From the nostalgia of the Promised Land to the nostalgia of the exile land of the Moroccan Israelites The disappearance of the Jews in Morocco, noticed after the fact, gave rise to a great deal of questioning: were the motives behind this phenomenon mystical or Zionist in nature? Or were they the result of persecution? In the Morocco of the 1980's, the mellah showed the only remnants of the civilization, the testament of a bygone existence. Both recent and distant past in the memories of those living alongside the Jews. In pre-Protectorate Morocco, the Judeo-Arabic coexistence gave way to socio-economic organization that can ultimately be called interdependence. Economically speaking, the Jewish existence was seen as necessary for the Muslim society. It was the result of a coexistence, varying according to the era in question and the reigning symbiosis and hostility. Trades a Muslim could not or did not wish to take on were left to the Jews, from import-export trade to peddling. This division of work, perceived as both discrimination and allocation, is representative of the ambiguity of the Judeo-Arabic relation. This ambiguity disturbs the work of researchers in the field. If Jews were merely tolerated, subject to their discriminatory status, so be it, but their presence was still generally seen as necessary by the Muslim. By the same token, the Jews' political substatus in Muslim society represented a permanent strength against assimilation, and the preservation of an ancestral link with the homeland. The mellah, symbolizing exclusion, also allowed the Jewish community to be a homogenous social, political, economical and cultural group, a micro-society whose religious identity was constant and rigorous growth, through a series of rituals and practices. Tradition kept identity alive: the Jewish identity, alive in a single prayer to return to Holy Land. The fragile Judeo-Arabic equilibrium, little-known by those who dreamt of colonizing North Africa (beginning in the 19th century), was upset by the French Protectorate of Morocco (1912-1956). With its colonialist ideology, the latter imposes a policy that widened the gap between Jews and Muslims, exacerbating their religious differences and affecting their relations. The Protectorate Morocco had a rude awakening to a number of outside influences -the invasion of European capitalism, administrative reforms and modernism- causing rapid destruction of traditional values. The population grew poorer in their inability to maintain the furious pace of this revolution, while the Muslim intellectual youth, deprived of its traditional privileges, took up the struggle against the foreign stranglehold on its country. The spare of early nationalism driven by the Protectorate's so-called Berber politics, whose project was to distinguish between Berbers and Moroccans through possible conversion to Catholicism and the French language. The anticolonialist struggle found its way in a growing Islamic identity which attracted the masses and united Moroccan leaders behind the struggles of North Africa. In the Jewish community, the effect of the Protectorate is more significant. The westernization process attracts an elite aspiring to rise to the European level using the French language and culture, and wishing to legitimately free itself from the demeaning dhimma status. A long way from the parent population whose fate is the same as the Muslims, privileged individuals of the Jewish community distance themselves both from the religious tradition of the Jewish identity as well as the age-old Judeo-Arabic rituals. This distinction manifests itself in education and travel, or simply moving away. The new class of Europeanized Jews abandons the use of the vernacular for French and leaves the mellah to the poor, the uneducated, and the destitute. The tensions between Jews and Arabs in Palestine, intensified by the Balfour Declaration (1917), also feed the Muslim-Arabic identity whose followers include Muslim nationalists. This option distances the Jewish community from the political scene and thus future Moroccan perspectives. While the Muslim mass is won through this struggle, the Jewish mass continues, away from the political upheavals shaking the Arabic world, to dream of the Promised Land and nurture a sense of nostalgia. This nostalgia is fulfilled with the declaration of the State of Israel in 1948, thus launching the Moroccan 'aliya. Exile was the great memory, the mystical nostalgia, wandering and danger, uprooting and spiritual affirmation. Moroccan roots were merely of convenience despite lasting so many generations, though Moroccan Jews had buried there their forefathers, created shared ways and customs, tended to their cherished cemeteries, developed their languages. and nonetheless Morocco spiritually had only ever been a temporary home, a land of transition, a lesser evil in adversity? Once the wandering and danger over, what of this Promised Land? Did some nourishment, for the mind and body, heart and soul, rise from this new breeding ground where the long awaited and conflicted resettlement occurred? The components of the plural memory have come together in the great gathering: places, values and manners, feelings, social perceptions, exposing to all the divide, the diversity and marks of exile, showing the socio-theologico-political disparities. Disparities that Zionism, in its hope for Jewish unity, planned to standardize and smooth into unity. A project impossible without the cultural uprooting and the identity crisis of North Africans. Taken to Israel beginning in 1948, Moroccan Jews met with a Western model established by the pioneers of European socialism: the Ashkenazi. Very early, the Israeli population was divided into two groups; the Ashkenazi, founders of the country they lead, and their recently immigrated coreligionists: the North Africans, who, for the first twenty years of their lives in Israel, would be members of the proletariat. The messianic ideal motivating the Moroccan 'alya confronted the secular conception of the Israeli state. This conception involves the rejection of the Diaspora heritage and the Exile of the Jews in favour of a new "normal" nation in the image of developed Western societies. The secular State based on legitimate representation of the Jewish people, replaces religious identification with a state identification or nationalism, a status unknown to Moroccan immigrants barely removed from their secular status as traditional religious minority. To the Judaism by choice succeeds Judaism by nature and community organization becomes a complex state organization closed to new citizens. For new Moroccan immigrants, the Jewish identity should suffice for integration into the Promised Land, but once arrived, the reality of significant differences regarding religious practice, language, rituals, tradition, and economic differences caused disillusion of the sacred dream: "In Morocco, he was Jewish, Jewish through the heritage of Abraham, Isaac and Jacob, Jewish tangled in the holy and sacred Law of Moses. (.) In Israel, he became -what a turn of events!- Arabic." Out of this disillusion arose nostalgia, nostalgia for the first nostalgia, nostalgia for the exile that some authors (Ami Bouganim, Erez Bitton) would continue to sing: "She sings the exile, a nostalgic tone in the voice, the exile from Jerusalem, the exile from Spain, the exile from Morocco. (.) She sings a Spanish serenade then a French song, an Arabic threnody then a hymn in Hebrew. (.) Without end, Zohra's songs recreate the fabulous scenery of her past." Recreate the scenery of one's past to struggle against the oblivion of the deads and the depersonalization of the livings. Recalling an identity lost in a process of assimilation imposing the oblivion of the Jewish Diaspora and the rebirth of Modern Hebrew. Memory finds its place once again: recreating an identity and a culture parallel to the national Israeli identity and culture. And this reconstitution is first reactivated through maternal memory, a domestic memory constituting ancestral rituals, smell of cooking, laughters, household tasks, games, festive music, superstitions and rumours, jokes in local dialect. folkloric memories. Because the mother is the character who embodies tradition, who has been the least touched by the maelstrom of the 'alya. It is in the literary expression of Moroccan Israelites that we see this nostalgia, through characters who do not feel they are part of a coherent Israeli entity. The language, the culture and the mentality exacerbate these differences, and allow their particularism take its course. Even though it is an historical fact, the creation of the Israeli society underwent the rules of immigration. More than elsewhere, the Israeli terrain is best suited for a review of immigration issues: integration, acculturation, ethnic mix, as a hypothesis of the future of societies in the growing globalization of our world. ; De la nostalgie de la terre promise à la nostalgie de la terre d'exil chez les Israéliens originaires du Maroc La disparition, constatée après coup, des Juifs du Maroc suscita bien des interrogations : les motivations de cette envolée étaient-elles de nature mystique ou sioniste ? Ou la conséquence de persécution ? Dans le Maroc des années 80, le mellah seul en montrait les vestiges et témoignait d'une existence révolue. Un passé proche et lointain gisant dans les mémoires de ceux pour qui le Juif fut du voisinage. Dans le Maroc d'avant le Protectorat, la coexistence judéo-arabe donnait lieu à une organisation socio-économique que l'on peut, malgré tout, qualifier d'interdépendance. L'existence juive en société musulmane était reconnue nécessaire au plan économique. Il en découlait une coexistence dont la nature variait selon les périodes et les règnes entre symbiose et hostilité. Les corps de métiers qu'un musulman ne pouvait ou ne voulait faire étaient laissés aux Juifs depuis l'import-export jusqu'au commerce itinérant. Ce partage de fonction qui est perçu à la fois comme une discrimination et une répartition, comporte en soi l'ambiguïté du rapport juif-arabe. Cette ambiguïté embarrasse le travail du chercheur dans ce domaine. Que le Juif ne fut que toléré, soumis au statut discriminatoire, soit, il n'en demeure pas moins que sa présence était généralement reconnue nécessaire par le Musulman. Parallèlement, le sous-statut politique du Juif dans la société musulmane lui était une force permanente contre l'assimilation et pour le maintien d'un lien ancestral avec la terre antique. Le mellah qui symbolisait l'exclusion, permettait aussi à la communauté juive d'être un groupe social, politique, économique et culturel homogène, une micro-société dont l'identité religieuse se cultivait continuellement et rigoureusement en un ensemble de rites et de pratiques. La tradition véhiculait l'identité ; celle d'être juif, animée par une seule prière celle de retrouver la Terre Sainte. Le fragile équilibre judéo-arabe, méconnu par ceux qui rêvent de coloniser l'Afrique du Nord (à partir du 19ème siècle), se déstabilise avec le Protectorat français (1912-1956) au Maroc. Par son idéologie colonialiste, ce dernier avance une politique éloignant encore plus les Juifs des Musulmans en exacerbant leurs différences religieuses et en affectant leurs rapports. Le Maroc du Protectorat s'ouvre brutalement aux influences extérieures : invasion du capitalisme européen, réformes administratives et modernisme, causent une destruction accélérée des valeurs traditionnelles. La masse populaire s'appauvrit, faute de pouvoir suivre le rythme effréné de cette révolution, tandis que la jeunesse intellectuelle musulmane, privée de ses privilèges traditionnels, élabore des formes de lutte contre la mainmise étrangère sur son pays. La flamme naissante du nationalisme est attisée par la politique dite --berbère-- du Protectorat, dont le projet est de distinguer les berbères du peuple marocain par une possible conversion française et catholique. La lutte anti-coloniale trouve alors sa voie dans une identité islamique accrue qui attire les masses et rallie les leaders marocains aux luttes d'Orient. Dans la communauté juive, l'effet du Protectorat est plus conséquent. Le processus d'occidentalisation attire une élite qui aspire à s'élever au niveau des Européens par le moyen de la langue et de la culture française, et veut légitimement s'affranchir du statut réducteur de la dhimma. Loin de la population de base qui subit le même sort que les musulmans, les privilégiés de la communauté juive s'écartent à la fois de la tradition religieuse véhiculant l'identité juive et des coutumes judéo-arabes séculaires. Cette distinction se traduit par l'instruction et l'éloignement géographique. La nouvelle classe juive européanisée abandonne l'usage de la langue vernaculaire au profit du français et laisse le mellah aux pauvres, non instruits, démunis. Les tensions entre Juifs et Arabes en Palestine, affûtées par la Déclaration de Balfour (1917), alimentent, par effet sympathique, l'identité arabo-musulmane à laquelle s'identifient et adhèrent les nationalistes musulmans. Cette option éloigne la communauté juive de la scène politique et donc des perspectives marocaines d'avenir. Tandis que la masse musulmane est gagnée au combat, la masse juive continue, à l'écart des bouleversements politiques qui secouent le monde arabe, à rêver de la terre Promise et en cultiver la nostalgie. Nostalgie qui trouve son accomplissement à la déclaration de l'Etat d'Israël en 1948 et commence alors la 'aliya marocaine. L'exil c'était la grande mémoire, la nostalgie mystique, l'errance et la précarité, le déracinement et l'affirmation du spirituel. L'ancrage marocain ne fut que de circonstance quand bien même il perdura tant et tant de générations, quand bien même les Juifs du Maroc y ont enterré la cohorte de leurs aïeux, créé des us et coutumes partagés, entretenus leurs chers cimetières, forgé leurs langues.et néanmoins le Maroc ne fut, spirituellement, qu'une terre d'attente, un lieu transitoire, un moindre mal dans l'adversité ? Errance et précarité ne sont plus, mais qu'en-est-il de cette terre promise ? Une sève nourricière pour le corps et l'esprit, l'âme et le cœur, a-t-elle monté dans ce nouveau terreau où s'est accompli le réenracinement si longtemps différé ? Dans le grand rassemblement se sont affrontées les composantes de la mémoire plurielle : lieux, mœurs, sentiments, perceptions sociétales, dénonçant au grand jour les lignes de partage, les diversités et les empreintes d'exils, faisant apparaître les disparités socio-théologico-politiques. Disparité que le sionisme, dans son aspiration à l'unité du peuple juif, projetait d'uniformiser et de dissoudre dans l'unicité. Projet qui ne parvint pas sans éviter aux Orientaux le déracinement culturel et la crise d'identité. Envolés vers Israël à partir de 1948, les Juifs marocains rencontrent un modèle occidental établi par les pionniers issus du socialisme européen : les Ashkénazes. Très tôt, la population israélienne est divisée en deux classes ; les Ashkénazes, fondateurs du pays dont ils sont l'élite dirigeante, et leurs coreligionnaires récemment immigrés : les Orientaux, qui durant les vingt premières années de leurs vie israélienne en constitueront le prolétariat. L'idéal messianique qui motivait la 'alya marocaine se heurte à la conception laïque de l'état israélien. Conception qui implique le rejet de l'héritage diasporique et du Juif de l'exil pour une nouvelle nation "normale" à l'image des sociétés occidentales évoluées. L'état, laïque, basé sur une représentation légitime du peuple juif, remplace l'identification religieuse par une identification nationale, statut inconnu des immigrants marocains à peine coupés de leur statut séculaire de minorité religieuse traditionnelle. Au judaïsme de condition succède un judaïsme d'élection et à l'organisation communautaire une organisation étatique complexe et hermétique aux nouveaux citoyens. Aux yeux des immigrés marocains, l'identité juive devait suffire à les intégrer en terre promise, mais une fois là, la mise en présence de différences notables concernant la pratique religieuse, la langue, les coutumes, la tradition, les disparités économiques, produisirent la désillusion du rêve sacré confronté à la réalité concrète : "Au Maroc, il était juif, juif de par l'héritage d'Abraham, d'Isaac et de Jacob, juif empêtré dans la sainte et sacré Loi de Moïse. (.) En Israël, il est devenu --ô farce du destin !- arabe". De cette désillusion naquit la nostalgie, nostalgie de la nostalgie première, nostalgie de l'exil que certains auteurs (Ami Bouganim, Erez Bitton) chanteront sans cesse : "Elle chante l'exil, un embrun nostalgique autour de la voix, l'exil de Jérusalem, l'exil d'Espagne, l'exil du Maroc. (.) Elle passe d'une sérénade en espagnole à une chanson en français, d'une mélopée en arabe à un cantique en hébreu. (.)Sans cesse, les chants de Zohra reconstituent les décors fabuleux de son passé." Reconstituer les décors du passé pour lutter contre l'oubli des morts et la dépersonnalisation des vivants. Retrouver une identité perdue au cours d'un processus d'assimilation qui imposait l'oubli du Juif de la diaspora et la renaissance de l'Hébreu moderne. Ainsi la mémoire retrouve son rôle ; celui de reconstituer une identité et une culture parallèle à l'identité et à la culture nationale israélienne. Et c'est par la mémoire maternelle d'abord que se réactive cette reconstitution, une mémoire domestique faite de coutumes ancestrales, d'odeur de cuisine, de rires, de petits devoirs, de jeu, de musique festives, de superstition et de rumeurs, de blagues en parler local.mémoire folklorique. Car la mère est le personnage de la tradition que le maelström de la 'alya a corrodé le moins. C'est dans l'expression littéraire d'Israéliens issus du Maroc que pointe cette nostalgie avec des personnages qui ne se sentent pas dans une entité israélienne cohérente. Le parler, la culture, la mentalité exacerbent leurs différences et laissent agir leur particularisme. Bien que ce soit une particularité historique, la formation de la société israélienne a subi les règles de l'immigration. Plus qu'ailleurs, le terrain israélien est celui qui, le mieux, se prête à l'examen des problèmes posés par l'immigration : intégration, acculturation, mélange ethnique, en tant qu'hypothèse du devenir des sociétés dans la mondialisation.
