presents both normative and empirical arguments against Rawls: normatively, Rawls' domestic Theory of Justice (TJ) and global Law of Peoples (LP) are incompatible ideal theories; empirically, LP is too removed from the actual world to guide the foreign policy of liberal societies. My main purpose here is to contest the first, ideal theory criticism in order to direct more attention to the second, non-ideal objection. I argue against Pogge that TJ and LP can be read as coherent, once one employs a Rousseauian rather than Pogge's economic Kantian reading of TJ. The first two sections present Pogge's view of TJ and contrast it with a Rousseauian alternative that is less cosmopolitan and economic and much more focused on the democratic and sovereign context of justice as fairness. The third section seeks to refute Pogge's incoherence arguments, which encompass the identity of the parties to the international original position, their motivations and their decisions. Instead of a conclusion, the last section emphasizes LP's non-ideal problems, and suggests that insofar as LP is the most robust liberal ideal theory of global politics, its empirical failure indicates the need to shift global justice theorizing even more to the non-ideal realm. Adapted from the source document.
In: Politics in Central Europe, Band 2, Heft 2, S. 38-70
This paper explores the sources of votes for radical-right parties using the example of electoral support for the Attack Party in the 2005 Bulgarian parliamentary elections. It expands theoretical propositions on the presence of extremist parties in electoral politics by proposing an analytical model which explains radical-right voting as the result of disequilibria between political supply and voter demand in the electoral market. The paper argues that support for the radical right represents unmet voter demand and combines à la carte elements of single-issue politics, xenophobia, protest and charismatic political agency in electoral choice valid for individual voters but not for clearly identifiable cohorts of voters. The paper examines the evidence on electoral support for the Attack Party against the premises of the à la carte model – the structure of electoral competition, radical-right political agency, and voter preferences – and finds that the radical-right vote in the 2005 election validates its key proposition: electoral support for the radical right lacks coherent social structure and correspondence between voter expectations and party programmatic appeal. Based on the Bulgarian case study the paper concludes that the ability to offer voting choices à la carte, regardless of its ideological positions and the political expectations of its own electorate represents a resource for the sustained presence of the radical right in the electoral market.
In: Preprint of article submitted to the Earth System Governance Journal in March 2023
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Challenges to globalization have grave implications for the worldwide liberal order that emerged with the end of the cold war. These challenges began to ascend from the West. The occasions like Brexit, ascent of radical rightist political groups in Europe, recognition of isolationist policies, choice of former US President Donald Trump (Originator of isolationist policies), and the strive towards confinement of manufacture and services have altered the contours of global liberal order. The objective of this examination is to find the factors that prepared ground for anti-globalization accounts as well as to discover its effect on the global liberal order by applying the content analysis method. This study will assume qualitative methodology utilizing both primary and secondary data i.e., government documents, annual reports, speeches of leaders, books, journal articles and newspapers etc. The findings of the study concludes that anti-globalization narratives are translating into the electoral processes, progressing hyper-nationalism over liberal order; multi-polarity above Uni-polarity; and Isolationism above free market economy. All such changes have critical repercussions for the global liberal order, hence, should be observed cautiously. If the pattern proceeds, the world pioneers ought to think about modifying the worldwide associations, alliances, as well as national security procedures.
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In: Computer Law & Security Review, 43 (2021): 105613.
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In: Cork Online Law Review (2021)
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In: Submitted to Europe and the World: a law review
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Trade in illicit tobacco – a term which includes trade in contraband, counterfeit and illicit whites (also referred to as 'cheap whites') – has become a serious problem across the global due to its scale and the hazards which such products may cause. Among the different forms of illicit tobacco trading and different types of legislation, this report concentrates on trade in counterfeit cigarettes and looks at the role that IPRs and their enforcement plays in controlling such trade in the EU. Stated differently, the report focuses on illicit tobacco trading in counterfeit cigarettes in EU and the role that IP laws and their enforcement could play in repressing such trade. More specifically, the report will: assess the proper role of IP law enforcement in fighting counterfeit cigarettes; analyse whether the EU or other anti-counterfeit legislation and specific border enforcement mechanisms provide an adequate regulatory response to be implemented in these countries; study other jurisdictions (most notably the US) to ascertain whether the EU could modify its approach and standards in order to more effectively combat counterfeit tobacco; and propose recommendations on effective modification and implementation of these standards into the national system. The report outlines the international framework, including the multilateral Agreement on Trade Related Aspects of Intellectual Property ('TRIPS Agreement') and the Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement (ACTA), compares the approaches of the EU and US on the issue in bilateral and regional free trade agreements, reviews the relevant legislation and internal practice of the EU, with a focus on the United Kingdom, and provides an overview of the US domestic framework. The report concludes with recommendations for the EU to adopt certain measures to further strengthen its laws and regulations.
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