The Haiti Productive Land Use Systems (PLUS) Research Project continued and expanded the work of the Haiti Agroforestry project. It was intended to encourage Haitian farmers to plant trees as part of an overall plan by USAID to curb the devastating erosion which was washing the top soil into the sea. This project also investigated the effects on other crops as a result of tree planting. ; The Pinus genus is one of the most important sources of lumber in the world. It is represented in Haiti by P. occidentalis, a species that is endemic to the island of Hispaniola. The increasing demand for wood products, coupled with the deforestation of the pine forests in Haiti for agriculture, have seriously reduced the native populations of P. occidentalis. The ever increasing economic needs of peasants merit the testing of improved pine provenances that can offer greater value and be more efficiently managed in the current agroforestry systems of the high-elevation mountains. In 1989, 29 seed lots, representing 12 species of pine, were established in a species/provenance trial at Viard, near Kenscoff (alt. 1,500 m). A randomized complete block design was used with 3 replications. Survival, height and stem diameter measurements were recorded at 1, 2, 3 and 5 years after trial establishment. Merchantable volume was estimated at 7 years. Survival: Site survival, including all seed lots, was 80% after 5 years. Following a first year mortality of 10%, each additional year averaged an annual drop of 2.5%. The highest surviving species was P. taeda (90.3%), as compared to the lowest survivor, the P. occidentalis provenance from Cuba (62.7%). The only statistical difference detected at the species level was at the 3-year stage when P. taeda (91.9%) was shown to be superior to the Cuban P. occidentalis (67.0%). A large range of differences were observed among seed lots, though no statistical differences were detected by means comparison tests. The top three surviving seed lots were represented by P. taeda (94.7%, 93.3%, and 90.7%) compared to the lowest survival, 60.5%, exhibited by a P. caribaea hondurensis seed lot acquired from a commercial seed supplier. Average survival of the control (78.0%) was about the same as the overall site survival (79.6%) and approximately mid-ranked among all accessions tested. The control, a P. occidentalis seed lot from Séguin, Haiti, showed virtually no difference in survival from the other two seed lots originating in the Dominican Republic (both 76.7%). Height Growth: The overall mean height for the site, after 5 years, was 3.8 m. Growth rates during the initial 3 years averaged 0.5 m/yr overall, then jumped to 1.2 m/yr between 3 and 5 years. The P. occidentalis control grew an average 4.2 m (0.8 m/yr) - faster than the other two seed lots from the Dominican Republic (0.6 m/yr), though the means were not significantly different at the 95% probability level. P. oocarpa 15319 from Zimbabwe was the top performer, averaging 5.9 m over 5 years with an increment rate of 1.7 m/yr during the third and fourth year. It maintained its dominance throughout the measurement period. Three other seed lots exceeded an annual height growth rate of 1 m: P. patula 15275 and P. taeda 15169 from Zimbabwe and P. taeda 496 from SETROPA, a commercial seed company in Holland. These seed lots are superior to the local P. occidentalis in both growth rates and form. The slowest seed lot, P. caribaea caribaea 15/83 from Marbajitas, Cuba, averaged 1.8 m after 5 years. In general, the poorest performing seed lots were represented by P. caribaea caribaea, P. caribaea hondurensis, the P. occidentalis provenance from Cuba, and P. radiata. These species should be eliminated as candidates for agroforestry or reforestation at mid- to upper-elevation areas in Haiti. The P. taeda seed lots (496, 1003 and 15169) and P. elliottii 15441 exhibited a high degree of uniform growth, followed by P. oocarpa 15319. The most variable growth rates were exhibited by P. radiata, P. oocarpa 497, P. caribaea hondurensis 36/83, 19/85 and 17/85, P. elliottii 561. These seed lots are the same as those that showed poor adaptability. Diameter Growth: The overall site mean for DBH was 2.0 cm and 6.3 cm at 3 and 5 years, respectively. Differences were observed between height and stem diameter rankings among the pine seed lots. These differences reflect differences in taper form. The largest stem diameters (DBH) were achieved by P. taeda 496 (9.1 cm), P. oocarpa 15319 (8.8 cm) and P. caribaea bahamensis 3/80 (8.8 cm) after 5 years. This corresponds to a mean annual increment of 1.8 cm, as compared to 1.1 cm for the P. occidentalis control. The top seed lot for basal diameter, measured at a stump height of 0.1 m, was P. khasya 15212 (14.0 cm). The slowest diameter growths were exhibited by the seed lots that achieved the slowest height growth. Those species with seed lots below the mean annual growth rate of the control (1.1 cm/yr) included the following: the P. occidentalis provenance from Cuba (0.6 cm/yr), P. elliottii 651 (0.8 cm/yr), P. caribaea 9/76 and 15/83 (0.9 and 0.6 cm/yr, respectively), P. caribaea hondurensis 563 and 19/85 (0.7 and 1.0 cm/yr, respectively), P. occidentalis 38/77 and 66 (7293) (both 1.0 cm/yr), P. oocarpa 497 (0.8 cm/yr), and P. radiata 1008 (0.8 cm/yr). The 1.1 cm/yr rate of the 5-year old P. occidentalis in this trial should increase as the trees enter into the pole stage and selective thinning is conducted as recommended below. Merchantable Volume: The closely related species - P. patula, P. oocarpa, and P. tecunumanii - exhibited the highest yields of merchantable wood volume. The poorest performers at Kenscoff were P. caribaea caribaea, P. occidentalis, the P. occidentalis provenance from Cuba and P. elliottii. The difference between the top seed lot, P. patula 15275, and the P. occidentalis control is about a 3-fold difference. In addition to P. patula 15275, seven seed lots, representing 5 species, showed greater volume yield than the control, significant at the 95% probability level. Recommendations: (1) Eliminate the inferior seed lots from the Kenscoff trial. Selectively thin the promising seed lots, keeping the best trees, selected for form and size, for longer term study. Conduct selective thinning during the month of November and early December when the trial is most vulnerable to vandalism. Conduct the first phase of volume studies on the harvested trees for regression analyses. (2) Establish and distribute seed lots and provenances of known origin under similar growing conditions, particularly those with the greatest potential of making an economic impact among farmers: P. patula 15275, P. oocarpa 15319, P. tecunumanii 7/77, P. taeda 496 and P. caribaea bahamensis 3/80. Establish isolated stands for an in-country source of seed. Continue to distribute a balanced mix of P. occidentalis seed lots, harvested from trees selected for form and vigor from healthy populations in Haiti. Avoid collecting seed from the trial for extension purposes. The genetic quality of the seed harvested from a particular provenance or seed lot cannot be guaranteed because of the possibility of outcrossing. (3) Observe carefully any natural regeneration in the trials to confirm whether the imported pines can spread naturally. Observe any evidence of natural hybridization with P. occidentalis. (4) Study the social dimensions of the Kenscoff trial, especially encroachment problems and the use of the trial by neighboring peasants for cash cropping purposes. Develop suitable strategies to increase the security of the trial and establish control of land use. This has serious implications on the ability of government to address governance problems and encourage landowners to invest in alternative land use strategies that conserve natural resources. (5) Inform the Service des Ressources Forestière (MARNDR) of the uniqueness and importance of the Kenscoff trial and investigate the possibility for the SRF to collaborate with the Wynnes in managing and protecting the trial for future studies. The trial should be studied for long-term observations of pest and diseases, wood quality, natural regeneration, hybridization, tolerance to winds, form development and quantitative parameters of survival, height and stem diameters. ; Le genre Pinus est l'une des sources les plus importantes de bois dans le monde. Il est représenté en Haiti par P. occidentalis, une espèce endémique à l'île d'Hispaniola. La demande croissante pour les produits ligneux, ainsi que le défrichement des forêts de pins en Haiti pour l'agriculture, a séreusement réduit les populations natives de P. occidentalis. Les besoins économiques sans cesse croissants des paysans portent à tester des provenances améliorées de pins le systèmes agroforestiers en cours dans les montagnes de haute altitude. En 1989, 29 lots de semances, représentant 12 espèces de pins, ont été établis dans un essai espèce/provenance à Viard, près de Kenscoff (alt. 1.500 mètres). Le dessin expérimental utilisé était le bloc complètement au hasard avec 3 répétitions. Des données ont été recueillies sur la survivance, la hauteur et le diamètre de tige à 1, 2, et 5 ans après l'établissement de l'essai. Le volume marchand a été estimé à 7 ans. Survivance: Le taux de survivance, pour tous les lots de semences, était de 80% après 5 ans. Après une première année où le taux de mortalité était de 10%, une diminution moyenne de 2,5% chaque année, a été observée. L'espèce qui a donné le taux le plus élevé de survivance était le P. Taeda (90,3%), comparativement au Pinus sp. de Cuba, qui a accusé le taux le plus bas (62,7%). La seule différence statistique décelée au niveau de l'espèce était au stade de 3 ans quand le P. taeda (91,9%) s'est montré supérieur au Pinua sp. de Cuba (67,0%). De grandes différences ont été observées parmi les lot de semences, bien qu'aucune différence significative n'ait été détectée en analysant les lots séparément. Les trois meilleurs lots de semences au point de vue survivance, étaient représentés par P. taeda (94,7%, 93,3% et 90,7%), comparativement à ceux ayant le plus bas taux de survivance, 60,5%, accusé par un lot de P. hondurensis, obtenu d'un fournisseur commercial de semances au EUA. Le taux moyen de survivance du contrôle (78,0%) était à près le même que celui de tout le site 79,6%) et approximativement classé au milieu de tous les lots testés. Le contrôle, un P. occientalis en provenance de Seguin, Haiti, n'a virtuellement montré aucune différence de survivance avec les deux autres lots venant de la République Dominicaine (76,7% pour les duex). Croissance en hauteur: Le hauteur totale moyenne pour le site, après 5 ans, était de 3,8 m. Les taux de croissance pendant les 3 premières années furent de 0,5 m/an en moyenne pour tout le site, ensuite grimpèrent à 1,2 m/an entre 3 et 5 ans. Le contrôle P. occidentalis, grandit de 4,2 m (0,8 m/an) en moyenne - plus vite que les deux autres lots de la République Dominicaine (0,6 m/an), bien qu'il n'y ait pas de différence significative à 95% de probabilité. P. oocarpa 15319 de Zimbabwe était le plus performant, donnant en moyenne 5,9 m après 5 ans avec un taux d'ccroissement de 1,7 m/an pendant la troisième et la quatrième année. Il a maintenu sa domination pendant toute la période de mensurations. Trois autres lots de semences dépassa un taux de croissance annuel de 1 m; P. patula 15275 et P. taeda 15169 de Zimbabwe et P. taeda 469 de Setropa, une compagnie commerciale de semances établie en Hollande. Ces lots de semences sont supérieurs à ceux de l'espèce locale, P. occidentalis, tant pour les taux de croissance que pour la forme. Le lot de semences qui a manifesté la croissance la plus lente, P. Caribaea 15/83 de Marbajitas, Cuba, a donné une moyenne de 1,8 m après 5 années. En général, les lots de semences les moins performants furent représentés par P. Caribaea caribaea, P. Caribaea hondurensis, Pinus sp. de Cuba, et P. raidata. Ces espèces, généralement adaptées aux conditions de basse altitude, devraient être éliminées comme candidats pour l'agroforesterie ou le reboisement dans des zones de moyenne et de haute altitude en Haiti. Les lots de P. taeda (496, 1003 et 15169) et P. elliottii 15441 ont montré une plus grande uniformité de croissance, suivis de P. oocarpa 15319. Les taux de croissance les plus variables ont été ceux de P. radiata, P. oocarpa 497, P. caribaea hondurensis 36/83, 19/85 et 17/85, P. elliottii 561. Ces lots de semences sont les mêmes qui se sont montrés les moins adaptés. Croissance en diamètre: La moyenne de DHP pour tout le site était de 2,0 cm et 6,3 cm à3 et 5 ans, respectivement. Des différences de classement ont été observées pour la hauteur et le diamètre de tige parmi les lot de semences de pin. Elles reflètent des différences dans la forme de défilement. Les plus grands diamètres ont été atteints par P. taeda 496 (9,1 cm), P. oocarpa 15319 (8,8 cm) et P. caribaea bahamensis 3/80 (8,8 cm) après 5 ans. Ceci correspond à un accroissement annuel moyen de 1,8 cm, comparé à 1,1 cm pour le contrôle P. occidentalis. Le lot le plus performant pour le diamètre basal, mesuré à hauteur de souche de 0,1 m, était le P. khasya 15212 (14,0 cm). Les chiffres de croissance en diamètre les plus bas ont été accusés par les lots de semences qui ont montré la croissance en hauteur la plus lente. Ces espèces avec les lots de semences au-dessous du taux de croissance annuelle moyenne du contrôle (1,1 cm/an) comprennent: le Pinus sp. en provenance de Cuba (0,6 cm/an), P. elliottii 561 (0,8 cm/an), P. caribaea 9/76 et 15/83 (0,9 et 0,6 cm/an, respectivement), P. caribaea hondurensis 563 et 19/85 (0,7 et 1,0 cm/an, respectivement), P. occidentalis 38/77 et 66 (7293) (les deux 1,0 cm/an), P. oocarpa 497 (0,8 cm/an), et P. radiata 1008 (0,8 cm/an). Le taux de 1,1 cm/an du P. occidentalis âgé de 5 ans dans cet essai, devrait augmenter à mesure que les arbres entrent dans le stade de perchis et que l'éclairie sélective est pratiquée, comme recommandée ci-dessous. Volume marchand: Les espèces étroitement liées - P. patula, P. oocarpa, et P. tecunumanii - ont accusé les rendements les plus élevés de volume en bois marchand. Les moins performantes à Kenscoff furent P. caribaea caribaea, P. occidentalis, Pinus sp. de Cuba et P. elliottii. La différence entre le lot le plus performant, P. patula 15275, et le contrôle P. occidentalis, est d'environ 3 fois plus élevée. En plus du P. patula 15275, sept lots de semences, représentant 5 espèces, montrèrent un rendement en volume plus élevé que le contrôle, significatif à 95% de niveau de probabilité. Recommandations: (1) Eliminer les lots de semences inférieurs de l'essai de Kenscoff. Eclaircir sélectivement les lots prometteurs, en gardant les meilleurs arbres, sélectionnés pour leur forme et leur dimension, pour une étude à plus long terme. Pratiquer une éclaircie sélective pendant le mois de novembre et au début de décembre quand l'essai est le plus susceptible au vandalisme. Mener la première phase d'études de volume sur les arbres récoltés pour des analyses de régression. Eviter de collecter des semences de l'essai pour propagation, excepté pour la recherche. (2) Etablir et distribuer des lots de semences et provenances d'origine connue sous des conditions de croissance similaires, particulièrement ceux pouvant potentiellement avoir le plus d'impact économique sur les planteurs: P. patula 15275, P. oocarpa 15319, P. tecunumanii 7/77, P. taeda 496 et P. caribaea bahamensis 3/80. Etablir des peuplements isolés comme source de semences pour tout le pays. Continuer à distribuer un mélange balancé de lots de semences de P. occidentalis, récoltés d'arbres sélectionnés pour leur forme et leur vigueur, à partir de populations saines en Haiti. (3) Observer soigneusement toute régénération naturelle dans les essais pour confirmer si les pins importés peuvent se répandre naturellement. Observer tout signe d'hybridation naturelle avec le P. occidentalis. (4) Etudier les dimensions sociales de l'essai de Kenscoff, spécialement les problèmes d'incursions et l'utilisation de l'essai par les paysans avoisinants comme source de revenus. Développer des stratégies viables pour augmenter la sécurité de l'essai et établir un contrôle sur l'utilisation de la terre. Ceci a de sérieuses implications concernant la capacité du gouvernement à alternatives d'utilisation de la terre, qui conservent les ressources naturelles. (5) Informer le Service des Ressources Forestières (SRF du MARNDR) de l'aspect unique et de l'importance de l'essai de Kenscoff, et investiguer la possibilité pour le SRF de collaborer avec les Wynne dans la gestion et la protection de l'essai pour des études futures. L'essai devrait être étudié pour des observations à long terme sur les pestes et maladies, qualité de bois, régénération naturelle, hybridation naturelle, tolérance aux vents, développement de forme et paramètres quantitatifs de survivance, hauteur et diamètres de tige.
2006/2007 ; Inventario dei luoghi di culto della zona falisco-capenate. Sunto. La raccolta delle fonti relative alla vita religiosa della zona falisco-capenate è stata finalizzata, in primo luogo, all'individuazione di luoghi di culto sicuramente identificabili come tali. Dove questo non fosse stato possibile, soprattutto in presenza di documenti epigrafici isolati e di provenienza non sempre determinabile, si è comunque registrata la presenza del culto. Attraverso la documentazione raccolta si intende cercare di delineare una storia dei culti dell'area considerata, a partire dalle prime attestazioni fino all'età imperiale. La zona presa in esame, inserita nella Regio VII Etruria nel quadro dell'organizzazione territoriale dell'Italia augustea, è compresa entro i confini naturali del lago di Bracciano e del lago di Vico a ovest, del corso del Tevere a est, mentre i limiti settentrionale e meridionale possono essere segnati, rispettivamente, dai rilievi dei Monti Cimini e dei Monti Sabatini. I centri esaminati sono quelli di Lucus Feroniae, Capena, Falerii Veteres, Falerii Novi, Narce, Sutri e Nepi. La comunità capenate occupava la parte orientale del territorio, un'area pianeggiante, dominata a nord dal massiccio del monte Soratte, e delimitata a est dall'ansa del Tevere. Il suo fulcro era costituito dall'abitato di Capena, l'odierno colle della Civitucola, cui facevano capo una serie di piccoli insediamenti, ancora poco indagati, dislocati in posizione strategica sul Tevere, o in corrispondenza di assi stradali di collegamento al fiume. Il principale di essi risulta essere localizzabile nel sito della moderna Nazzano, occupato stabilmente a partire dall'VIII sec. a.C., e posto in corrispondenza dell'abitato sabino di Campo del Pozzo, sull'altra sponda del Tevere. Il comparto falisco si articola, invece, attraverso una paesaggio di aspre colline tufacee, incentrato attorno al bacino idrografico del torrente Treia, affluente del Tevere, che percorre il territorio in direzione longitudinale. Lungo il corso del fiume si svilupparono i due più antichi e importanti centri falisci di Falerii Veteres e Narce, un sito nel quale la più recente tradizione di studi tende a riconoscere, sempre più convincentemente, la Fescennium nota dalle fonti, l'altro abitato falisco, oltre a Falerii, di cui sia tramandato il nome; lungo affluenti del Treia sono ubicate Nepi e Falerii Novi. Pur nella specificità culturale progressivamente assunta da Falisci e Capenati, la collocazione geografica del territorio da essi occupato lo rende naturalmente permeabile a influenze etrusche e sabine, rilevabili attraverso la documentazione archeologica, e rintracciabili in alcune notizie delle fonti antiche, rivalutate dalla più recente tradizione di studi. Una posizione differente era, invece, maturata dopo le prime indagini condotte nella regione, tra la fine dell''800 e l'inizio del '900, che avevano portato a enfatizzare i caratteri culturali specifici delle popolazioni locali, sottolineando la sostanziale autonomia di queste rispetto agli Etruschi, soprattutto sulla base delle strette analogie tra la lingua falisca e la latina. Tale percezione fu dominante fino alla seconda metà degli anni '60 del '900, quando la pubblicazione dei primi dati sulle necropoli veienti mise in luce gli stretti rapporti con le aree falisca e capenate, tra l'VIII e il VII sec. a.C. Gli studi sul popolamento dell'Etruria protostorica condotti a partire dagli anni '80 del '900 hanno sempre più focalizzato l'attenzione su un coinvolgimento di Veio nel popolamento dell'area compresa tra i Monti Cimini e Sabatini e il Tevere nella prima età del Ferro, trovando conferma anche dalle recenti analisi dei corredi delle principali necropoli falische, che hanno evidenziato, nell'VIII e all'inizio del VII sec. a.C., importanti parallelismi con usi funerari veienti, ma anche aspetti specifici della cultura locale. Il corpus di iscrizioni etrusche proveniente dalle necropoli di Narce dimostra, per tutto il VII e VI sec. a.C., la continuità stanziale di etruscofoni, che utilizzano un sistema scrittorio di tipo meridionale, riconducibile a Veio, di cui Narce sembra costituire un avamposto in territorio falisco. Già dall'inizio del VII sec. a.C., tuttavia, si fanno evidenti i segni di una più specifica caratterizzazione culturale delle aree falisca e capenate, anche attraverso la diffusione di un idioma falisco, affine a quello latino, documentato epigraficamente per il VII e VI sec. a.C. soprattutto a Falerii Veteres. Un ulteriore elemento di contatto culturale col mondo latino è rappresentato, in questo centro, dal rituale funerario delle inumazioni infantili in area di abitato. Tale uso, che trova numerosi confronti nel Latium vetus, mentre risulta estraneo all'Etruria, è documentato a Civita Castellana, in località lo Scasato, da due sepolture di bambini, databili tra la fine dell'VIII e la prima metà del VII sec. a.C. A Capena sono state rilevate, a partire dal VII sec. a.C., notevoli influenze dall'area sabina, soprattutto attraverso la documentazione archeologica fornita dalle necropoli, mentre, da un punto di vista linguistico, un influsso del versante orientale del Tevere è stato colto, in particolare, attraverso un'analisi del nucleo più nutrito delle iscrizioni epicorie, che risale al IV-III sec. a.C. La ricettività nei confronti degli apporti delle popolazioni limitrofe e la capacità di elaborazioni originali, attestate archeologicamente sin dalle fasi più antiche della storia dei popoli falisco e capenate, possono offrire un supporto documentario alla percezione che già gli scrittori antichi avevano dell'ethnos falisco, trovando riscontro, in particolare, nelle tradizioni che definivano i Falisci come Etruschi, oppure come ethnos particolare, caratterizzato da una propria specificità anche linguistica, un dato, quest'ultimo, che tradisce il ricordo di contatti col mondo latino. Un terzo filone antiquario, che si intreccia a quello dell'origine etrusca, rivendica ai Falisci un'ascendenza ellenica, e più propriamente, argiva, e sembra, invece, frutto di un'elaborazione erudita maturata in un momento successivo. La notizia dell'origine argiva risale, per tradizione indiretta, alle Origines di Catone, e si collega a quella della fondazione di Falerii da parte dell'eroe Halesus, figlio di Agamennone, che avrebbe abbandonato la casa paterna dopo l'uccisione del padre. Ovidio e Dionigi di Alicarnasso attribuiscono all'eroe greco l'istituzione del culto di Giunone a Falerii, il cui originario carattere argivo sarebbe conservato nel rito celebrato in occasione della festa annuale per la dea. L'importanza accordata al culto di Giunone nell'ambito di tale tradizione ha portato a ipotizzare che questa possa essersi sviluppata proprio a partire dal dato religioso della presenza a Falerii di una divinità assimilabile alla Hera di Argo. Dall'esame linguistico del nome del fondatore, il quale non ha combattuto a Troia e non ha avuto alcun ruolo nel mondo ellenico, si è concluso che dovesse trattarsi di un eroe locale, e che la formazione dell'eponimo sia precedente alla metà del IV sec. a.C., quando è documentata l'affermazione del rotacismo in ambiente falisco. L'elaborazione della leggenda di Halesus deve essere collocata, dunque, in un momento precedente a questa data, che, si è pensato, possa coincidere con la presenza a Falerii di maestranze elleniche o ellenizzate, attive nel campo della ceramografia e della coroplastica, a partire dalla fine del V sec. a.C. Questa tradizione si collega a quella sull'origine etrusca attraverso la notizia di Servio, secondo cui Halesus sarebbe il progenitore del re di Veio Morrius. Il ricordo di una discendenza dalla città etrusca è comune anche a Capena, dove, secondo una notizia di Catone, riportata da Servio, i luci Capeni erano stati fondati da giovani veienti, inviati da un re Properzio, nel cui nome, peraltro, è stata ravvisata un'origine non etrusca, ma italico-orientale. A livello storico, l'accostamento tra Veio, Falisci e Capenati sarà documentato dalle fonti attraverso la costante presenza dei due popoli, al fianco della città etrusca, nel corso degli scontri con Roma tra la seconda metà del V e l'inizio del IV sec. a.C. Di tale complesso sistema di influenze partecipa anche la sfera religiosa dell'area in esame. È interessante notare, a questo proposito, che la massima divinità maschile del pantheon falisco-capenate, il dio del Monte Soratte, Soranus Apollo, costituisca l'esatto corrispettivo dell'etrusco Śuri, come da tempo dimostrato da Giovanni Colonna. La particolarità del culto del Soratte, tuttavia, è determinata dalla cerimonia annua degli Hirpi Sorani, che camminavano indenni sui carboni ardenti e il cui nome, nel racconto eziologico sull'origine del rito, tramandato da Servio, è spiegato in relazione a hirpus, il termine sabino per indicare il lupo, in perfetta coerenza col carattere "di frontiera" di questo territorio. Di origine sabina è la divinità venerata nell'unico grande santuario noto nell'agro capenate, il Lucus Feroniae. La diffusione del culto a partire dalla Sabina, già sostenuta da Varrone, è largamente accolta dalla critica recente, sia sulla base dell'analisi linguistica del nome della dea, sia per la presenza, in Sabina, dei centri principali del culto (Trebula Mutuesca, Amiternum), da cui questo si irradia, oltre che presso Capena, in Umbria e in area volsca. Le attestazioni di Feronia in altre zone, come la Sardegna, il territorio lunense, Aquileia, Pesaro sono generalmente da collegare con episodi di colonizzazione romana. Il carattere esplicitamente emporico del Lucus Feroniae, affermato da Dionigi di Alicarnasso e Livio, che lo descrivono come un luogo di mercato frequentato da Sabini, Etruschi e Romani già dall'epoca di Tullo Ostilio, rende perfettamente conto della varietà di frequentazioni e di influenze, che caratterizzano il santuario almeno dall'età arcaica. Pur in assenza di documentazione archeologica relativa alle fasi più antiche, sembra del tutto affidabile la notizia della vitalità del culto capenate già in età regia. Feronia, infatti, a Terracina, risulta associata a Iuppiter Anxur, divinità eponima della città volsca, il che sembra far risalire l'introduzione del suo culto all'inizio della presenza volsca nella Pianura Pontina, cioè ai primi decenni del V sec. a.C., fornendo, inoltre, un possibile indizio di una provenienza settentrionale, da area sabina, dell'ethnos volsco. È ipotizzabile, dunque, che la dea fosse venerata nel santuario tiberino, prospiciente la Sabina, ben avanti il suo arrivo nel Lazio tirrenico. Al di là della semplice frequentazione del luogo di culto e del mercato, un ruolo di primo piano rivestito dalla componente sabina presso il Lucus Feroniae, in epoca arcaica, sembra suggerito dall'episodio del rapimento dei mercanti romani, riferito da Dionigi di Alicarnasso. I rapitori sabini compiono una ritorsione nei confronti dei Romani, che avevano trattenuto alcuni di loro presso l'Asylum, tra il Capitolium e l'Arx, il che fa pensare che i Sabini esercitassero una sorta di protettorato sul santuario tiberino, e avessero, su di esso, una capacità di controllo analoga a quella che i Romani avevano sull'Asylum romuleo. La vocazione emporica del Lucus Feroniae è naturalmente legata alla sua collocazione topografica, nel punto in cui i percorsi sabini di transumanza a breve raggio attraversano il Tevere, tra i due grandi centri sabini di Poggio Sommavilla e Colle del Forno, per dirigersi verso la costa meridionale dell'Etruria. La dislocazione presso il punto di arrivo dei principali tratturi dell'area appenninica, popolata da genti sabelliche, è, peraltro, una caratteristica comune ai più antichi luoghi di culto di Feronia, come Trebula Mutuesca e Terracina, che condividono col Lucus Feroniae capenate anche la collocazione all'estremità di un territorio etnicamente omogeneo. È stato osservato come, in questi santuari, l'attività emporica marittima si intrecciasse con quella legata allo scambio del bestiame, e, nell'ottica di un'apertura verso l'economia pastorale dei Sardi, è stata inquadrata la fondazione romana, nel 386 a.C., di una Pheronia polis in Sardegna, presso Posada. Da questa località proviene, inoltre, una statuetta bronzea, databile tra la fine del V e i primi decenni del IV sec. a.C., raffigurante un Ercole di tipo italico, divinità di cui è noto il legame con la sfera dello scambio, anche in rapporto agli armenti. L'epoca dell'apoikia sarda ha portato a ipotizzare un collegamento col Lucus Feroniae capenate, dato che già tra il 389 e il 387 a.C. nel territorio di Capena erano stanziati coloni romani, misti a disertori Veienti, Capenati e Falisci. La filiazione del culto sardo da quello tiberino sembra, inoltre, perfettamente compatibile con le pur scarne attestazioni relative a una presenza di Ercole nel santuario capenate. A questo proposito è interessante notare che su una Heraklesschale, ancora sostanzialmente inedita, proveniente dalla stipe del santuario, il dio è rappresentato con la leonté e la clava nella mano sinistra, e lo scyphus di legno nella mano destra. Questi due ultimi attributi di Ercole erano conservati nel sacello presso l'Ara Maxima del Foro Boario, a Roma, e lo scyphus, usato dal pretore urbano per libare nel corso del sacrificio annuale presso l'ara, compare anche nella statua di culto di Alba Fucens, nella quale, per vari motivi, si è proposto di riconoscere una replica del simulacro del santuario del Foro Boario. Il richiamo iconografico a questi elementi, in un santuario-mercato ubicato lungo percorsi di transumanza, come era il Lucus Feroniae, non sembra casuale, ma potrebbe, in un certo senso, evocare il culto dell'Ara Maxima, e, in particolare, un aspetto fondamentale di esso, rappresentato dal collegamento con le Salinae ai piedi dell'Aventino. Queste, ubicate presso la porta Trigemina, e dunque prossime all'Ara Maxima, erano il luogo di deposito del sale proveniente dalle saline ostiensi, e destinato alla Sabina, e, in generale, alle popolazioni dell'interno dell'Italia centrale, dedite a un'economia pastorale. L'Ercole del Foro Boario, che tutelava le attività economiche collegate allo scambio del bestiame, sovrintendeva anche all'approvvigionamento del sale, e in questo senso va spiegato anche l'epiteto di Salarius, attestato per il dio ad Alba Fucens, dove, come è stato visto, il santuario di Ercole aveva la funzione di forum pecuarium. La dislocazione di santuari-mercati lungo i tratturi garantiva, dunque, ai pastori, dietro necessario compenso, la possibilità di rifornirsi di sale, e lo stesso doveva verificarsi presso il Lucus Feroniae. Questo sembra confermato dal fatto che, come è stato di recente dimostrato, la via lungo cui sorge il santuario, l'attuale strada provinciale Tiberina, vada, in realtà, identificata con la via Campana in agro falisco, menzionata da Vitruvio, in relazione a una fonte letale per uccelli e piccoli rettili. Il nome della via va spiegato, infatti, in relazione al punto di arrivo, costituito dal Campus Salinarum alla foce del Tevere, dove erano le saline. Nel comparto falisco, l'analisi della documentazione relativa ai luoghi di culto ha evidenziato una più marcata influenza di Veio rispetto all'area capenate. Questa risulta particolarmente rilevante in un centro come Narce, segnato, sin dall'inizio della sua storia, da una netta impronta veiente, e il cui declino coinciderà con gli anni della conquista della città etrusca. Per limitarci alla sfera del sacro, già da un primo esame dei materiali rinvenuti nel santuario suburbano di Monte Li Santi-Le Rote, di cui si attende la pubblicazione integrale, è stata segnalata, dall'inizio del V sec. a.C., epoca in cui comincia la frequentazione dell'area sacra, la presenza di prototipi veienti, che sono all'origine di una produzione locale di piccole terrecotte figurate. A un modello veiente sono riconducibili le cisterne a cielo aperto, che affiancavano l'edificio templare in almeno due dei principali santuari di Falerii Veteres, quello di Vignale e quello dello Scasato I, da identificare entrambi come sedi di un culto di Apollo. Più problematico risulta, invece, l'accostamento ad esse degli apprestamenti idrici rinvenuti presso un'area sacra urbana, recentemente individuata presso la moderna via Gramsci, nella parte meridionale del pianoro di Civita Castellana, e solo da una vecchia notizia d'archivio della Soprintendenza sappiamo di un'analoga cisterna rinvenuta presso Corchiano all'inizio del '900. Nei casi meglio documentati di Vignale e dello Scasato, tali impianti idrici risultano coevi alla fase più antica del santuario, e rispondono a uno schema che, a Veio, ricorre presso il santuario di Apollo al Portonaccio, presso il tempio a oikos di Piazza d'Armi, nel santuario di Menerva presso Porta Caere, e nel santuario in località Casale Pian Roseto. Non è facile determinare l'esatto valore da attribuire, di volta in volta, a tali cisterne, ma l'enfasi topografica ad esse accordata nell'ambito dei santuari non pare permetta di prescindere da un collegamento con pratiche rituali. Per gli impianti di Falerii si è pensato a un collegamento col santuario del Portonaccio, anche sulla base della corrispondenza cultuale incentrata sulla figura di Apollo, e la piscina è stata spiegata, dunque, in relazione a rituali di purificazione, legati a un culto oracolare. Dopo la sconfitta di Veio Falerii si trovò non solo a tener testa a Roma sul piano militare, ma dovette dimostrarsi non inferiore anche per prestigio e capacità autorappresentativa, essendo l'altro grande centro della basse valle del Tevere. Questo aspetto è stato colto, in particolare, sulla base della decorazione templare della città falisca, che conosce, intorno al secondo-terzo decennio del IV sec. a.C., un rinnovamento generalizzato, dovuto alla nascita di un'importante scuola coroplastica, la cui attività si riconosce anche nel frammento isolato di rilievo fittile rappresentante una Nike, da Fabrica di Roma. Una diversa reazione alla presa di Veio è attestata per l'altro importante centro falisco, quello di Narce, anche attraverso la documentazione fornita dal santuario di Monte Li Santi-Le Rote. Il luogo di culto continua a essere frequentato anche dopo la crisi dell'insediamento urbano, riscontrata attraverso una consistente contrazione delle necropoli a partire dal IV sec. a.C., ma nella prima metà del III sec. a.C. è attestata una contrazione del culto in vari settori del santuario, contestualmente all'introduzione di nuove categorie di ex-voto, quali i votivi anatomici, i bambini in fasce, le terrecotte raffiguranti animali. Questi mutamenti sono stati messi in relazione con la vittoria romana sui Falisci nel 293 a.C., mentre un secondo momento di contrazione del culto sembra coincidere con la definitiva conquista romana del 241 a.C. Dall'inizio del III sec. a.C. anche nei depositi di Falerii vengono introdotti nuovi tipi di votivi, cui si è fatto cenno precedentemente, e, come anche nel santuario di Monte Li Santi-Le Rote, si registra la presenza di monetazione di zecca urbana, che entra a far parte delle offerte. Tale dato diventa ancora più eloquente, se si considera l'assenza di monetazione locale nei contesti di epoca preromana, che sembra tradire l'indifferenza delle popolazioni falische verso tale tipo di offerta. È evidente, dunque, anche per Falerii, un'influenza del mercato romano dopo gli eventi bellici che segnarono la vittoria di Spurio Carvilio sui Falisci. La città, tuttavia, sembra fronteggiare la crisi, tanto da non mettere in pericolo le sue istituzioni, come dimostrano le dediche falische poste, nel Santuario dei Sassi Caduti, a Mercurio, dagli efiles, l'unica carica attestata per la città. Del resto, anche con la costruzione del nuovo centro di Falerii Novi, la documentazione relativa alla sfera religiosa attesta la conservazione, a livello pubblico, della lingua e della grafia falisca, tramite la dedica a Menerva posta dal pretore della città, nella seconda metà del III sec. a.C. (CIL XI 3081). Quanto sappiamo sui culti di età repubblicana di Capena e del suo territorio si limita al santuario di Lucus Feroniae, dove praticamente quasi tutti i materiali e le fonti epigrafiche sono inquadrabili nel corso del III sec. a.C., e a un paio di dediche di III sec. a.C. La capitolazione di Capena subito dopo la presa di Veio (395 a.C.) rende, in questa fase, la presenza romana ormai stabile da circa un secolo, dunque non sorprende che le iscrizioni sacre utilizzino un formulario specificamente latino, anche con attestazioni piuttosto precoci di espressioni che diventeranno correnti nel corso del II sec. a.C. Uno dei primi esempi attestati di abbreviazione alle sole iniziali della formula di dedica d(onum) d(edit) me(rito) è in CIL I², 2435, provenente dalla necropoli capenate delle Saliere. La documentazione archeologica più antica riguardo alla vita religiosa dell'area presa in esame proviene da Falerii Veteres. In ordine cronologico, la prima divinità attestata epigraficamente è Apollo, il cui nome compare inciso in falisco su un frammento di ceramica attica dei primi decenni del V sec. a.C. dal santuario di Vignale. È notevole che si tratti in assoluto della più antica attestazione conosciuta del nome latinizzato del dio, che indica la sua precoce assimilazione nel pantheon falisco, dove, già da quest'epoca, bisogna riconoscere come avvenuta l'identificazione con Apollo del locale Soranus. Il culto del dio del Soratte, attestato per via epigrafica solo in età imperiale, attraverso due dediche a Soranus Apollo, può essere coerentemente collocato tra le più antiche manifestazioni religiose del comprensorio falisco-capenate, e probabilmente la sede cultuale del Monte Soratte doveva fungere da tramite tra le due aree. Nel territorio falisco la presenza del dio lascia tracce più consistenti, attraverso la duplicazione del culto di Apollo a Falerii Veteres, e una dedica di età repubblicana da Falerii Novi, mentre sembra affievolirsi in area capenate, dove ne resta traccia solo in due dediche ad Apollo della prima età imperiale da Civitella S. Paolo, e in una controversa notizia di Strabone, che, apparentemente per errore, ubica al Lucus Feroniae le cerimonie in onore di Sorano, che si svolgevano, invece, sul Soratte. Anche questa notizia, tuttavia, si inserisce in un sistema di corrispondenze cultuali, che associa a una dea ctonia, della fertilità, un paredro di tipo "apollineo", cioè una divinità maschile, giovanile, con aspetti inferi e mantici. Non sembra casuale, in questo contesto, che il santuario per cui è attestata una più antica frequentazione a Falerii Veteres sia quello di Giunone Curite, una divinità che sembra rispondere allo schema di dea matronale e guerriera (era una Giunone armata, ma anche protettrice delle matrone) per la quale, pure, è attestata l'associazione cultuale con un giovane dio, della stessa tipologia di Sorano. Anche se non sono attestati direttamente rapporti tra Iuno Curitis e Sorano Apollo non sembra da trascurare il dato che l'unica statuetta di Apollo liricine, di IV sec. a.C., rinvenuta a Falerii Veteres provenga proprio dal santuario della dea; inoltre quando essa fu evocata a Roma dopo la presa di Falerii nel 241 a.C., insieme al suo tempio, in Campo, fu costruito quello di Iuppiter Fulgur, una divinità parimenti evocata dal centro falisco, e per la quale, pure, si possono istituire dei parallelismi con Soranus, attraverso l'assimilazione con Veiove. Nell'agro falisco, come in quello capenate, le più antiche attestazioni cultuali si riferiscano, dunque, a una coppia di divinità che, pur nelle differenze maturate in aspetti specifici del culto, sembra rispondere a esigenze cultuali piuttosto omogenee. Con l'età imperiale, infine, il panorama dei culti della zona considerata sembra diventare più omogeneo, inserendosi, peraltro, in una tendenza piuttosto generale. La manifestazione più appariscente è costituita, naturalmente, dal culto imperiale, attestato molto presto in Etruria meridionale. Da Nepi proviene la più antica testimonianza nota in Etruria, costituita da una dedica in onore di Augusto da parte di quattro Magistri Augustales (CIL XI, 3200). L'iscrizione è databile al 12 a.C., anno della fondazione del collegio di Nepi, e dell'istituzione, a Roma, del culto del Genius di Augusto e dei Lares Augusti, venerati nei compita dei vici della città. Altri esempi di una piuttosto precoce diffusione del culto imperiale vengono da Falerii Novi (CIL XI, 3083, databile tra il 2 a.C. e il 14 d.C.; CIL XI, 3076, età augustea); da Lucus Feroniae, dove intorno al 31 d.C. è attestato per la prima volta l'uso della formula in honorem domus divinae (AE 1978, n. 295). Il fatto che la diffusione del culto imperiale in agro falisco-capenate avvenga praticamente negli stessi anni che a Roma, sembra legato anche ai rapporti che legarono Augusto e la dinastia giulio-claudia a questo territorio. Dopo Anzio veterani di Ottaviano ottennero terre nell'Etruria meridionale, lungo il corso del Tevere, e non è un caso che l'Augusteo di Lucus Feroniae, l'unico in Etruria meridionale, che sia noto, oltre che epigraficamente, anche attraverso i suoi resti, sia stato eretto tra il 14 e il 20 d.C. da due membri della gens senatoria, filoagustea, dei Volusii Saturnini. Augusto stesso e membri della dinastia parteciparono direttamente alla vita civile dei centri della regione: Augusto fu pater municipii a Falerii Novi, Tiberio e Druso Maggiore furono patroni della colonia a Lucus Feroniae, tra l'11 e il 9 a.C. Inoltre la presenza, nel territorio capenate, di liberti imperiali incaricati dell'amministrazione del patrimonio dell'imperatore, fa pensare all'esistenza di fundi imperiali. La documentazione di età imperiale è costituita, inoltre, da una serie di iscrizioni che difficilmente possono farci risalire a specifici luoghi di culto, e dalle quali, in molti casi, si evince soprattutto una richiesta di salute e di fertilità alla divinità, come avveniva in età repubblicana, tra il IV e il II sec. a.C., attraverso l'offerta nei santuari di votivi anatomici. Sono note anche alcune attestazioni di culti orientali (Mater Deum e Iside, anche associate, da Falerii Novi e dal suo territorio; una dedica alla Mater Deum da Nazzano, in territorio capenate), che rientrano nell'ambito della devozione privata, tranne nel caso del sacerdozio di Iside a Mater Deum attestato a Falerii Novi. ; Inventaire des lieux de culte de la zone falisco-capenate. Résumé. Le recueil des sources historiques relatives à la vie religieuse de la zone falisco-capenate a eut comme but, tout d'abord, la localisation des lieux de culte identifiables avec certitude comme tels. Lorsque cela s'est avéré impossible, particulièrement en présence de documents épigraphiques isolés et d'origine incertaine, on a tout de même enregistré l'existence du culte. On veut reconstruire, au moyen de la documentation récoltée, une histoire des cultes de la zone considérée depuis les premières apparitions jusqu'à l'âge impérial. La zone considérée, insérée dans la Regio VII Etruria dans le cadre de l'organisation territoriale de l'Italie augustéenne, est comprise dans les limites naturelles du lac de Bracciano et du lac de Vico à l'ouest, du cours du Tibre à l'est, tandis que les limites septentrionale et méridionale sont délimitées, respectivement, par les reliefs des Monts Cimini et des Monts Sabatini. Les centres examinés sont ceux de Lucus Feroniae, Capena, Falerii Veteres, Falerii Novi, Narce, Sutri et Nepi. La communauté capenate occupait la partie orientale du territoire, un zone de plaine, dominée au nord par le massif du Mont Soratte, et délimitée à l'est par l'anse du Tibre. Son centre était constitué par l'habitat de Capena, l'actuel Col de la Civitucola, dont dépendaient une série de petits sites, encore peu étudiés, disséminés en position stratégique sur le Tibre, ou en correspondance d'axes routiers de liaison au fleuve. Le principal de ces derniers est localisé sur le site de l'actuelle Nazzano, occupé de manière permanente à partir du VIIIème siècle av. J.-C., et situé en correspondance de l'habitat sabin de Campo del Pozzo, sur l'autre rive du Tibre. La zone falisque s'articule, par contre, sur un paysage d'âpres collines de tuf, disposées autour du bassin hydrographique du torrent Treia, affluent du Tibre, qui parcourt le territoire en direction longitudinale. Le long du cours d'eau se développèrent les deux plus antiques et importants centres falisques de Falerii Veteres et Narce, un site que les plus récentes recherches tendent à reconnaître, et de manière toujours plus convaincante, comme la Fescennium connue dans les sources historiques, le deuxième habitat falisque, outre à Falerii, dont on reporte le nom; le long d'affluents du Treia sont situées Nepi et Falerii Novi. Malgré la spécificité culturelle progressivement développée par falisques et capenates, la situation géographique du territoire occupé le rend naturellement perméable aux influences étrusques et sabines, aspect relevé par la documentation archéologique et par quelques informations dans les sources antiques, réévaluée par les plus récentes études. Une position différente s'était par contre imposée après les premières recherches effectuées dans la région entre la fin du XIXème et le début du XXème siècle : celles-ci avaient mis l'accent sur les caractères culturels spécifiques des populations locales, en soulignant la substantielle autonomie de ces populations par rapport aux Etrusques, surtout sur la base des grandes similitudes entre les langues falisque et latine. Une telle perception fut dominante jusqu'à la deuxième moitié des années Soixante du Vingtième siècle, lorsque la publication des premières données sur les nécropoles de Véies mirent en lumière les rapports étroits avec les zones falisque et capenate entre le VIIIème et le VIIème siècle av. J.-C. Les études sur le peuplement de l'Etrurie protohistorique, conduites à partir des années '80 du XXème siècle ont focalisé l'attention sur une implication de Véies dans le peuplement de la zone comprise entre les Monts Cimini et Sabatini d'une part et le Tibre d'autre part, et cela au début de l'Âge du Fer, études confirmées par les récentes analyses des trousseaux des principales nécropoles falisques, qui ont prouvé qu'il existait au VIIIème et au début du VIIème siècle av. J.-C. d'importants parallèles avec les habitudes funéraires de Véies, bien que certains aspects spécifiques de la culture locale y fussent conservés. Le corpus d'inscriptions étrusques provenant de la nécropole de Narce démontre, pour tout le VII et le VIème siècle ac. J.-C., la présence continue de populations parlant la langue étrusque, qui utilisent un système d'écriture de type méridional, reconductible à Véies, dont Narce semble avoir constitué un avant-poste en territoire falisque. Déjà au début du VIIème siècle av. J.-C. cependant, on remarque les signes évidents d'une plus spécifique caractérisation culturelle des zones falisques et capenates, et cela au travers, entre autre, de la diffusion d'un idiome falisque, semblable au latin, documenté par des épigraphes au VIIème et au VIème siècle av. J.-C., surtout à Falerii Veteres. Ultérieur élément de contact culturel avec le monde latin est représenté, dans ce centre, par le rituel funéraire des inhumations infantiles dans la zone habitée. Une telle habitude, qui trouve de nombreuses comparaisons dans le Latium vetus, est étrangère à l'Etrurie, alors qu'elle est documentée à Cività Castellana, en localité «lo Scasato», par deux sépultures d'enfants datables entre la fin du VIIIème siècle et la première moitié du VIIème siècle av. J.-C. A Capena a été remarqué, à partir du VIIème siècle av. J.-C., une grande influence provenant de l'aire sabine, surtout à travers la documentation archéologique fournie par les nécropoles, tandis que du point de vue linguistique un influence du versant oriental du Tibre a été remarquée, en particulier par une analyse du noyau plus consistant des inscriptions relatifs aux nouveaux-nés, qui remonte au IV – IIIème siècle av. J.-C. La réceptivité vis-à-vis des nouveautés des populations limitrophes et la capacité d'élaborations originales, prouvées archéologiquement déjà depuis les phases les plus antiques de l'histoire des peuples falisques et capenates, peuvent offrir une aide documentaire à la perception que les écrivains antiques avaient de l'ethnos falisque, en trouvant un équivalent dans les traditions qui définissaient les Falisques comme des Etrusques, ou bien comme un peuple à soi, caractérisé par une spécificité propre, aussi linguistique. Cette dernière donnée trahit la mémoire de contacts avec le monde latin. Un troisième filon antique, qui se mêle à celui d'origine étrusque, revendique pour les falisques une ascendance grecque, plus précisément de l'Argolide et semble le fruit d'une construction d'érudits élaborée successivement. L'information de l'origine argolide remonte, par tradition indirecte, aux Origines de Caton, et se relie à celle de la fondation de Falerii de la part du héros Halesus, fils d'Agamemnon, qui aurait abandonné la maison paternelle après l'assassinat de son père. Ovide et Denys d'Halicarnasse attribuent au héros grec l'institution du culte de Junon à Falerii, dont le caractère originel argolide serait conservé dans le rite célébré en occasion de la fête annuelle de la déesse. L'importance accordée au culte de Junon au sein d'une telle tradition a amené à supposer que celui-ci se soit développé précisément à partir de la donnée religieuse de la présence à Falerii d'une divinité semblable à Héra d'Argos. Grâce à l'examen linguistique du nom du fondateur, qui n'a pas combattu à Troie et qui n'a eut aucun rôle dans le monde grec, on a conclu qu'il devait s'agir d'un héros local, et que la formation de l'éponyme ait été précédent à la moitié du IVème siècle av. J.-C., lorsque l'affirmation du rhotacisme est documenté dans la culture falisque. L'élaboration de la légende de Halesus doit donc être située à un moment précédent cette date qui, comme on l'a pensé, puisse coïncider avec la présence à Falerii d'artistes grecs ou hellénisés, actifs dans la céramographie et dans la choroplastique, à partir de la fin du Vème siècle av. J.-C. Cette tradition se relie à celle sur l'origine étrusque, par l'information de Servius, selon lequel Halesus serait le grand-père du roi de Véies Morrius. Le souvenir d'une descendance de la ville étrusque est commune aussi a Capena où, d'après une nouvelle de Caton, rapportée par Servius, les luci Capeni avaient été fondés par des jeunes de Véies, envoyés par un roi Properce, dans le nom duquel a été identifié une origine non étrusque, mais bien italico-orientale. Du point de vue historique, le rapprochement entre Véies, falisques et capenates sera documenté dans les sources par la présence constante des deux peuples au flanc de la ville étrusque au cours des luttes contre Rome entre la deuxième moitié du Vème et le début du IVème siècle av. J.-C. D'un tel système complexe d'influences participe aussi la sphère religieuse de la zone en question. Il est intéressant de noter, à ce propos, que la principale divinité masculine du panthéon falisco-capenate, le dieu du Mont Soratte, Soranus Apollon, constitue le correspondant exact de l'étrusque Śuri, comme l'a démontré Giovanni Colonna. La particularité du culte de Soratte, toutefois, est déterminée par la cérémonie annuelle des Hirpi Sorani, qui marchaient indemnes sur des charbons ardents et dont le nom, dans le récit étiologique sur l'origine du rite transmis par Servius, est expliqué en relation à hirpus, le nom sabin pour «loup», parfaitement cohérent avec la caractéristique frontalière de ce territoire. D'origine sabine est aussi la divinité vénérée dans le seul grand sanctuaire connu dans le territoire capenate, le Lucus Feroniae. La diffusion du culte à partir de la Sabine, version soutenue déjà par Varron, est largement acceptée par la critique récente, sur la base d'une part de l'analyse linguistique du nom de la déesse et d'autre part vu la présence sur le territoire sabin des principaux centres de culte (Trebula Mutuesca, Aminternum), d'où ceux-ci se diffusent, outre à Capena, vers l'Ombrie et le territoire volsque. Les attestations de Feronia dans d'autres zones, comme en Sardaigne, en territoire de Luni, à Aquilée et à Pesaro sont généralement à mettre en relation avec des épisodes de colonisation romaine. Le caractère explicitement commercial du Lucus Feroniae, affirmé par Denys d'Halicarnasse et par Tite-Live, qui le décrivent comme un lieu de marché fréquenté par les sabins, les étrusques et les romains déjà à l'époque de Tullius Ostilius, rend parfaitement compte de la variété des fréquentations et des influences qui caractérisent le sanctuaire à partir de l'Âge archaïque. Bien que n'ayant pas de documentation archéologique relative aux phases les plus antiques, l'information sur la vitalité du culte capenate déjà à l'époque royale semble fiable. Feronia, en effet, est couplée, à Terracina, à Iuppiter Anxur, divinité éponyme de la ville volsque, ce qui semble faire remonter l'introduction de son culte au début de la présence volsque dans la plaine pontine, c'est-à-dire vers les premières décennies du Vème siècle av. J.-C. Cela fournit, en plus, un indice possible d'une provenance septentrionale de l'ethnos volsque depuis la zone sabine. Il est donc envisageable que la déesse ait été adorée dans le sanctuaire tibérien, en face de la Sabine, bien avant son arrivée dans le Latium tyrrhénien. Au-delà de la simple fréquentation du lieu de culte et du marché, un rôle de premier plan joué par l'élément sabin pour le Lucus Feroniae en époque archaïque semble suggéré par l'épisode de l'enlèvement de marchants romains relaté par Denys d'Halicarnasse. Les ravisseurs sabins effectuent une rétorsion contre les romains, qui avaient enfermé certains des leurs sur l'Asylum, entre le Capitole et l'Arx, ce qui fait penser que les sabins exerçaient une sorte de protectorat sur le sanctuaire tibérien et qu'ils avaient sur celui-ci une capacité de contrôle semblable à celui que les romains avaient sur l'Asylum romuléen. La vocation commerciale du Lucus Feroniae est naturellement liée à son emplacement topographique, à l'endroit où les parcours sabins de transhumance à courte distance traversent le Tibre, entre les deux grands centres sabins de Poggio Sommavilla et Colle del Forno, pour se diriger vers la côte méridionale de l'Etrurie. La dislocation près du lieu d'arrivée des principaux sentiers de la zone apennine, habitée de peuplades sabelliques, est, en outre, une caractéristique commune aux plus anciens lieux de culte de Feronia, comme par exemple Trebula Mutuesca et Terracina, qui partagent avec le Lucus Feroniae capenate l'emplacement à l'extrémité d'un territoire ethniquement homogène. Il a été observé combien, dans ces sanctuaires, l'activité commerciale maritime était liée à l'échange du bétail et il faut prendre en compte l'ouverture à l'économie pastorale sarde pour comprendre la fondation romaine en 386 av. J.-C. d'une Pheronia polis en Sardaigne, près de Posada. De cette localité provient, en outre, une statuette en bronze, datable entre la fin du Vème et les premières décennies du IVème siècle av. J.-C., qui représente un Hercule de type italique, divinité dont on connaît le lien avec la sphère de l'échange, et surtout son rapport avec les troupeaux. L'époque de l'apoikia sarde a amené à envisager une relation avec le Lucus Feroniae capenate, vu que déjà entre 389 et le 387 av. J.-C. dans le territoire de Capena des colons romains s'étaient établis, unis à des déserteurs provenant de Véies, Capena et Falerii. La filiation du culte sarde à partir du culte tibérien semble, en outre, parfaitement compatible avec les rares attestations relatives à une présence d'Hercule dans le sanctuaire capenate. A ce sujet il est intéressant de remarquer que sur une Heraklesschale, encore inédite, provenant du dépôt votif du sanctuaire, le dieu est représenté avec la leonté et la massue dans la main gauche, et le skyphos en bois dans la main droite. Ces deux derniers attributs d'Hercule étaient conservés dans le sacellum près de l'Ara Maxima du Forum boarium, à Rome, et le skyphos, utilisé par le préteur urbain pour faire les libations au cours du sacrifice annuel auprès de l'Ara, apparaît aussi dans la statue de culte d'Alba Fucens, dans laquelle, en raison de nombreuses similitudes, on a proposé de reconnaître une réplique du simulacre du sanctuaire du Forum boarium. La répétition iconographique de ces éléments dans un sanctuaire-marché situé le long des voies de la transhumance, comme était le Lucus Feroniae, ne semble pas un hasard et pourrait d'ailleurs, dans un certain sens, évoquer le culte de l'Ara Maxima et en particulier un aspect fondamental de celui-ci, représenté par la liaison avec les Salinae aux pieds de l'Aventin. Celles-ci, situées près de la porta Trigemina, et donc proches de l'Ara Maxima, étaient le lieu de dépôt du sel provenant des salines d'Ostie destiné à la Sabine, et en général aux populations établies à l'intérieur de l'Italie centrale et vouées à l'économie pastorale. L'Hercule du Forum boarium, qui protégeait les activités économiques liées aux échanges de bétail, gouvernait aussi à l'approvisionnement du sel, et c'est en ce sens que doit aussi s'expliquer l'épithète de Salarius, attesté pour le dieu à Alba Fucens où, comme on l'a vu, le sanctuaire d'Hercule avait la fonction de forum pecuarium. La dislocation de sanctuaires-marchés le long des voies de transhumance garantissait donc aux pasteurs, après compensation nécessaire, la possibilité de se pourvoir en sel, et la même chose devait advenir au Lucus Feroniae. Ceci semble confirmé par le fait que, comme il a été démontré récemment, la route le long de laquelle se dresse le sanctuaire, l'actuelle route provinciale Tiberina, doive en réalité être identifiée comme la via Campana en territoire falisque, mentionné par Vitruve, en relation avec une source mortelle pour les oiseaux et les petits reptiles. Le nom de la route s'explique, en effet, en relation à son point d'arrivée, le Campus Salinarum situé à l'embouchure du Tibre, où se trouvaient les salines. Dans la zone falisque, l'analyse de la documentation relative aux lieux de culte a mis en évidence une influence majeure de Véies par rapport à la zone capenate. Cela résulte particulièrement important dans un centre comme Narce, marqué, depuis le début de son histoire, par une nette influence de Véies, et dont le déclin coïncidera avec les années de la conquête de la ville étrusque. Pour nous limiter à la sphère du sacré, déjà à partir d'un premier examen du matériel retrouvé dans le sanctuaire suburbain de Monte Li Santi – Le Rote, dont on attend la publication intégrale, on a signalé, à partir du Vème siècle av. J.-C., époque à laquelle commence la fréquentation de l'aire sacrée, la présence de prototypes provenant de Véies, qui sont à l'origine d'une production locale de petites terre cuites figurées. A un modèle de Véies sont reconductibles les citernes à ciel ouvert, qui flanquaient l'édifice templier dans au moins deux des principaux sanctuaires de Falerii Veteres, celui de Vignale et celui de Scasato I, tous deux à identifier comme lieux de culte dédiés à Apollon. Plus difficile est par contre le rapprochement de celles-ci aux citernes fermées retrouvées proche d'une aire sacré urbaine, récemment identifiée dans la moderne rue Gramsci, dans la partie méridionale du plateau de Civita Castellana, tandis que c'est seulement grâce à une vieille note des archives de la Surintendance que nous savons de l'existence d'une citerne semblable retrouvée près de Corchiano au début du Vingtième siècle. Dans les cas mieux documentés de Vignale et de Scasato, de tels systèmes hydrauliques résultent contemporains à la phase la plus antique du sanctuaire, et correspondent à un schéma qui revient à Véies dans le sanctuaire d'Apollon au Portonaccio, proche du temple à oikos de la Piazza d'Armi, dans le sanctuaire de Menerva près de la Porta Caere, ainsi que dans le sanctuaire situé en localité Casale Pian Roseto. Il n'est pas facile de déterminer la valeur exacte à attribuer, selon les cas, à de telles citernes, mais l'emphase topographique qu'on leur accorde dans le cadre des sanctuaires ne semble pas permettre de pouvoir exclure une relation avec les pratiques rituelles. Pour le site de Falerii on a pensé à une relation avec le sanctuaire de Portonaccio, entre autre sur la base d'une correspondance des cultes centrée sur la figure d'Apollon, et la piscine a ainsi été expliquée en relation à des rituels de purification liés à un culte oraculaire. Après la défaite de Véies, Falerii dut faire face non seulement à Rome du point de vue militaire, mais elle dut aussi se montrer non inférieure par prestige et capacité d'autoreprésentation, étant l'autre grand centre de la basse vallée du Tibre. Cet aspect a été noté, en particulier, sur la base de la décoration des temples de la ville falisque, qui connaît vers la deuxième – troisième décennie du IVème siècle av. J.-C. un renouveau général dû à la naissance d'une importante école choroplastique, dont l'activité se reconnaît aussi dans le fragment isolé de relief d'argile représentant une Nike, provenant de Fabrica di Roma. Une autre réaction à la prise de Véies est attestée dans l'autre important centre falisque, celui de Narce, aussi grâce à la documentation fournie par le sanctuaire de Monte Li Santi – Le Rote. Le lieu de culte continue à être fréquenté après la crise de la ville, comme le démontre une consistante contraction des nécropoles à partir du IVème siècle av. J.-C., mais dans la première moitié du IIIème siècle une ultérieure réduction du culte est prouvée dans de nombreux secteurs du sanctuaire, en parallèle à l'introduction de nouvelles catégories d'ex-voto, comme les ex-voto anatomiques, les nouveaux-nés enveloppés dans des bandes, les terre cuites représentant des animaux. Ces changements ont été mis en relation avec la victoire romaine sur les Falisques en 293 av. J.-C., alors qu'un deuxième moment de contraction du culte semble coïncider avec la définitive conquête romaine de 241 av. J.-C. Depuis le début du IIIème siècle av. J.-C., on assiste aussi dans les dépôts votifs de Falerii à l'introduction de nouveaux types d'ex-voto, dont on a parlé précédemment, et, comme pour le sanctuaire de Monte Li Santi – Le Rote, on enregistre la présence de pièces de monnaie romaines, qui commencent à constituer des offrandes. Une telle donnée devient encore plus éloquente lorsqu'on considère l'absence de monnaies locales dans les contextes préromains, qui semble trahir l'indifférence des populations falisques envers un tel type d'offrande. Il est donc évident aussi pour Falerii une influence du marché romain après les évènements belliqueux qui marquèrent la victoire de Spurius Carvilius sur les Falisques. La ville semble toutefois réussir à affronter la crise, au point de ne pas mettre en danger ses institutions, comme le démontrent les dédicaces falisques adressées à Mercure, dans le Sanctuaire dei Sassi Caduti, par les efiles, seuls magistrats attestés en ville. Par ailleurs, aussi avec la construction du nouveau centre de Falerii Novi, la documentation relative à la sphère religieuse prouve la conservation, au niveau public, de la langue et de la graphie falisque, par exemple dans la dédicace à Menerva effectuée par le préteur de la ville, pendant la deuxième moitié du IIIème siècle av. J.-C. (CIL XI 3081). Ce que nous savons sur les cultes de l'époque républicaine se limite au sanctuaire de Lucus Feroniae, où pratiquement tout le matériel et les sources épigraphiques peuvent être situés durant le IIIème siècle av. J.-C., et à deux dédicaces du IIIème siècle av. J.-C. La capitulation de Capena immédiatement après la chute de Véies (395 av. J.-C.) rend, à cette période, la présence romaine stable depuis environ déjà un siècle, et on ne se surprend donc pas du fait que les inscriptions sacrées utilisent un formulaire spécifiquement latin, avec même une présence plutôt précoce d'expressions qui deviendront courante au cours du IIème siècle av. J.-C. Un des premiers exemples attestés d'abréviations aux seules initiales de la formule de dédicace d(onum) d(edit) me(rito) se trouve dans CIL I, 2435, et provient de la nécropole capenate de Saliere. La plus antique documentation archéologique sur la vie religieuse de la zone prise en examen provient de Falerii Veteres. En ordre chronologique, la première divinité présente épigraphiquement est Apollon, dont le nom apparaît gravé en langue falisque sur un fragment de céramique attique remontant aux premières décennies du Vème siècle av. J.-C., qui provient du sanctuaire de Vignale. Il est intéressant de noter qu'il s'agit dans l'absolu de la plus antique attestation connue du nom latinisé du dieu, ce qui indique son assimilation précoce dans le pantheon falisque où, déjà à partir de cette époque, il faut reconnaître comme déjà effectuée l'identification entre Apollon et le dieu local Soranus. Le culte du dieu de Soratte, attesté épigraphiquement seulement à l'époque impériale, à travers deux dédicaces à Soranus Apollo, peut être situé de manière cohérente parmi les plus antiques manifestations religieuses du territoire falisco-capenate, et probablement le centre du culte du Mont Soratte devait servir de point de jonction entre les deux zones. Dans le territoire falisque la présence du dieu laisse des traces plus consistantes, à travers la duplication du culte d'Apollon à Falerii Veteres et une dédicace d'époque républicaine venant de Falerii Novi, tandis qu'elle semble s'affaiblir dans l'aire capenate, où on en trouve trace seulement dans deux dédicaces à Apollon, datant de la première époque impériale à Civitella S. Paolo, et dans un passage controversé de Strabon qui, apparemment par erreur, situe au Lucus Feroniae les cérémonies en l'honneur de Sorano, qui étaient au contraire célébrées sur le Mont Soratte. Cette information toutefois s'insère dans un système de correspondances cultuelles qui, associées à une déesse chtonienne, de la fertilité, et à un parèdre de type « apollinien », c'est-à-dire une divinité masculine, jeune, d'aspect infernal et mantique. Ce n'est pas un hasard, dans ce contexte, que le sanctuaire pour lequel est attestée une plus antique fréquentation à Falerii Veteres soit celui de Iuno Curitis, une divinité qui semble répondre au schéma de déesse matronale et guerrière (il s'agissait d'une Junon armée, mais aussi protectrice des matrones) pour laquelle, en outre, on a la preuve de l'association cultuelle avec un jeune dieu, de la même typologie que celle présente à Sorano. Même si on n'a pas d'attestations directes de l'existence de rapports entre Iuno Curitis et Sorano Apollo, il semble qu'il ne faille pas délaisser le fait que l'unique statuette d'Apollon jouant de la lyre, du IVème siècle av. J.-C., retrouvée à Falerii Veteres provienne justement du sanctuaire de la déesse; en outre lorsqu'elle fut évoquée à Rome après la prise de Falerii en 241 av. J.-C., en même temps que son temple situé in Campo, un autre temple fut construit, celui de Iuppiter Fulgur, une divinité du centre falisque pareillement évoquée, et pour laquelle on peut établir des parallèles avec Soranus, au travers de l'assimilation avec Veiove. Dans le territoire falisque comme dans celui capenate, les plus anciennes attestations cultuelles se réfèrent donc à un couple de divinités qui, tout en ayant des différences dans des aspects spécifiques du culte, semblent répondre à des exigences cultuelles plutôt homogènes. Durant l'époque impériale, enfin, le panorama des cultes de la zone considérée semble devenir plus homogène, en suivant par ailleurs une tendance générale. La manifestation plus évidente est formée, naturellement, par le culte impérial, présent très tôt en Etrurie méridionale. Le plus antique témoignage du culte impérial connu en Etrurie provient de Nepi, et il est constitué d'une dédicace en l'honneur d'Auguste de la part de quatre Magistri Augustales (CIL XI, 3200). L'inscription est datable à 12 av. J.-C., année de la fondation du collège de Nepi et de l'institution à Rome du culte du Genius d'Auguste ainsi que des Lares Augusti, vénérés dans les compita des vici de la ville. D'autres exemples d'une diffusion plutôt précoce du culte impérial viennent de Falerii Novi (CIL XI, 3083, datable entre 2 av. J.-C. et l'an 14 ; CIL XI, 3076, époque augustéenne); de Lucus Feroniae, où vers 31 av. J.-C. l'usage de la formule in honorem domus divinae (AE 1978, n. 295) est documenté pour la première fois. Le fait que la diffusion du culte impérial dans le territoire falisco-capenate ait commencé pratiquement dans les mêmes années qu'à Rome semble aussi lié aux rapports qu'eurent Auguste et la dynastie julio-claudienne avec ce territoire. Après Anzio les vétérans d'Octave obtinrent des terres en Etrurie méridionale, le long du cours du Tibre, et ce n'est pas un hasard si l'Augusteum de Lucus Feroniae, le seul en Etrurie méridionale connu outre que de manière épigraphique aussi grâce à ses vestiges, ait été érigé entre 14 et 20 apr. J.-C. par deux membres de la gens sénatoriale, filo-augustéenne, des Volusii Saturnini. Auguste lui-même et des membres de la dynastie participèrent directement à la vie civile des centres de la région: Auguste fut pater municipii à Falerii Novi, Tibère et Druse Majeur furent les patrons de la colonie à Lucus Feroniae, entre 11 et 9 av. J.-C. La présence, en outre, d'affranchis impériaux sur le territoire capenate, chargés de l'administration du patrimoine de l'empereur, fait penser à l'existence de fundi impériaux. La documentation d'époque impériale est formée d'une série d'inscriptions qui difficilement peuvent nous faire remonter à des lieux de cultes bien précis, et desquelles dans de nombreux cas, on déduit surtout une demande de santé et de fertilité à la divinité, comme il était fréquent à l'époque républicaine, entre le IV et le IIème siècle av- J.-C., qui s'exprime au moyen d'offrandes d'ex-voto anatomiques dans les sanctuaires. On connaît aussi quelques attestations de cultes orientaux (Mater Deum et Isis, parfois associées, provenant de Falerii Novi et de son territoire ; une dédicace à la Mater Deum de Nazzano, en territoire capenate), qui entrent dans le cadre d'une dévotion privée, sauf dans le cas du sacerdoce d'Isis à Mater Deum présent à Falerii Novi. ; The list of documentary sources concerning the religious life of the falisco-capenate area aim at findings the places of worship that can be identified with certainty. Whenever this has not been possible we have signalled the worship anyway. Through these documents we intend to reconstruct the history of the cults of the area examined, from its beginning to imperial age. The examined area, included in the Regio VII Etruria of the territorial organisation of Augustean Italy, is enclosed within the natural limits of the Bracciano lake and Vico lake at west, of the Tiber at east; the northern and southern limits are marked, respectively, by the Cimini mounts and Sabatini mounts. The sites considered are Lucus Feroniae, Capena, Falerii Veteres, Falerii Novi, Narce, Sutrium et Nepet. ; XIX Ciclo ; 1977
República Federal AlemanaLa República Federal Alemana es una república democrática, representativa, parlamentaria y federal, compuesta por 16 Estados. El parlamento es bicameral. El Bundestag o Asamblea Federal posee 598 miembros y el Bundesrat o Consejo Federal posee 69. El Poder Ejecutivo es ejercido por el Canciller Federal que es el Jefe de Gobierno.El país mantiene altos índices en materia de Estado de Derecho:Estado de derecho en Alemania(1)Observamos como en una perspectiva histórica de 15 años, los valores concernientes al Estado de Derecho se ubican en una posición constante de un percentil 94/100, lo que nos habla de un elevado índice de garantías políticas. Siguiendo a Bobbio, quién se funda en los principios de la ley natural de Locke, podemos afirmar en este caso la existencia de un verdadero imperio de la ley. La sociedad se compone de un 91.1% de alemanes, un 2,3% de turcos y kurdos, 0,7% de personas provenientes de la ex Yugoslavia, 0,7% de italianos, 0,4% de griegos y bosnios y 0,2% de gitanos. (2) En cuanto a religión, predominan la católica con un 33% y la protestante con un 32%, existiendo a su vez minorías judías y musulmanas (6% de la población). (3)Alemania ha sido escenario de abundantes inmigraciones, las cuales dejaron como consecuencia principal una serie de minorías que no pasaron desapercibidas a lo largo de su historia. En este sentido, es el tercer país en materia de recepción de migrantes. Una posible razón a este fenómeno es su posición liberal ante el asilo político que el Estado ha predicado desde siempre –incluso actualmente- ya que en el artículo 16a de su Constitución dispone que "todo perseguido político goza de derecho de asilo en Alemania". (4) Es interesante observar en este punto como el principio de defensa de los derechos inalienables del individuo poseen una implícita primacía por sobre los conceptos de Estado y nación. Es este un elemento que sustenta la intención de defender las garantías políticas de todo individuo que se vea privado de las mismas, aún cuando careciere de la nacionalidad alemana. Observamos entonces como subyace el principio filosófico de la teoría liberal de Locke. Destacamos, por otra parte, que en la actualidad Alemania es uno de los países europeos que más dificulta la inmigración –en circunstancias distintas a las previamente mencionadas- y la expedición de su nacionalidad. Dado la enorme complejidad de la persecución que históricamente han sufrido las minorías en Alemania, nos limitaremos a mencionar las cifras del holocausto llevado a cabo por el régimen Nazi: 11 millones de víctimas, de las que 6 millones eran ciudadanos polacos. Asimismo, además de los 6 millones de judíos, hubo 5 millones que incluían a afro-europeos, Testigos de Jehovah, discapacitados, homosexuales, gitanos, sacerdotes y líderes cristianos y perseguidos políticos opositores al sistema. (5) Destacamos este hecho histórico no sólo por la enorme relevancia que tiene en materia de Derechos Humanos y por constituir una atrocidad que ha calado hondo en la percepción del mundo sobre los alcances de la naturaleza humana, sino –y a los efectos de nuestro análisis- para plantear la evidente consecuencia de este fenómeno en nuestros tiempos. Persiste en la sociedad y gobierno alemán una suerte de cargo de conciencia, profundizado por el saberse moralmente reprobado y vigilado por el mundo entero. Esto obliga a tener una profunda y particular consideración para con el trato de las minorías en su país. Paso seguido, ¿Cuál es el papel de las minorías en términos de participación política? El sistema de representación alemán determina que sólo aquellos partidos "receiving more than 5% of the vote are represented in parliament in proportion to their vote." (6) En este sentido observamos su evidente consecuencia: "El establecimiento de dicho umbral logró reducir la oportunidad de representación de los partidos pequeños." (7) Esto obliga a generar un sistema de gobierno de coalición donde las minorías –que exceptuando a la suma de judíos y musulmanes no superan en ninguno de los casos el 5%- sólo podrían verse representados en función de negociaciones con los grandes partidos, donde su influencia o poder de imposición sería escaso –por no considerarlo nulo en términos relativos. El problema se ve incrementado por el escaso porcentaje de extranjeros nacionalizados y, por ende, poseyentes de derechos políticos. "Only a third of Turks have become German citizens, in part because dual citizenship is not allowed." (8) Esto, de acuerdo a la teoría del gobierno representativo de John Stuart Mill, caería dentro de lo que podría considerarse una deficiencia del sistema de representación. Sin embargo, queremos destacar que aún a pesar de lo que las cifras llevan a inducir, los resultados de las elecciones del 2005 determinan que "there were at least eight members of ethnic minorities in the Bundestag and one on the Federal Constitutional Court, but none in the cabinet." (9) Lo que nos habla de un sistema de representación que en cierta medida pudiere estar funcionando en la práctica. Otro problema radica en la pobre integración –particularmente de los turcos- ya que, como es señalado en un artículo The Economist, la población joven desconoce el alemán e intensifica sus prácticas religiosas –distantes a la tradición cristiana alemana- careciendo muchas veces, como señalábamos previamente, de la nacionalidad. Eso, producto también de las mayores trabas existentes para obtener la ciudadanía, en parte porque, como indica el artículo, "immigrants are welcome, but you also have to get to know our culture, says Wolfgang Schäuble, the interior minister, who rejects the growth of parallel societies." (10) En cierto sentido, buscando distanciarse de las llamadas falsas promesas de la democracia planteada por Bobbio. Esta es una de las causas de la complicada situación que persiste en materia de Derechos Humanos para con las minorías extranjeras (debidamente protegidas por la constitución alemana en su artículo 3 (11)), donde"harassment, including beatings, of foreigners and racial minorities remained a frequent problem throughout the country." (12) En relación a micro grupos operando organizadamente en materia de persecución política, el Departamento de Estado de los Estados Unidos sostiene que "the FCO defines politically motivated crimes as offenses related to the victims' ideology, nationality, ethnicity, race, skin color, religion, worldview, ancestry, sexual orientation, disability status, appearance, or social status. The FOPC report listed 180 right wing extremist organizations and groups." (13) Sin embargo, es necesario remarcar que el país se destaca por sus bajos índices de violencia y su buena estabilidad política (14): Estabilidad política y ausencia de violencia en Alemania (15) En esta línea, The Freedom House (16) posiciona a Alemania en un puntaje de 1 (valor que representa la escala máxima de libertad) en materia de libertades civiles y políticas. En su análisis se destaca particularmente el buen funcionamiento de las instituciones democráticas y el Estado de Derecho, aunque sugiere también un llamado de atención en materia de ataques a minorías étnicas y en lo que respecta a ciertas restricciones a la participación política: "Political pluralism in Germany has been constrained by laws restricting the far left and far right." (17) En lo que al Poder Judicial respecta, observamos que prevalece una estricta independencia amparada en la misma constitución, estableciendo explícitamente en su artículo 97 que "los jueces son independientes y están sometidos únicamente a la ley." (18) Esto, sumado a que "the government is free of pervasive corruption" (19) nos habla un funcionamiento democrático que se aleja en buena medida de las falsas promesas a la democracia planteadas en la teoría de Bobbio. En materia de libertad de expresión, también The Freedom House (20) ubica a Alemania entre los países considerados libres. Esto se fundamenta en su Constitución, donde se establece explícitamente en su artículo 5 que "No se ejercerá censura." (21) El análisis de The Freedom House lo posiciona como poseyente de una prensa diversa e independiente. Asimismo, dicho derecho se ve respaldado en el artículo 10 (22) de la European Convention on Human Right, considerado en Alemania ley federal. Por último, se observa que "Germany's government is accountable through open debates in parliament that are covered widely covered in the media" (23), indicios de una aproximación al debate público que pudiere dar origen a una suerte de democracia deliberativa. Sin embargo, pensamos que a la luz de la eficacia que en definitiva parecieran tener las instituciones democráticas en Alemania, sugerimos que quizá dicho camino democrático no sería –a la fecha- necesario.Estudio comparado Entendemos que en buena medida el estudio de cada uno de los casos ha permitido al lector generar una suerte de deducción en materia comparativa. Sin embargo, consideramos necesario remarcar algunos puntos del análsis comparativo e incorporar algunos detalles que pudieren servir en esta materia. Observamos entonces, en una primera lectura, cómo los indicadores marcan una importante diferencia en los factores que hacen a la gobernabilidad, inclinándose decididamente en favor de Alemania. Como estudiamos en cada caso, la posición de cada país en el Indice de Estado de Derecho elaborado por el Programa de Gobernabilidad del Banco Mundial ha sido debidamente estipulado. Mientras Turquía se posiciona en una escala media, Alemania prevalece en un percentil cercano al 100. Una situación similar se da en el Indice de Rendición de Cuentas, donde Alemania se encuentra por encima de 95/100 y Turquia por debajo de 50/100. Aquí, las respectivas Constituciones nos informan sobre el tratamiento en la materia: por un lado, Turquía mantiene un vocabulario amplio y vago que deviene en un Parlamento fuerte y centralizado, con posibilidad de ejercer presión sobre las instituciones en teoría independientes (por ejemplo, el Poder Jucidial y Consejo Supremo de Radio y Televisión) al tiempo que la arbitrariedad en materia de libertades fundamentales limita toda posibilidad de mecanismos de contralor o rendición de cuentas. Por su parte, en Alemania impera una Constitución clara y contundente, que garantiza tanto la independencia indiscutida de las instituciones como los mecanismos que determinan la efectividad en la rendición de cuentas. Por otro lado, nos remitimos al indicador más contundente en materia comparativa: el Indice de Estabilidad Política (Alemania alcanza 80/100 y Turquia 20/100). No profundizaremos particularmente en este concepto, porque entendemos ha sido debidamente considerado en cada uno de los estudios de caso. Sin embargo, es posible relacionar este indicador con lo que ocurre en materia de libertades y participación política.Por último, nos detenemos en lo que hace al control de la corrupción, elemento que incide notablemente en muchas de las falsas promesas propuestas por Bobbio. Aquí, Alemania obtien 90/100 y Turquia mejora su dsempeno relativo, alcanzando un indicador de 60/100. La enorme distancia que prevalece también en este sentido da fe del difícil camino que tiene Turquía por delante si se plantea seriamente reformar la efectividad de sus instituciones para generar un clima político acorde a su vecino europeo. Sólo de este modo podría garantizar las libertades fundamentales de todos los individuos que conforman su sociedad. Finalmente, en materia de libertad de expresión nos encontramos ante una Turquía que genera especial preocupación, particularmente en el trato con las minorías. Esto permite realizar una lectura entre líneas que determina la situación de persecución en que dicha población se encuentra, tal como ha sido estudiado con antelación.Consideraciones Finales La evidente distancia en materia de instituciones democráticas, Estado de Derecho y tratamiento de las minorías entre la República Federal Alemana y la República de Turquía dan fe de las dificultades que en definitiva enfrenta esta última ante la posibilidad de su eventual incorporación a la Unión Europea. Pareciere que Alemania ha asumido las lecciones del pasado en materia de protección de las libertades liberales, al tiempo que el camino emprendido por Turquía en la materia no parece estar dando los resultados esperados. Nos posicionamos, en este sentido, ante una Alemania libre y de instituciones independientes, con un clima político que posibilita un alto grado de inclusión, al menos desde la conformación de coaliciones políticas. Por otro lado, Turquía permanece en una posición de centralismo que limita enormemente la eficacia a la hora de garantizar la independencia de sus instituciones y las libertades de sus individuos. En un clima de alta corrupción, las falsas promesas de Bobbio afloran en una Turquía con una Constitución más asemejada a los procederes estipulados por Rousseau que a las libertades individuales articuladas por Locke, sin siquiera preservar el rousseauniano idealismo teórico a la hora de la procura de una voluntad generaldesinteresada e independiente. Con un vocabulario amplio y vago, la arbitrariedad es introducida de modo legal, coartando las libertades individuales que son consideradas fundamentales –e incluso previas al Estado- en la concepción liberal. Alemania, aún con algunas señales preocupantes en el trato de la población a las minorías étnicas, carece de estas penetrantes limitaciones que limitan a la democracia y oprimen a las minorías. El estudio comparado refleja una Turquía distante y ajena a los principios democrático-liberales en que está embebida Alemania, distancia que repercute directamente en las condiciones de vida y participación política de sus respectivas minorías. Una eventual Europa que incluyera a ambos gigantes sentiría en sus miembros la palpable distinción que persiste entre un individuo siervo, y un individuo en pleno ejercicio de su libertad. (1) WORLD BANK. (2) Valores aproximados: GUÍA DEL MUNDO: (3) GUÍA DEL MUNDO: (4) LEY FUNDAMENTAL DE LA REPÚBLICA FEDERAL DE ALEMANIA. (5) HOLOCAUST FORGOTTEN.(6) NEW ZEALAND ELECTION STUDIE. (7) Descripción del sistema de Representación Proporcional Mixto en Alemania. .pag 13(8) The Economist. 2007.(9) U.S. DEPATRTMENT OF STATE. 2008.(10) The Economist. 2007. (11) LEY FUNDAMENTAL DE LA REPÚBLICA FEDERAL DE ALEMANIA. (12) U.S. DEPATRTMENT OF STATE. 2008. (13) Íbid.(14) Debido a los antecedentes, los casos de violencia son tratados con especial cuidado, lo que no determina necesariamente que la violencia sea sistemática o que mantenga índices extravagantes.(15) WORLD BANK. (16) FREEDOM HOUSE.2005. (17) FREEDOM HOUSE.2005.(18) LEY FUNDAMENTAL DE LA REPÚBLICA FEDERAL DE ALEMANIA. (21) LEY FUNDAMENTAL DE LA REPÚBLICA FEDERAL DE ALEMANIA. (22) CONVENTION FOR THE PROTECTION OF HUMAN RIGHTS AND FUNDAMENTAL FREEDOMS. 1950. (23) FREEDOM HOUSE.2005. *Estudiantes de la Licenciatura en Estudios Internacionales, FACS - Universidad ORT Uruguay.AMNESTY INTERNATIONAL. Informe 2011: El Estado de los Derechos Humanos en el Mundo. Disponible en internet: AMNESTY INTERNATIONAL. Turquía: libertad de expresión. Disponible en internet: ANMESTY INTERNATIONAL. 2007. Informe 2007: el estado de los derechos humanos en el mundo. Disponible en internet: BOBBIO, Norberto. 1986. Fondo de Cultura económica. México D.F. CENTRO DE INVESTIGACION Y DOCENCIA PARA AMÉRICA LATINA Y MEDIO ORIENTE. Los Kurdos en Turquía. Disponible en internet: CONVENTION FOR THE PROTECTION OF HUMAN RIGHTS AND FUNDAMENTAL FREEDOMS. 1950. Disponible en internet: DAHL, Robert. 1989. Un prefacio a la teoría democrática. Argentina: Grupo Editor Latinoamericano.DERECHO CONSTITUCIONAL TURCO. 1982. Constitución de la República de Turquía. Disponible en internet : Descripción del sistema de Representación Proporcional Mixto en Alemania. Disponible en internet: EL MUNDO EN LÍNEA. Pueblos sin Estado: los kurdos, una nación partida sobre pozos de petróleo.Disponible en internet: EXTRA, Guus; GORTER, Durk (2001). The other languages of Europe: Demographic, Sociolinguistic and Educational Perspectives. Multilingual MattersFEDERACIO D´ASSOCIACIONS GITANES DE CATALUNYA. Proyecto Europeo. Disponible en internet: FIGUEROA, Manuel Ruiz. 2007. El islam y Occidente desde América Latina. México. FREEDOM HOUSE. 2005. Map of freedom in the world: Germany. Disponible en internet: FREEDOM HOUSE.2005. Map of press freedom. Disponible en Internet: FREEDOM HOUSE.2005. Country Report: Turkey. Disponible en internet: GLOBAL SECURITY. Military. Disponible en internet: GUÍA DEL MUNDO. 2007. Disponible en internet: GÜRBEY, Gülistan. 1996, The Kurdish Nationalist Movement in Turkey since the 1980s. Lexington, Ky. : University Press of Kentucky.HABERMAS, Jürgen. 1999. La inclusión del otro: estudios de teoría política. Barcelona: Paidós. HOLOCAUST FORGOTTEN. Holocaust: Non-Jewish Victims. Disponible en internet: La enseñanza del idioma kurdo en Turquía : una reivindicación legítima y justa.2010. Disponible en internet: LA INSIGNIA. 2005. Derechos Humanos. Turquía: AI pide la derogación del artículo 301 del Código Penal. Disponible en internet: LE MONDE DIPLOMATIQUE. El Atlas III. Un mundo al revés. De la hegemonía occidental al poli-centrismo. Capital intelectual. 2009. LEY FUNDAMENTAL DE LA REPÚBLICA FEDERAL DE ALEMANIA. Disponible en internet: LOCKE, John. 1664. La ley de la naturaleza. Madrid: Editorial tecnos.MILL, John Stuart. 1985. Del gobierno representativo. Madrid:Tecnos. Minorities in Germany: The integration dilemma. 2007. En: The Economist. Disponible en internet: NACIONES UNIDAS. Declaración de los Derechos Humanos. Preámbulo. Disponible en internet: NEW ZEALAND ELECTION STUDIE. Minority Representation, Empowerment,NEWSWEEK. The World`s Best Countries. Diponible en internet: NÚÑEZ DE PRADO, Sara. Minorías nacionales y medios de comunicación: una visión de Europa. Disponible en internet: PETTIGREW, Thomas: "Reactions toward the New Minorities of Western Europe". Annual Review of Sociology. Vol. 24, 1998.ROUSSEAU, Jean-Jacques. El contrato social o principios de derecho político. Editorial tecnos. 1988, original en 1762. Madrid. Traducción de María José Villaverde. Pág. 34.THE CONSTITUTION OF THE REPUBLIC OF TURKEY. Disponible en internet: TRANSPARENCY INTERNATIONAL. Corruption Perceptions Index 2005. Disponible en internet: U.S. DEPATRTMENT OF STATE. 2008. Humans Right Report: Germany. Disponible en internet: VELASCO, Juan Carlos (2009). Democracia y deliberación pública. Confluencia XXI. Revista de Pensamiento Político. México.WAGMAN, Daniel. Integración e inmigración. Disponible en internet: http://www.fongdcam.org/manuales/educacionintercultural/datos/docs/ActoresyEscenarios/Actores/GrupoSociales/IntegracioneInmigracionT67.pdfWHITE, Jenny B. : "Turks in the New Germany". American Anthropologist, New Series, Vol 99, número 4, Diciembre 1997. WORLD BANCK. Country Data Report for TURKEY, 1996-2009. Disponible en internet: WORLD BANK. Country Data Report for GERMANY, 1996-2009. Disponible en internet: ZERAOUI, Zidane. 2000. El dilema Kurdo. Editorial Limusa S.A
From July 1915 onwards, leave granted to the front fighters allowed them to spend a few days in the rear. From 6 days in 1915, these leaves increased to 7 days in 1916, then to 10 days in October 1917. Approached from a global perspective, this research seeks to link the social and cultural history of war through the methods of cultural anthropology of social facts, without neglecting the political or military dimensions. The plan followed articulates three levels of analysis, the real, the symbolic and the imaginary, using a very varied corpus of sources. The research is based in particular on the analysis of 200 directories of police station reports in Paris (known as "mains courantes"), which have made it possible to build up a database of some 6,000 pass-holders and 6,000 deserters. Analyses of the social and cultural phenomena linked to permission in the capital use the quantitative study of this abundant source, which provides information on many aspects of the lives of individuals and Parisian neighbourhoods, and is not limited to delinquency. This source thus makes it possible to place the reflection in the perspective of social changes over time. The database has also made it possible to map certain phenomena, such as prostitution, desertion or the relations of soldiers on leave with civilians, women or allied soldiers. Finally, the police reports, which are often consistent, give flesh to an individualised social micro-history.The first part retraces the military, political and administrative construction of the permissions, as well as the logistical stakes of their transport by train, which is also studied from an anthropological perspective. It uses mainly classical military and political sources, but integrates testimonies and representations. The permissions regime set up in 1915 in France was marked throughout the war by permanent improvisation, but evolved and underwent a major reform in October 1916 when the French HQG made permissions a statutory allowance of seven days granted three times a year. Although decisions on permissions were the responsibility of the High Command, citizens and politicians played an important role in successive reforms by putting pressure on the government to grant fairer and longer permissions to men. The ideological stakes of permissions are evident in committees or in debates in the Assembly, in which left-wing MPs give a speech on the rights of republican citizens and the social stakes of recreational leave, which reinforces F. Bock's conclusions on the involvement of parliamentarians in the conduct of the war. At the individual level, the combatants have become involved through demands which show that for them there is a close relationship between the rights and duties of soldiers, and that their sacrifice is not without retribution, if only symbolic. In the context of a dehumanizing industrial war, leave had a great role to play in sustaining combatant morale over the long term. The calamitous management of the permissions in 1915 and 1916 explains the place taken by the permissions in the claims of the mutinees during Spring 1917, whereas they were now more regular and distributed with equity: it is especially as a symbol of the condition of the citizen-soldier and of his rights and duties that they are brandished by some combatants, confirming the study of L.V. Smith on the Vth ID. In this respect, leave is part of the evolution of the relations between the Army, the Republic and the citizens.It should be pointed out here that the theoretical weight of discipline is constantly called into question by the transgressive practices of furloughers, which are particularly evident during train journeys: defying authority, ridiculing employees, travelling first class in disregard of regulations, or seeking to illegally extend their leave.In the long term of the war, furloughs also provided a waiting horizon for a long overdue peace, and played a decisive role in men's ability to endure the war. The cycle of anticipation, experience and recollection of leave thus feeds into family letters or conversations between soldiers, and allows individuals to develop plans, even if the leaves arouse very ambivalent feelings. The second part focuses on the experience of being on leave in the capital, where Parisians rediscover a familiar world, while uprooted and isolated combatants from invaded regions, colonies or allied countries discover a mythical city as tourists. Paris was thus the main centre for furloughs in France, and probably of all the countries at war, receiving about 100,000 men per month, for a cumulative total of about 4 million furloughs between 1915 and 1918. The study conducted is based primarily on a statistical analysis of the directories of the minutes of the Paris police stations. The combatants' stay in the capital reveals the entrenchment of the combatant identity, confirming what is known about the importance of a specific culture born of shared experience, but it also combines with the signs of a lingering civilian identity. While political or working communities have not been studied, the strength of family ties, domestic habits, work gestures or neighbourhood sociability indicate that men are resettling into a familiar daily routine, despite the upheavals caused by the war in Paris. The subject lends itself to an analysis of gender identities through the reunion of couples and the confrontation of male and female communities. Relations between men and women have remained good, mainly thanks to the women in the family, but those of the couples are more tense, due to the suspicion that hangs over the companions. Generally speaking, male-female relations are part of banal practices whose cyclical dimension is mainly reflected in the symbolism surrounding certain gestures or words. The study of leave has also shown that female emancipation is limited, as indicated by women's resistance to the sexual solicitations of those on leave. Finally, the demographic stakes of furloughs can be seen in their impact on nuptiality, but their effects are more modest on the birth rate, which they do not compensate for. The relations of the soldiers on leave with the various components of Parisian society during the war (women, foreigners, allied soldiers) testify to the great credit enjoyed by the soldiers at the rear, even if the importance of theatricalization in Parisian space led them to sometimes violent transgressions of the social order, particularly towards police officers, underlining the redefinition of moral standards while invalidating the thesis of widespread "brutalization", since these practices were part of long-term conscriptive and popular Parisian traditions.The soldiers' stay was also an opportunity to identify the social and cultural circulation between the front and the rear, which contributed to the renewal of the distended links between civilians and combatants between 1914 and 1915. The expression of a need for recognition by the soldiers is coupled with a desire to forget the war, which underlines the complexity of individual reactions to the tension of war. Soldiers on leave sought to become exhilarated and to enjoy the pleasures of Parisian life such as the cinema, café-concert and prostitution, behaviours that contrasted with the puritanical norms of wartime. Permissions take their place here in the movement for the democratisation of leisure and holidays that has been underway since the end of the 19th century and confirm the relevance of drawing a parallel between the world of work and the war from the point of view of combatant mobilization factors. This question was explored in depth through the role of furlough in the mobilization of civilians and combatants. The stay of combatants in the rear presented risks from the point of view of controlling public opinion and the movements of soldiers. However, the complexity of the political and military stakes, particularly in 1917, the conditions for carrying out surveys on the state of mind of the Parisian population, and the weight of rumours during the war, made the study of public opinion delicate. On the other hand, permissions do appear to be one of the ways of desertion during the war, even if police sources do not allow for an exhaustive study of this subject, which is still poorly documented in France. The motivations put forward by the suspects indicate the wide variety of conditions in which men became deserters and it is difficult to say what effect the fear of punishment had on their actions. Police sources also make it possible to trace the modalities of the desertion experience, as well as the social profile of late deserters. The third part is devoted to the representations of furlough and furlough-holders that it confronts with the realities described above, based on the study of the press from the rear and the "newspapers from the front", postcards, novels, plays or songs, and with an emphasis on distinguishing the effects of transmitter and medium on the images produced. The stereotype of the combatant perceptible through the images of permission thus contributes to structuring the gap between civilians and combatants in a Parisian setting that crystallizes ambivalent representations. Indeed, soldiers on leave played an important role in the evolution of the wartime system of social representations by embodying the relationship between the combatant community and the civilian community. The figure of the permissionnaire illustrates the fundamental role of ethics in the identity processes of the First World War and in the construction of a social and cultural field specific to "combatants". The logics of civilian guilt on the one hand, and the need for recognition of combatants on the other, are articulated to give substance to combatant stereotypes. In many cases, the relationship of representation is perverted when the values for which combatants are recognized at the rear differ from those to which they aspire. Numerous, highly stereotypical and enduring, civilian representations carry the myths of heroism and virility attributed to warriors. Those constructed by the combatants are more intermittent and deferred, but their persuasive force is usually greater, due to the weight of the testimony between 1914 and 1918, which is perpetuated after the war, carried by the veterans' speeches. Several systems of representation thus coexist, become contaminated and evolve over the course of the war. In all cases, there is a great contrast between combatant myths and the social practices of the furloughers, particularly in their relations with women. ; A partir de juillet 1915, des permissions accordées aux combattants du front leur permettent de passer quelques jours à l'arrière. D'une durée de 6 jours en 1915, ces congés passent à 7 jours en 1916, puis à 10 jours en octobre 1917. Abordé dans une perspective globale, ce travail cherche à relier l'histoire sociale et l'histoire culturelle de la guerre grâce aux méthodes de l'anthropologie culturelle des faits sociaux, sans négliger les dimensions politiques ou militaires. Le plan suivi articule trois niveaux d'analyse, le réel, le symbolique et l'imaginaire, en utilisant un corpus de sources très varié. Celui-ci s'appuie en particulier sur l'analyse de 200 répertoires de procès-verbaux des commissariats parisiens (connus sous le nom de "mains courantes"), qui ont permis la constitution d'une base de données d'environ 6 000 permissionnaires et 6 000 déserteurs. Les analyses des phénomènes sociaux et culturels liés à la permission dans la capitale utilisent l'étude quantitative de cette source foisonnante, qui renseigne sur de nombreux aspects de la vie des individus et des quartiers parisiens, et ne se limite pas à la délinquance. Cette source permet ainsi d'inscrire la réflexion dans la perspective du temps long des évolutions sociales. La base de données a aussi permis la cartographie de certains phénomènes, comme la prostitution, la désertion ou les relations des permissionnaires avec les civils, les femmes ou les soldats alliés. Enfin, les comptes-rendus de la police, souvent consistants, donnent chair à une micro-histoire sociale individualisée.La première partie retrace la construction militaire, politique et administrative des permissions, ainsi que les enjeux logistiques de leur transport en train, qui est aussi étudié dans une perspective anthropologique. Elle utilise principalement des sources militaires et politiques classiques, mais intègre témoignages et représentations. Le régime des permissions mis en place en 1915 est marqué pendant toute la guerre par une improvisation permanente, mais évolue et connaît une réforme majeure en octobre 1916 lorsque le GQG fait des permissions une allocation réglementaire de sept jours accordée trois fois par an. Bien que les décisions en matière de permissions relèvent du Haut Commandement, les citoyens et les politiques ont joué un rôle important dans les réformes successives en faisant pression sur le gouvernement pour accorder des permissions plus équitables et plus longues aux hommes. Les enjeux idéologiques des permissions sont évidents dans les commissions ou lors des débats à l'Assemblée, au sein desquels les députés de gauche portent un discours sur les droits des citoyens républicains et les enjeux sociaux des congés de détente, qui conforte les conclusions de F. Bock sur la participation des parlementaires à la conduite de la guerre. A l'échelle individuelle, les combattants se sont impliqués par des revendications qui témoignent qu'il y a pour eux une relation étroite entre les droits et les devoirs des soldats, et que leur sacrifice ne va pas sans rétributions, ne seraient-elles que symboliques. Dans le contexte d'une guerre industrielle déshumanisante, les permissions avaient un grand rôle à jouer pour soutenir le moral combattant dans la durée. La gestion calamiteuse des permissions en 1915 et 1916 explique la place prise par les permissions dans les revendications des révoltés du printemps 1917, alors même qu'elles étaient désormais plus régulières et distribuées avec équité : c'est surtout comme symbole de la condition du soldat-citoyen et des droits et des devoirs de celui-ci qu'elles sont brandies par certains combattants, confirmant l'étude de L.V. Smith sur la Vème DI. A ce titre, les permissions s'inscrivent dans l'évolution des relations entre l'Armée, la République et les citoyens.Il faut souligner ici que le poids théorique de la discipline est constamment remis en cause par les pratiques transgressives des permissionnaires, qui sont particulièrement manifestes pendant les trajets en train : défiant l'autorité, tournant en ridicule les employés, voyageant en première classe au mépris des règlements, ou cherchant à prolonger illégalement leur permission.Dans le long terme de la guerre, les permissions ont aussi constitué un horizon d'attente qui s'est substitué à celui d'une paix qui se faisait attendre, et ont joué un rôle décisif dans la capacité des hommes à "tenir". Le cycle de l'anticipation, de l'expérience et de la remémoration des permissions alimente ainsi les lettres familiales ou les conversations entre soldats, et permet aux individus d'élaborer des projets, même si les permissions suscitent des sentiments très ambivalents. La seconde partie s'attache à l'expérience de la permission dans la capitale, où les Parisiens retrouvent un univers familier, tandis que les combattants déracinés et isolés, originaires des régions envahies, des colonies ou des pays alliés, découvrent en touristes une ville mythique. Paris est ainsi le principal centre de permissionnaires en France, et vraisemblablement de tous les pays en guerre, accueillant environ 100 000 hommes par mois, soit un total cumulé d'environ 4 millions de permissionnaires entre 1915 et 1918. L'étude s'appuie ici principalement sur l'analyse statistique des répertoires des procès-verbaux des commissariats parisiens. Le séjour des combattants dans la capitale révèle l'enracinement de l'identité combattante, confirmant ce que l'on sait de l'importance d'une culture spécifique née d'une expérience partagée, mais celle-ci se combine aussi aux signes d'une identité civile rémanente. Si les communautés politiques ou de travail n'ont pas été étudiées, la force des liens familiaux, les habitudes domestiques, les gestes du travail ou la sociabilité de voisinage, indiquent que les hommes se réinstallent dans un quotidien familier, malgré les bouleversements occasionnés par la guerre à Paris. Le sujet se prête à une analyse des identités de genre à travers les retrouvailles des couples et la confrontation des communautés masculines et féminines. Les relations entre hommes et femmes sont restées bonnes, principalement grâce aux femmes de la famille, mais celles des couples sont plus tendues, en raison du soupçon qui pèse sur les compagnes. D'une manière générale, les relations hommes – femmes s'inscrivent dans des pratiques banales dont la dimension conjoncturelle se traduit surtout par la symbolique qui entoure certains gestes ou paroles. L'étude des permissions a aussi permis de montrer que l'émancipation féminine est limitée, comme l'indiquent les résistances des femmes aux sollicitations sexuelles des permissionnaires. Enfin, les enjeux démographiques des permissions se manifestent dans l'incidence de celles-ci sur la nuptialité, mais leurs effets sont plus modestes sur la natalité, dont elles ne permettent pas de compenser la chute. Les relations des permissionnaires avec les différentes composantes de la société parisienne du temps de guerre (femmes, étrangers, militaires alliés) témoignent du grand crédit dont bénéficient les soldats à l'arrière, même si l'importance de la théâtralisation dans l'espace parisien les conduit à des transgressions parfois violentes de l'ordre social, notamment envers les agents de police, soulignant la redéfinition des normes morales tout en infirmant la thèse d'une "brutalisation" généralisée, puisque ces pratiques s'inscrivent dans des traditions conscriptives et des traditions populaires parisiennes de long terme. Le séjour des soldats est aussi l'occasion de repérer les circulations sociales et culturelles entre le front et l'arrière, qui contribuent à renouer entre civils et combattants des liens distendus entre 1914 et 1915. L'expression d'un besoin de reconnaissance par les soldats se double d'une volonté d'oublier la guerre qui souligne la complexité des réactions individuelles à la tension de la guerre. Les permissionnaires cherchent à se griser et à profiter des plaisirs de la vie parisienne comme le cinéma, le café-concert ou la prostitution, des comportements qui contrastent avec les normes puritaines du temps de guerre. Les permissions prennent ici place dans le mouvement de démocratisation des loisirs et des vacances engagé depuis la fin du XIXème siècle et confirment la pertinence d'une mise en parallèle du monde du travail et de la guerre du point de vue des ressorts de la mobilisation combattante. Cette question a été approfondie à travers le rôle de la permission dans la mobilisation des civils et des combattants. Le séjour de combattants à l'arrière présentait des risques du point de vue du contrôle de l'opinion publique et des mouvements des soldats. La complexité des enjeux politiques et militaires, notamment en 1917, les conditions de réalisation des enquêtes sur l'état d'esprit de la population parisienne ou encore le poids des rumeurs pendant la guerre, rendent toutefois l'étude des opinions publiques délicates. En revanche, les permissions apparaissent bien comme une des voies de la désertion pendant la guerre, même si les sources policières ne permettent pas une étude exhaustive de ce sujet, encore peu documenté dans le cas français. Les motivations avancées par les suspects indiquent la grande diversité des conditions dans lesquelles les hommes deviennent déserteurs et il est difficile de se prononcer sur l'effet de la peur de la sanction sur leurs actes. Les sources policières permettent aussi de retracer les modalités de l'expérience de la désertion, ainsi que le profil social des permissionnaires en retard. La troisième partie est consacrée aux représentations de la permission et des permissionnaires qu'elle confronte aux réalités précédemment décrites en se fondant sur l'étude de la presse de l'arrière et des "journaux du front", des cartes postales, des romans, des pièces de théâtre ou des chansons et en s'attachant à distinguer les effets d'émetteur et de support sur les images produites. Le stéréotype du combattant perceptible à travers les images de la permission contribue ainsi à structurer le fossé entre civils et combattants dans un cadre parisien qui cristallise des représentations ambivalentes. En effet, les permissionnaires jouent un rôle important dans l'évolution du système de représentations sociales du temps de guerre en incarnant les relations de la communauté combattante à la communauté civile. La figure du permissionnaire illustre le rôle fondamental de l'éthique dans les processus identitaires de la Première Guerre mondiale et dans la construction d'un champ social et culturel propre aux "combattants". Les logiques de la culpabilité des civils d'une part, et du besoin reconnaissance des combattants, d'autre part, s'articulent pour donner corps aux stéréotypes combattants. Dans bien des cas, la relation de représentation est pervertie quand les valeurs pour lesquelles les combattants sont reconnus à l'arrière diffèrent de celles auxquelles ils aspirent. Nombreuses, très stéréotypées et durables, les représentations civiles drainent avec elles tout le poids des mythes de l'héroïsme et de la virilité attribués aux guerriers. Celles construites par les combattants sont davantage intermittentes et différées, mais leur force de persuasion est a priori plus grande, en raison du poids du témoignage entre 1914 et 1918, qui se perpétue après guerre, porté par les discours anciens combattants. Plusieurs systèmes de représentations coexistent donc, se contaminent et évoluent au fil de la guerre. Dans tous les cas, on relève un grand contraste entre les mythes combattants et les pratiques sociales des permissionnaires, en particulier dans leurs relations avec les femmes.
The purpose of an entrepreneurship is to build and scale a sustainable business model through an enterprise. The lack of tangible and intangible resources is often at this very early stage. According to previous studies, new ventures could overcome the lack of resources -key to their success- forming relationships with partners (networking) through open innovation (OI) processes. However, the structure of each network affects their own processes and outcomes; the innovation processes and the network structure mutually shape each other. Opening up the innovation process implies the involvement of startups in relationships with different typologies of actors: Incubators, Large corporations, Higher education institutions, among others. Understanding the role, relation, position and power of each actor in the ecosystem allow us identify its network position which is critical for resource access. In order to determine the level of ecosystem maturity and its interactions is necessarily to analyze the entrepreneurship context. According to the Ecuadorian Entrepreneurship Profile (GEM, 2019) Ecuador has a strong position related to physical infrastructure, cultural and social norms and entrepreneurial education at post-school stage comparing with the media of the World. However, indicators like entrepreneurial finances, taxes and bureaucracy, government support, R&D transfer and entrepreneurship programs are quite far from the global average. Utilizing the newly publish Ecuadorian Organic Law for Entrepreneurship and Innovation (Official Registry No. 151, 2020) which aims to provide a normative framework that encourages the entrepreneurship, innovation and technological development this article analyzes startup's network centrality elements focusing on: Main actors and the nature of these relations; Institutions which hold the central position in the network; Partnerships and networks to support innovation processes and outcomes;Financial mechanisms to support entrepreneurship and innovation; and, Education to carry out partnerships.As a consecuence, the main actor determined by law is CONEIN as a ruling body and the Entrepreneurship Advisory Council. The presence of individual entrepreneurs is scarce. Although, CONEIN holds the central position in the network, in that aspect is a vast opportunity for Entrepreneurship Advisory Council to boost participation among private sector members and be a higher influence in the public policy making. By law, partnerships and networks to support innovation processes and outcomes are not clear, but entrepreneurs acquire greater centrality in the ecosystem than before, which could privilege their access to resources and knowledge especially from Higher education institutions. Financial mechanisms to support entrepreneurship and innovation are established, but will be necessary to allocate budget for this instrument, as well as for the entrepreneurship national strategy. The private investment is mentioned, nevertheless deep legal reforms are demanded in order to incentive its presence. Education regulation is incorporated in the law to carry out entrepreneurship and innovation. In the hereafter, will be necessary to incorporate partnership and financial education programs.The conception of adequate articulated programs for entrepreneurship, management, research and development, transfer, R&D funding, networking and human capital strengthen could favor open innovation. However, other instruments are necessary in terms of information release, taxability, bureaucracy, labor and direct investment that allows open innovation appear. The purpose of the Government is key to ensure governance, rule of law, and accountability of itself and entrepreneurship actors to ensure stability and economic prosperity. KEY WORDS: Entrepreneurship, open innovation, networking, networking structures, performance, rule of law. JEL CODE: K, L25, L 26 ; ABSTRACTThe purpose of an entrepreneurship is to build and scale a sustainable business model through an enterprise. The lack of tangible and intangible resources is often at this very early stage. According to previous studies, new ventures could overcome the lack of resources -key to their success- forming relationships with partners (networking) through open innovation (OI) processes. However, the structure of each network affects their own processes and outcomes; the innovation processes and the network structure mutually shape each other. Opening up the innovation process implies the involvement of startups in relationships with different typologies of actors: Incubators, Large corporations, Higher education institutions, among others. Understanding the role, relation, position and power of each actor in the ecosystem allow us identify its network position which is critical for resource access. In order to determine the level of ecosystem maturity and its interactions is necessarily to analyze the entrepreneurship context. According to the Ecuadorian Entrepreneurship Profile (GEM, 2019) Ecuador has a strong position related to physical infrastructure, cultural and social norms and entrepreneurial education at post-school stage comparing with the media of the World. However, indicators like entrepreneurial finances, taxes and bureaucracy, government support, R&D transfer and entrepreneurship programs are quite far from the global average. Utilizing the newly publish Ecuadorian Organic Law for Entrepreneurship and Innovation (Official Registry No. 151, 2020) which aims to provide a normative framework that encourages the entrepreneurship, innovation and technological development this article analyzes startup's network centrality elements focusing on: Main actors and the nature of these relations; Institutions which hold the central position in the network; Partnerships and networks to support innovation processes and outcomes;Financial mechanisms to support entrepreneurship and innovation; and, Education to carry out partnerships.As a consecuence, the main actor determined by law is CONEIN as a ruling body and the Entrepreneurship Advisory Council. The presence of individual entrepreneurs is scarce. Although, CONEIN holds the central position in the network, in that aspect is a vast opportunity for Entrepreneurship Advisory Council to boost participation among private sector members and be a higher influence in the public policy making. By law, partnerships and networks to support innovation processes and outcomes are not clear, but entrepreneurs acquire greater centrality in the ecosystem than before, which could privilege their access to resources and knowledge especially from Higher education institutions. Financial mechanisms to support entrepreneurship and innovation are established, but will be necessary to allocate budget for this instrument, as well as for the entrepreneurship national strategy. The private investment is mentioned, nevertheless deep legal reforms are demanded in order to incentive its presence. Education regulation is incorporated in the law to carry out entrepreneurship and innovation. In the hereafter, will be necessary to incorporate partnership and financial education programs.The conception of adequate articulated programs for entrepreneurship, management, research and development, transfer, R&D funding, networking and human capital strengthen could favor open innovation. However, other instruments are necessary in terms of information release, taxability, bureaucracy, labor and direct investment that allows open innovation appear. The purpose of the Government is key to ensure governance, rule of law, and accountability of itself and entrepreneurship actors to ensure stability and economic prosperity. KEY WORDS: Entrepreneurship, open innovation, networking, networking structures, performance, rule of law. RESUMEN:El propósito de un espíritu empresarial es construir y escalar un modelo de negocio sostenible a través de una empresa. La falta de recursos tangibles e intangibles se encuentran a menudo en esta etapa muy temprana. Según estudios previos, los nuevos emprendimientos podrían superar la falta de recursos, clave para su éxito, formando relaciones con socios (networking) a través de procesos de innovación abierta (OI). Sin embargo, la estructura de cada red afecta sus propios procesos y resultados; los procesos de innovación y la estructura de la red se moldean mutuamente. Abrir el proceso de innovación implica involucrar a las startups en relaciones con diferentes tipologías de actores: Incubadoras, Grandes corporaciones, Instituciones de educación superior, entre otros. Comprender el papel, la relación, la posición y el poder de cada actor en el ecosistema nos permite identificar la posición de su red que es fundamental para el acceso a los recursos.Para determinar el nivel de madurez del ecosistema y sus interacciones es necesario analizar el contexto del emprendimiento. Según el Perfil de Emprendimiento Ecuatoriano (GEM, 2019) Ecuador tiene una posición fuerte relacionada con la infraestructura física, las normas culturales y sociales y la educación emprendedora en la etapa post-escolar en comparación con los medios del mundo. Sin embargo, indicadores como las finanzas empresariales, los impuestos y la burocracia, el apoyo gubernamental, la transferencia de I + D y los programas de iniciativa empresarial están bastante lejos del promedio mundial.Utilizando la recién publicada Ley Orgánica de Emprendimiento e Innovación (Registro Oficial No. 151, 2020) que tiene como objetivo proporcionar un marco normativo que fomente el emprendimiento, la innovación y el desarrollo tecnológico, este artículo analiza los elementos de centralidad de la red de startups enfocándose en:Principales actores y naturaleza de estas relaciones;Instituciones que ocupan una posición central en la red;Alianzas y redes para apoyar los procesos y resultados de innovación;Mecanismos financieros para apoyar el espíritu empresarial y la innovación; y, educación para realizar alianzasEn consecuencia, el actor principal que determina la ley es el CONEIN como órgano rector y el Consejo Asesor de Emprendimiento. La presencia de empresarios individuales es escasa. Si bien el CONEIN ocupa la posición central en la red, se presenta una gran oportunidad para que el Consejo Asesor de Emprendimiento impulse la participación de los miembros del sector privado y tenga una mayor influencia en la formulación de políticas públicas. Por ley, las alianzas y redes para apoyar procesos y resultados de innovación no son claras, pero los emprendedores adquieren una mayor centralidad en el ecosistema que antes, lo que podría privilegiar su acceso a recursos y conocimientos, especialmente de las instituciones de educación superior.Se establecen mecanismos financieros de apoyo al emprendimiento y la innovación, pero será necesario asignar presupuesto para este instrumento, así como para la estrategia nacional de emprendimiento. Se menciona la inversión privada; sin embargo, se demandan profundas reformas legales para incentivar su presencia. La regulación educativa está incorporada en la ley para llevar a cabo el emprendimiento y la innovación. En lo sucesivo, será necesario incorporar programas de asociación y educación financiera.La concepción de programas articulados adecuados de emprendimiento, gestión, investigación y desarrollo, transferencia, financiamiento de I+D, networking y fortalecimiento del capital humano podría favorecer la innovación abierta. Sin embargo, son necesarias otros instrumentos en términos de divulgación de información, tributación, burocracia, mano de obra e inversión directa que permitan que surja la innovación abierta. El propósito del Gobierno es clave para garantizar la gobernanza, el estado de derecho y la rendición de cuentas de sí mismo y de los actores empresariales para garantizar la estabilidad y la prosperidad económica. CÓDIGO JEL: K, L25, L26 ; Le but d'un entrepreneuriat est de construire et de faire évoluer un modèle commercial durable à travers une entreprise. Le manque de ressources matérielles et immatérielles est souvent à ce stade très précoce. Selon des études antérieures, les nouvelles entreprises pourraient surmonter le manque de ressources, clé de leur succès, en établissant des relations avec des partenaires (mise en réseau) grâce à des processus d'innovation ouverte (IO). Cependant, la structure de chaque réseau affecte leurs propres processus et résultats ; les processus d'innovation et la structure du réseau se forment mutuellement. L'ouverture du processus d'innovation implique l'implication des startups dans des relations avec différentes typologies d'acteurs : Incubateurs, Grandes entreprises, Établissements d'enseignement supérieur, entre autres. Comprendre le rôle, la relation, la position et le pouvoir de chaque acteur dans l'écosystème nous permet d'identifier sa position dans le réseau qui est critique pour l'accès aux ressources.Déterminer le niveau de maturité de l'écosystème et ses interactions passe nécessairement par l'analyse du contexte entrepreneurial. Selon le Profil de l'entrepreneuriat équatorien (GEM, 2019), l'Équateur a une position forte en ce qui concerne les infrastructures physiques, les normes culturelles et sociales et l'éducation entrepreneuriale au stade post-scolaire par rapport aux médias du monde. Cependant, des indicateurs tels que les finances entrepreneuriales, les impôts et la bureaucratie, le soutien gouvernemental, les transferts de R&D et les programmes d'entrepreneuriat sont assez éloignés de la moyenne mondiale.En utilisant la nouvelle loi organique équatorienne pour l'entrepreneuriat et l'innovation (registre officiel n° 151, 2020) qui vise à fournir un cadre normatif qui encourage l'entrepreneuriat, l'innovation et le développement technologique, cet article analyse les éléments de centralité du réseau de startups en se concentrant sur:Acteurs principaux et nature de ces relations ;Les institutions qui occupent la position centrale dans le réseau;Partenariats et réseaux pour soutenir les processus et les résultats d'innovation;Mécanismes financiers pour soutenir l'entrepreneuriat et l'innovation; et,L'éducation pour réaliser des partenariats.En conséquence, le principal acteur déterminé par la loi est le CONEIN en tant qu'organe dirigeant et le Conseil consultatif de l'entrepreneuriat. La présence d'entrepreneurs individuels est rare. Bien que CONEIN occupe la position centrale dans le réseau, dans cet aspect, il s'agit d'une vaste opportunité pour le Conseil consultatif sur l'entrepreneuriat de stimuler la participation des membres du secteur privé et d'avoir une plus grande influence dans l'élaboration des politiques publiques. Selon la loi, les partenariats et les réseaux pour soutenir les processus et les résultats de l'innovation ne sont pas clairs, mais les entrepreneurs acquièrent une plus grande centralité dans l'écosystème qu'auparavant, ce qui pourrait privilégier leur accès aux ressources et aux connaissances, en particulier des établissements d'enseignement supérieur.Des mécanismes financiers pour soutenir l'esprit d'entreprise et l'innovation sont mis en place, mais seront nécessaires pour allouer un budget à cet instrument, ainsi qu'à la stratégie nationale pour l'esprit d'entreprise. L'investissement privé est évoqué, néanmoins de profondes réformes juridiques sont demandées afin d'encourager sa présence. La réglementation de l'éducation est incorporée dans la loi pour mener à bien l'entrepreneuriat et l'innovation. Dans l'au-delà, il faudra intégrer des programmes de partenariat et d'éducation financière.La conception de programmes articulés adéquats pour l'entrepreneuriat, la gestion, la recherche et le développement, le transfert, le financement de la R&D, la mise en réseau et le renforcement du capital humain pourrait favoriser l'innovation ouverte. Cependant, d'autres instruments sont nécessaires en termes de diffusion d'informations, de fiscalité, de bureaucratie, de main-d'œuvre et d'investissements directs qui permettent l'innovation ouverte. L'objectif du gouvernement est essentiel pour assurer la gouvernance, l'état de droit et la responsabilité de lui-même et des acteurs de l'entrepreneuriat afin d'assurer la stabilité et la prospérité économique. MOTS CLÉS: Entrepreneuriat, innovation ouverte, mise en réseau, structures de mise en réseau, performance, État de droit. CODE JEL: K, L25, L26 ; Lo scopo di un'imprenditorialità è costruire e scalare un modello di business sostenibile attraverso un'impresa. La mancanza di risorse materiali e immateriali è spesso in questa fase molto precoce. Secondo studi precedenti, nuove iniziative potrebbero superare la mancanza di risorse -chiave per il loro successo- formando relazioni con i partner (networking) attraverso processi di innovazione aperta (OI). Tuttavia, la struttura di ciascuna rete influisce sui propri processi e risultati; i processi di innovazione e la struttura di rete si plasmano reciprocamente. L'apertura del processo di innovazione implica il coinvolgimento delle startup nelle relazioni con diverse tipologie di attori: incubatori, grandi imprese, istituti di istruzione superiore, tra gli altri. Comprendere il ruolo, la relazione, la posizione e il potere di ciascun attore nell'ecosistema ci consente di identificare la sua posizione di rete che è fondamentale per l'accesso alle risorse.Per determinare il livello di maturità dell'ecosistema e le sue interazioni è necessario analizzare il contesto imprenditoriale. Secondo l'Ecuadorian Entrepreneurship Profile (GEM, 2019) l'Ecuador ha una posizione forte in relazione alle infrastrutture fisiche, alle norme culturali e sociali e all'educazione imprenditoriale nella fase post-scolastica rispetto ai media del mondo. Tuttavia, indicatori come le finanze imprenditoriali, le tasse e la burocrazia, il sostegno del governo, il trasferimento di ricerca e sviluppo e i programmi di imprenditorialità sono piuttosto lontani dalla media globale.Utilizzando la Legge organica ecuadoriana per l'imprenditorialità e l'innovazione di recente pubblicazione (Registro ufficiale n. 151, 2020) che mira a fornire un quadro normativo che incoraggi l'imprenditorialità, l'innovazione e lo sviluppo tecnologico, questo articolo analizza gli elementi di centralità della rete di startup concentrandosi su:Attori principali e natura di queste relazioni;Istituzioni che detengono la posizione centrale nella rete;Partnership e reti a supporto dei processi e dei risultati dell'innovazione;Meccanismi finanziari per sostenere l'imprenditorialità e l'innovazione; e,Educazione alla realizzazione di partenariati.Di conseguenza, l'attore principale determinato dalla legge è il CONEIN come organo di governo e il Consiglio consultivo per l'imprenditoria. Scarsa la presenza di imprenditori individuali. Sebbene CONEIN ricopra la posizione centrale nella rete, in questo aspetto rappresenta una vasta opportunità per il Consiglio consultivo per l'imprenditorialità per aumentare la partecipazione tra i membri del settore privato e avere una maggiore influenza nell'elaborazione delle politiche pubbliche. Per legge non sono chiari partenariati e reti a supporto dei processi e degli esiti dell'innovazione, ma gli imprenditori acquisiscono maggiore centralità nell'ecosistema rispetto a prima, che potrebbe privilegiare il loro accesso a risorse e conoscenze soprattutto da parte degli Istituti di istruzione superiore.Sono stati istituiti meccanismi finanziari per sostenere l'imprenditorialità e l'innovazione, ma sarà necessario stanziare budget per questo strumento, nonché per la strategia nazionale per l'imprenditorialità. Si parla dell'investimento privato, tuttavia si richiedono profonde riforme giuridiche per incentivarne la presenza. La regolamentazione dell'istruzione è incorporata nella legge per esercitare l'imprenditorialità e l'innovazione. In seguito, sarà necessario incorporare programmi di partenariato e di educazione finanziaria.La concezione di adeguati programmi articolati per l'imprenditorialità, la gestione, la ricerca e sviluppo, il trasferimento, il finanziamento di R&S, il networking e il rafforzamento del capitale umano potrebbe favorire l'innovazione aperta. Tuttavia, sono necessari altri strumenti in termini di rilascio di informazioni, tassazione, burocrazia, lavoro e investimenti diretti che consentono l'innovazione aperta. Lo scopo del governo è fondamentale per garantire la governance, lo stato di diritto e la responsabilità di se stesso e degli attori imprenditoriali per garantire stabilità e prosperità economica. PAROLE CHIAVE: Imprenditorialità, innovazione aperta, networking, strutture di rete, performance, stato di diritto. CODICE JEL: K, L25, L26 ; O objetivo de um empreendedorismo é construir e dimensionar um modelo de negócios sustentável por meio de uma empresa. A falta de recursos tangíveis e intangíveis costuma ocorrer nesse estágio inicial. De acordo com estudos anteriores, novos empreendimentos poderiam superar a falta de recursos-chave para seu sucesso- formando relacionamentos com parceiros (networking) por meio de processos de inovação aberta (OI). No entanto, a estrutura de cada rede afeta seus próprios processos e resultados; os processos de inovação e a estrutura da rede se moldam mutuamente. A abertura do processo de inovação implica o envolvimento das startups nas relações com diferentes tipologias de atores: Incubadoras, Grandes empresas, Instituições de Ensino Superior, entre outros. Compreender o papel, a relação, a posição e o poder de cada ator no ecossistema nos permite identificar sua posição na rede que é crítica para o acesso aos recursos.Para determinar o nível de maturidade do ecossistema e suas interações é necessário analisar o contexto do empreendedorismo. De acordo com o Perfil de Empreendedorismo Equatoriano (GEM, 2019), o Equador tem uma posição forte em relação à infraestrutura física, normas culturais e sociais e educação empreendedora na fase pós-escolar em comparação com a mídia do mundo. No entanto, indicadores como finanças empresariais, impostos e burocracia, apoio governamental, transferência de P&D e programas de empreendedorismo estão muito longe da média global.Utilizando a recém-publicada Lei Orgânica de Empreendedorismo e Inovação do Equador (Registro Oficial No. 151, 2020), que visa fornecer uma estrutura normativa que incentiva o empreendedorismo, a inovação e o desenvolvimento tecnológico, este artigo analisa os elementos de centralidade da rede de startups com foco em:Principais atores e a natureza dessas relações;Instituições que ocupam a posição central na rede;Parcerias e redes para apoiar processos e resultados de inovação;Mecanismos financeiros de apoio ao empreendedorismo e à inovação; e,Educação para realizar parcerias.Como conseqüência, o principal ator determinado por lei é o CONEIN como órgão regulador e o Conselho Consultivo de Empreendedorismo. A presença de empreendedores individuais é escassa. Embora o CONEIN detenha posição central na rede, nesse aspecto é uma grande oportunidade para o Conselho Consultivo de Empreendedorismo aumentar a participação dos membros do setor privado e ter maior influência na formulação de políticas públicas. Por lei, as parcerias e redes de apoio a processos e resultados de inovação não são claras, mas os empreendedores adquirem maior centralidade no ecossistema do que antes, o que poderia privilegiar seu acesso a recursos e conhecimentos, especialmente de instituições de ensino superior.Estão estabelecidos mecanismos financeiros de apoio ao empreendedorismo e inovação, mas serão necessários para alocar orçamento para este instrumento, bem como para a estratégia nacional de empreendedorismo. O investimento privado é mencionado, mas profundas reformas legais são exigidas de forma a incentivar a sua presença. A regulamentação da educação está incorporada na lei para realizar o empreendedorismo e a inovação. No futuro, será necessário incorporar programas de parceria e educação financeira.A concepção de programas articulados adequados para o empreendedorismo, gestão, pesquisa e desenvolvimento, transferência, financiamento de P&D, networking e fortalecimento do capital humano poderia favorecer a inovação aberta. No entanto, outros instrumentos são necessários em termos de divulgação de informações, tributação, burocracia, mão de obra e investimento direto que possibilitem a inovação aberta. O objetivo do Governo é fundamental para garantir a governança, o Estado de Direito e a responsabilidade de si mesmo e dos atores do empreendedorismo para garantir estabilidade e prosperidade econômica. PALAVRAS-CHAVE: Empreendedorismo, inovação aberta, networking, estruturas de networking, desempenho, Estado de Direito. CÓDIGO JEL: K, L25, L26
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Bertrand Badie on the Trump Moment, the Science of Suffering, and IR between Power and Weakness
Lire en français
IR retains a traditional focus on the game of power between states as its defining characteristic. But what, so asks Bertrand Badie, if this means that our discipline is based on a negation of our humanity? A giant in Francophone IR, Badie has labored to instead place human suffering at the center of analysis of the international, by letting loose sociological insights on a truly global empirical reality. In this Talk, Badie—amongst others—challenges the centrality of the idea of state power, which makes little sense in a world where most of the IR agenda is defined by issues emanating from state weakness; argues for the centrality of suffering to a more apt IR; and uses this to contextualize the Trump Moment.
Print version (pdf) of this Talk
What is (or should be), according to you, the biggest challenge / principal debate in current International Relations? What is your position or answer to this challenge / in this debate?
Unquestionably, it would be the matter of change. It is time to conceptualize, and further than that, to theorize the change that is happening in the field of International Relations (IR). Humans have always had the feeling that they are living in a period of upheaval, but contemporary IR is really characterized by several landmarks that illustrate the drastic extent of change. I see at least three of them.
The first one concerns the inclusive nature of the international system. For the first time in the history of mankind, the international system covers nearly the whole humanity, while the Westphalian system was an exclusively European dynamic in which the United States of America entered to turn it into a system, that I would call, Euro-North-American.
The second element, around which publications abound (see notably Mary Kaldor's work, Theory Talk #30), is the deep mutation of the nature of conflict. War used to be, in the Westphalian model, a matter of competition between powers. Today we have the feeling that weakness is replacing power, in that power cannot any longer function as central explanatory term of conflictual situations, which are rather manifestations of state weakness. Think of 'failing' or 'collapsing' states, which refers to the coming apart of nations that have been built badly as well as the deliquescence of social ties. This new form of conflictuality completely turns the international environment upside down and constitutes a second indicator of transformation.
The third aspect concerns mobility. Our international system used to be fully based on the idea of territory and boundaries, on the idea that fixity establishes the competences of States in a very precise way. In this perspective, the state refers to territory—as the definition given by Max Weber states very clearly—but today this territorial notion of politics is challenged by a full range of mobilities, composed of international flows that can be either material, informational, or human.
These are three indicators illustrating a deep transformation of the inner nature of IR that encourage me to speak about 'intersocial relations' rather than 'interstate relations'. The notion of interstate relations no longer captures the entirety of the global game. Our whole theory of IR was based on the Westphalian model as it came out of the peace of Westphalia, as it was confirmed by the accomplishment of the nation-state construction process and as it dominated the historical flow of international events until the fall of the Berlin wall.
Until the fall of the wall, all that was not related to Europe or to the United States of America, or more precisely North-America, was simply called 'periphery', which says enough. Today, by contrast, the periphery is central at least regarding conflictuality. We should therefore drop our Westphalian prism and build up new analytical tools for IR that would take these mutations as their point of departure. Doing away with our Westphalian approach to IR would mean questioning both our classical IR theories and questioning the practical models of action in international politics, which means the uses of diplomacy and warfare.
How did you arrive at where you currently are in your thinking about International Relations?
You know when we write, when we work, we are first of all influenced by our dissatisfaction. The classical Westphalian approach to IR, as I said earlier, did not satisfy me as I had the feeling that it was focusing on events that no longer had the importance that we kept giving them—for instance the arms race, great power politics, or the traditional diplomatic negotiations—while I was seeing, maybe this was the trigger, that the greatest part of suffering in the world was coming from places that IR theory was not really covering.
I have always told my students that IR is the science of human suffering. This suffering exists of course where we are—in Europe, in North America, they exist everywhere in the world—but the greatest part is outside of the Westphalian area, so the classical approach to IR gives a marginal and distorted image. Africa and the Middle East seen through the Westphalian prism are a dull image, strongly different from the extraordinary wealth, both for good and bad, that these areas of the world have. I've also always held that in a world where 6 to 9 million people starve to death each year, the main foci of traditional IR were derisory. Even terrorism, to which we collectively attribute so much importance, hardly comes near how important a challenge food security is.
My three latest books take a stand against traditional IR theories. In Diplomacy of Connivance (2012) I tried to show that the great power game is really a game way that is much more integrated than we usually say and that this game plays out in all multilateral fora. There is indeed a club, and that is precisely what I wanted to describe, a club of powers—one which results to the detriment of less powerful members in the international system.
In Le Temps des humiliés ('the era of the humiliated', 2014), I tried to crystallize what the classical theory could not express, which is domination seen through the lens of the dominated, humiliation as felt by the humiliated, violence as experienced by the desperate. For instance, even if we look at powers as accomplished as China today—sharing the first place with the USA in terms of GDP—we have to admit that their historical experience of humiliation constitutes a huge source of inspiration when it comes to the elaboration of its foreign policy.
And then, in my last book Nous ne sommes plus seuls au monde ('we are no longer alone in the world', 2016), this critique was even more explicit. We are writing an IR that encompasses only about one billion of human beings, while forgetting all the others. Today it is simply no longer true that these old powers are setting the international agenda. Global politics today is written by the little, the weak, the dominated; often with recourse to extreme forms of violence, but this needs to be analyzed and understood, which would mean to totally change the IR theory.
We should not forget that in large part, IR theory was a given as the USA triumphed in 1945. The well-known 'great power politics' that dominates traditional IR theory, inaugurated by Morgenthau and supported by so many others, described what was true at that time: the ability of American power to set us free from the Nazi monster. Today the challenge is strongly different, and it is by the way meaningful that two of the greatest American internationalist political scientists, Robert Keohane (TheoryTalk #9) and Ned Lebow (Theory Talk #53), have both written books that elude to the end of this global order (respectively After Hegemony and Goodbye Hegemony). Well what interests me is exactly to dig into what comes after hegemony.
What would a student need to become a specialist in International Relations or understand the world in a global way?
First of all, I would advise them to rename their science, as I said earlier, and to call it intersocial relations. The future of what we call IR comes down to the ability to understand the extremely rich, multiple and diversified interactions that are happening among and across the world's societies. It does not mean that we have to completely abandon the state-centric perspective, but rather dethrone states from the middle of this multiplicity of actors in order to realize how very often these states are powerless when faced with these different actors. That would be my first advice.
My second advice would be to look ahead and not back. Do not let yourself be dominated by the Westphalian model, and to try to build up what we need—since almost nothing has been done yet today to construct this post-Westphalian, meta-Westphalian model. Beyond power, there are things that we still misidentify or overlook while they are the driving forces of today's and tomorrow's IR. From this point of view, sociology could prove particularly useful. I consider, for instance, that Émile Durkheim is a very important inspiration to understand the world today. Here is an author to study and to apply to IR.
The third advice that I would give them would be to not forget that IR or intersocial relations are indeed the sciences of human suffering. We should be able to place suffering at the core of the thinking. We've lost far too much time staring at power, now it is time to move on to place human suffering at the center. Why? First of all because it is ethically better; maybe will we be able to learn from it? But also because in today's actual international politics suffering is more proactive than power, which is not necessarily optimistic but if recognized, would allow us a better questioning of new forms of conflictuality. Perhaps unfortunately, the international agenda is no longer fixed with canons, but with tears. Maybe this is the key point on which we should concentrate our reflection.
Your insistence on placing suffering at the center of IR scholarship seems to place you firmly alongside those who recognize "grievance" ratherthan "greed" as a central logic of international politics. What do you make of this parallel?
You are right: the idea of grievance, of recrimination, is a structuring logic of the international game today. We did not see it coming for two reasons. First of all because our traditional analysis of international politics presupposed a unity of time, as if the African time, the Chinese time, the Indian time and the European time where all identical. Yet this is completely wrong because we, in our European culture, have not understood that before Westphalia there were political models, political histories, that profoundly marked the people that would then shape contemporary politics. Remember that China is 4000 years of empire, remember that precolonial Africa was composed of kingdoms, empires, civilizations, philosophies, arts... Remember that India also is multi-millenary. The Westphalian time came to totally deny and crush this temporality, this historicity, almost in a negationist way, which means that, in the spirit of those who were defending the Westphalian model, only this model was associated to the Renaissance; and that the age of enlightenment and reason with a big R had a calling to reformat the world as if it were a hard drive. This was a senseless bet, a bet for which our European ancestors who led it had excuses because at that time we did not know all these histories, at that time we did not have all the knowledge we today have of the other and thus we simply resolved it, through the negation of alterity. Yet, IR ought on the contrary aspire to the accomplishment of alterity. Inevitably, all those who saw themselves denied their historicity, over several centuries and even several millenaries, accumulated a feeling of recrimination, of particularly deep grievances.
The second element is that all of this happened in a context of disequilibrium of power resources, linked to different factors that reflected indeed the fact that at a given moment of time western powers were both literally and figuratively better armed than other societies. Abovementioned negation of alterity was mapped onto, and amplified, by the forceful imposition of a multilateral system that turned into the worst situation, into a proclaimed hierarchy of cultures; as a result and there were, as Jules Ferry put it in the France of the 19th century, 'races'; as in, 'We have the obligation to educate inferior races'. It is not the beginning of history, but it is the beginning of a history of humiliation. And through subsequent waves of globalization, this humiliation has turned into a central nerve running through international life. A nerve that has been used by both the powerful, who made a tool out of humiliating the others to better dominate them (think here of the opium wars, colonization) and simultaneously a nerve that fed the reaction of mobilization in the extra-Westphalian world by those that had to stand up against those who were humiliating them. So you see how it truly lies at the basis of IR. In my mind, it became a forceful paradigm, it explains everything, even though others factors continue to weigh in on actual dynamics.
In order to appreciate all this, we need a sociological approach, which has for me two aspects. Both these aspects must be considered together for the approach to be well understood. The first one is a timeless aspect, which is to consider that everywhere and in all eras politics is a social product. Politics cannot be understood as somehow outside society. This I would say contradicts the majority of IR scholars, who believe excessively in the autonomy of politics and of the state—even if only for analytical purposes. The second element of this sociological approach is the historical or temporal component. That is what I was talking about earlier: with globalization the social fabric strongly progressed compared to the political fabric, and considering that intersocial relations grew, we need a sociological approach to understand them.
Do you think that the Trump period constitutes a fundamental break with the conduct of IR?
Trump himself maybe not, but what he represents certainly. If we look at the USA today we see, since the new millennium, three models succeeding each other. After 11-09 there was a time of neo-conservatism where globalization was considered by American leaders as a means or maybe a chance to universalize the American model, willingly or not. By force, as was the case in Iraq in 2003. This model failed.
This lead to a second model which I would describe as a liberal model, neo-liberal, incarnated by Obama who learnt from the lessons of the failure of neo-conservatism, and had the courage to question the hypothesis hitherto considered as indisputable of American leadership in the world, and who considered that the USA could win only through soft power or smart power or free-trade. That is the reason why Obama was just a little bit interventionist and was counting a lot on the TTIP and on all these transregional agreements.
With Trump we arrive at a third model, one that I would call neo-nationalist, that looks at globalization in a different way. In his perspective, globalization constitutes a chance to satisfy the national American interests. The idea of the national comes back after a long interlude of a globalizing vision. It does not mean that we are not interventionist anymore. What happened in Syria proves it. It means that we will intervene not according to the needs of globalization but rather to American interests. It is about sharing a strong and powerful image of the USA on the one hand and on the other serving the concrete interests of the American people and nation.
This neo-nationalist model is not defended only by Trump, that is the reason why I was saying that we should not consider Trump individually. We find it exactly the same way with Putin. We find it by many other world leaders, such as Erdogan or Duterte or Victor Orbán—really different figures—or Marshal Sissi in Egypt.
We find it as well in attitudes, for instance Brexit in Great Britain, in right-wing neo-populism in Europe: Ms. Le Pen, Mr. Wilders... or in a certain left-wing neo-populism as Mélenchon in France. It is in the air, seeming almost a passing fad. But it constitutes perhaps a double rupture within IR. First of all because since the emergence of globalization, let's say around the 70's, the national interest as a thought category was bit by bit replaced with approaches in terms of collective goods. Today by contrast we witness the abandonment of this image of collective goods for a return to the national interest. This is very clear in Trump's renouncing of the COP21 of Paris. At the same time, second, this constitutes some form of the rehabilitation of the idea of power, which again seeps into the language of IR.
You know the IR scholar is not a neutral person, we have to use our science towards positive action and for the definition of sound public policies. Going against the idea of collective goods, casting doubt on the ideas of human security, environmental security, food security, and sanitary security is extremely dangerous because the composition of national interests and egoism will never converge to a globally coherent policy. It is the weak that will suffer first.
And the same time that power is reinstated as a driving principle of IR praxis, the paradox is that great powers are becoming more and more powerless. If we look only since 1989, and ask, when did state power ever triumph in IR? Where did the strongest ever find a battleship enabling him to resolve a problem to his benefit and according to his goals? Never. Not in Somalia, not in Afghanistan, not in Iraq, not in Syria, not in Palestine. Nowhere. Not in Sahel, not in the Democratic Republic of the Congo. Nowhere. So I am a little worried, indeed, about this naive and old-fashioned rehabilitation of state power.
Can we say that globalization, or rather the ambition of integration at either the European or global scale, has failed? Can today be considered a good moment to bury of the idea of integration?
I do not like burials, it is not an expression that I would use, but your question is very pertinent. For around twenty years I have been saying and teaching that regional integration constituted an intermediary and realistic level of adaptation between the era of the nation state and that of globalization, which means that I believed for a long time that regional integration was the final step towards a global governance of the world.
I thought for a long time that what was not possible at the global scale, a global government, was possible at the regional level and this would already strongly simplify the world map and thus go in the way of this adhesion to the collective dimension required by globalization. Nevertheless, not only Europe suffers a setback, but all the regional constructions in the world are in a similar situation. Mr. Trump openly shoves the NAFTA agreement, MERCOSUR is down as every State that is composing it has recriminations against it, and we could extend the list… All the forms of integration that have been set by Chavez around his Bolivian ideal have ceased to exist; Africa progresses very slowly in terms of regional integration; the Arab Maghreb Union, which is an essential device, totally failed. Thus indeed the situation does not look good.
In the case of Europe there is a double phenomenon: on the one hand, there is this really grave failure due to the secession of Great Britain from Europe, and then there is a general malaise of the European model. Brexit is really rare, if you look at the contemporary history of IR it is simply unprecedented that a state shuts the door on a regional or global organization. As far as I remember, it only happened a few times before, with Indonesia in the UN in 1964, which lasted only 19 months. It happened with Morocco with the African Union and Morocco is currently reintegrating in it. This British situation came as a thunderbolt, worsened by the fact that paradoxically it is not so much because of regional integration that the British voted against the European Union. It was more from an anti-migration, xenophobic and nationalist (in reference to that nationalism trend that I was earlier talking about) perspective and what is dramatic is that we can clearly see that the nationalist sentiment is really attacking the inner principles of regional integration.
I was saying that in the European case there are internal problems which run even deeper than the British defection, and I will underline at least two of them. First of all there is a democratic deficit of Europe, meaning that Europe was not able to match electoral spaces with the ones where decisions get made; people still vote at the national level while the decisions are taken in Brussels. In consequence, democratic control over these decisions is extremely weak. How to resolve this equation? And here the breakdown is total since very few people are coming up with suggestions. The other factor of this crisis is, according to me, the fact that Europe has been built with success after World War II in a progressive way around association and indeed, Durkheim proved it, the integrative logic makes sense. Unity makes strength and it did make strength once in Europe to prevent war, a third World War, and secondly to encourage the reconstruction of European countries where economy was totally collapsed. This time is now over and it is the fault of Europe to not have known how to recontextualize itself, to react to the new contexts.
Paying one more time tribute to Durkheim who guessed it right, Durkheim said that there are two ways of constructing social ties: around association and around solidarity. I think that the time of association is now over, we should enter in the time of solidarity, which does not consist in saying 'We Germans are associated with Greece', but rather 'We Germans are joined together with Greece because we know that if Greece collapses, in a long term perspective, we will suffer the consequences'. Thus this idea of fundamental unity is an idea that has been a little bit overlooked, abandoned by the Europeans and now they find themselves in a complete paralysis.
Is the decolonization period still having an impact on contemporary IR?
Oh totally, totally. I would first say because it is a major event in the field of IR, which made the World switch from 51 sovereign States of the UN in 1945 to 193 today but above all, a very aggravating circumstance, is that this decolonization has been a complete failure and this failure weighs enormously on international politics.
It has been a failure because decolonization assumed the format of copying the western state model in countries that were accessing independence, while this model was not necessarily adapted, which provoked a proliferation of failed states, and these collapsed states had a terrible effect on IR.
Secondly because decolonization should have led to the enrichment and to the substantial modification of multilateralism, by creating new institutions able to take charge of new challenges resulting from decolonization. Yet, except the creation of UNCTAD in 1964 and of UNDP in 1965, there have been very little innovations in terms of global governance. Thus global governance remains dominated by what I earlier called 'the club', which means the great powers from the north, and this is very dysfunctional for the management of contemporary crises. Then also because the ancient colonial powers happen to find new forms of domination that did somehow complicate the international game. Thus in fact decolonization is a daily aspect of the crisis that the international system faces today.
In conclusion, which question should we have asked? In other terms, which question have we forgot?
I found your questions very pertinent as it allowed the discussion of themes that I consider essentials. Now, the big problem that makes me worry is the great gap between the analysts and the actors in IR. I am not saying that the analysts understood everything, far from it, but I think that IR theorists are very conscious of some of these transformations I have mentioned. If you look at some great authors such as James Rosenau, Ned Lebow or Robert Keohane, to name just a few—there are way more—they all contributed to the reconstruction of IR.
What truly strikes me is the autism of political actors, they think that they are still at the time of the Congress of Vienna and that is an extraordinary source of tension. Thus as long as this spirit of change does not reach political actors, maybe Barack Obama was the first one to enter this game and then the parenthesis was closed, as long as there will not be this move towards the discovery of a new world, maybe as well through the inclusion in our reflection about the international fabric such partners as China, it is not normal that this very powerful China does not have any choice but to share the paradigm and the model of action proper to occidental diplomacy, as long as we would not have done this precise effort, well, we will remain in the negation of the human, and that is the essential problem today, we are unable to understand that at the end there is just one unity, which is the human being.
I had the chance to visit 105 countries and everywhere I met the same men and the same women, with their pain, with their happiness, their hardship, their joy, their sorrow, their needs that were everywhere identical. As long as we will not understand that, well, we will be living in a world that is in total contradiction with what it is truly and essentially. We will live in a world of artifice and thus a world of violence.
Related links
Read Badie's The Arab Spring: A starting point (SER Études 2011) here (pdf)
Issue 26.6 of the Review for Religious, 1967. ; i~onfessions o~ Religious W~men by Sister M. Denis, S.O.S. 981 Protestant Women in Religion by Elsie Gibson 1 O11 ¯ Postulancy, Noviceship, Profession by Jbseph F. Gallen, S.J.~ 1i326 Self-Study for Renewal 0 :: by Benedict M. As.Key, O.P. 1034 The Secular Religious by George B. Murray, S.J. 1047 Renewal in Historical Perspective by Eugene A. L~Verdiere, S.S.S. 1056 From a Johannine Desert by John T. Carrnody, S.J. 1065 Religious Vocation: A Decision by Sister M. Cordula, C.S.A. 1081 Guidelines for Formation by Robert Y. O'Brien, S:J. 1090 Indwelling Summit by T~omas Dubay, S.M. 1094 Paper in Religious Life by Richard M. McKeon, S.J. 1113 The Infused Gift of Humility by Joseph de Guibert, S.J. 1117 Poems 1129 \ Views, News, Previews 1130 Questions and Answers 1134 Book Reviews 1140 1967 Indexes 1163 VO~.UME 26 NUMBER 6 November 1967 NOTICE TO SUBSCRIBERS On February 1, 1968, P~viEw voR RELIGIOUS will pub-lish clothbound reprints of volumes 21 to 25 (1962-1966) inclusive of the REwEw. These clothbound reprints will cost $7.50 each per volume or $37.50 for all five volumes. However, until January 31, 1968, these volumes will be sold at a special prepublication price o[ $6.00 per volume or $30.00 for the entire set of five volumes, provided that orders are accompanied by lull payment in U.S.,'I. [unds and are postmarked on or belore January 31, 1968. The first twenty volumes (1942-1961) inclusive of the P~v~Ew have already been reprinted in twenty cloth-bound volumes. These normally sell at $6.50 per volume or $130.00 for the set o[ twenty. However, from November 15, 1967, to January 31, 1968, inclusive, they will be sold at the special price of $5.00 per volume or $100.00 for the set of twenty. On February 1, 1968, and thereafter the price of these first twenty volumes of the REvIEw will return to their normal price of $6.50 per volume. Postage and carriage costs will be paid by the R~vi~w when full payment in U.S.A. funds accompanies orders; in other cases postage and carriage costs will be charged to the purchaser. Orders for all the above should be sent to: REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 612 Humboldt Building 539 North Grand Boulevard St. Lbuis, Missouri 63103 SISTER M. DENIS, S.O.S. The Confessions of Religious Women INTRODUL'I~ION As was apparent from Part I of this study,* few priest-confessors and sister-penitents are satisfied with the pres-ent situation of the confessions of women religious. Eleven serious problem areas were defined through questionnaires answered by both priests and sisters. The purpose of the second half of this study is to present some practical suggestions towards solving these prob-lems, including fundamental changes in attitude, changes in exterior structures, and modifications in canon law and liturgical rites in an effort to render this encounter of the religious woman with the forgiving Christ as meaningful as possible. The sudden death of Father J. A. Glarmont, C.Ss.R., one of the original co-authors of this study, has affected the viewpoint of the present paper. Many of the ideas contained therein, particularly those pertaining to the role of the confessor, are taken from the notes of and previous discussions with the late Father Clarmont. May this understanding priest, who dedicated many years as a confessor to women religious, continue to guide con-fessors and sisters by his spirit and his intercession with the forgiving Christ. 1. The Problem of Change (a) ,4pproaches to Change. Change for the sake of change or haphazard approaches to change may be of little value and may, in fact, perpetrate much harm. In Part I we have attempted to analyze those factors which tend to render the sacrament of penance less meaningful, thus clearly defining our objectives. In the present paper we shall attempt to apply modern sacra- ¯ The first part of this study appeared in REvmw FOR RELIGIOUS, v. 26 (19fi7), pp. 581-fi03. Sister M. Denis, S.O~q., writes from 62 Hargrave St.; Winnipeg 1, Mani-toba; Canada. VOLUME 26, 1967 981 REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 982 mental theology to the existential sittiation. Finally, we shall complement our findings with the many sound positive suggestions from the questionnaires returned by the priest-confessors and sister-penitents. On the part of the priest and sister reader, we caution wisdom to dis-cern what changes can be affected in their own particular situations. Present structures cannot be transformed immediately. Although many of the conditions surrounding the con-fessions of women religious are deplorable, the funda-mental change is a reorientation of one's own attitude through deeper knowledge, prayerful insight, and subse-quent personal renewal. Therefore, the following sug-gestions will derive their greatest practicality from their bearing on current conditions. However, we must avoid the temptation to rest in the present situation. Ultimate reform of present structures by reasonable means and through proper channels should be the concern of every priest-confessor and sister penitent. (b) Means of Effecting Changes. Individuals must never lose sight of the truism that changes ar~ effected by people in the concrete, not ideas in the abstract. The most practical and lasting changes are those which proceed from personal experience, not those which are' imposed from above. With respect to the confessions of women religious, grassroot discussions should take place within each convefit among the sisters concerning their particular problems. The difficulties revealed in Part I of the present study might serve as guidelines for these discussions. Then a frank and open dialogue between the confessor(s) and sisters of a given convent would re-sult in greater mutual understanding concerning the various aspects of this sacrament. The questionnaires revealed serious misunderstandings, primarily due to lack of open communication. With the rapid growth of diocesan synods and diocesan committees of religious, suitable channels are being instituted for effective pres-entation of these problems and suggestions to the re-spective bishops. And finally, the principle of collegiality and the corresponding strengthening of regional con-ferences of bishops augur much hope for efficacious ac-tion in alleviating many of the problems surrounding the confessions of women religious. THEOLOGICAL DIMENSIONS OF PENANCE The familiar parable of the prodigal son (Luke 15) has been cast by Christ in a certain framework which has value for our consideration of the sacrament of pen-ance. Refreshingly free of the juridical elements that have dominated theological thought for centuries con- cerning penance, the parable illustrates the dynaJic and positive aspects of this sacrament. For the sake of Iclarity we shall refer to these aspects as the personal, inierper-sonal, ecclesial or communal, and cultal dimensions of the sacrament of penance. Indeed, these dlmenstons I are blended so carefully in the parable that only~ upon careful reflection can each be distinguished from the others¯ The son has sinned against the father. His sin a d con-sequent remorse, repentance, and conversion are not mere applications of some remote abstraction; t~ey are intensely personal. "! am dying of hunger. I will leave this place.1 have sinned." x As a sinful person, the prodigal presents himself to his father and seeks for-giveness. The immediate drama of forgiveness takes plaice be-tween two persons. In acknowledgang hts sxn the son declared, ". I will go to my lather and say: Father, have sinned against heaven and against you.' "2[ Sin is the disruption of an interpersonal relationship with the Father. Of the father we read: He ran to the boy, clasped h~m xn hxs arms and kissed hlm tend.erly.' The sinful person is received by the forgiving person. In this forgiving encounter the movement is not all one-sided. When the son came into view, the father ~ran to . him. The very acts of repentance and corresp?nding forgiveness with the bestowal of gifts, amid great joy and happiness, flow from an intense love between father and son. It is clear, however, that the act of loving forgiveness goes beyond the re-establishment of relations between father and son. There is a real need to celebrate this event in the community. Announcing the return [of the son to the entire household, the father called for group festivities. The manner or cult of the celebration was c~efully specified. The best robe, a ring and sandals were or-dered for the son. In a common eating of the lfatted calf the entire community, with music and dancing, re-joiced at the return of the prodigal. To the eider son's I angry objections over such a display, the father's answer I indicated that the real nature of forgaveness has per-sonal, interpersonal, communal, and cultal dimensions: "My son, you are with me always and all I t~ave is yours. But it was only right we should celebrate and re- XLk 15:18. All scriptural quotations are taken from T~e Jeru-salem Bible edited by Alexander Jones (Garden City: Doubleday, ~ Lk 15:18. e Lk 15:21. ÷ ÷ ÷ Contessions ol Religious Women VOLUME 26, 1967 983 4, 4, Sister M. Denis, S.O .S REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 984 joice, because your brother here was dead and has come to life; he was lost and is found." 4 In discussing these dimensions as they relate to the confessions of women religious, two errors should be avoided; first, that the apparent divisiveness caused by separating each dimension from the others be not trans-ferred to the unity found in the sacramental encounter; and second, that one dimension be not emphasized to the detriment or exclusion of the others. In no way are we attempting a complete theology of the sacrament of penance. 1. Personal Dimension In ~he past some confusion regarding the nature of penance has resulted from a mistaken notion of the per-sonal dimension of this sacrament. The result of this confusion, in which the words "private" and "personal" were often erroneously interchanged,led to a dichotomy between theory and practice. Theoretically, penance was upheld as a public act of the Church, but in practice it was reduced to a private act of an individual. While always a personal act, penance is never a private act. The personal dimension of penance is essentially a conver-sion. Sin itself is personal. When approaching the sacrament of penance, one comes to accuse, not excuse oneself. Seeing sin as a transgression of a law, a mere external act or even as a failure in one's own moral growth is not to comprehend it as a personal rebellion against God. "The Old Testament. concept of sin is, as it were, the reverse of the Old Testament concept of God." 5 More than a mere act, sin is a state or condition of the person who has turned from his original commit-ment to God. According to St. Thomas Aquinas, the matter of the sacrament of penance is the very person of the penitent:6 "Leave me, Lord; I am a sinful man." 7 Before shedding this burden, the sinner must first ac-knowledge it as his own. In the initial acts of the sacra-ment of penance the penitent assumes his responsibility for and accuses himself of this sinful condition. Thus, the religious in the devotional confession approaches the sacrament as a sinful person. Far too much emphasis in such confessions has been placed on the legalistic recital of specific acts and not enough on the condition of the sinner. ¯ Lk 15:31-2. ~ Louis F. Hartman, C.Ss.R., (tr.), Encyclopedic Dictionary oI the Bible (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1963), p. 415. 6St. Thomas Aquinas, Summa theologiae (New York: Benziger, 1947), 3, 84, 1, Reply Obj. 1, 2, 3. 7 Lk 5:8. It follows, then, that the sorrow of the sinful ]~erson must likewise be personal: a sorrow which emanate from the sinner's very being, a sorrow which is rooted in the fact of her sinful condition, a sorrow which resul~s in a conversion of the whole person to God. Neither regret nor remorse are adequate expressions of true sorrow. Re-gret applies primarily to actions for which one is not personally responsible. Remorse, on the other h~{nd, is a counterfeit of true sorrow and falls short of the~ mark in that it remains preoccupied with one's own ~ainful condition with no desire for reparation. True sorrow, however, is found in a theologically and psychologically sound understanding of repentance which spnngs from faxth, is sustained by hope, and culminates ~n love." s At the heart of true repentance is a vital movement of hope--that hope which ~nspirIe .s the sinful person to return to the Father who fo~rglves. Within this context of hope the sinful person experi-ences contrition or sorrow of a communal and personal nature--communal because of the evil done to the [Chris-tian community, and personal because of the evil done to oneself by offending the Holy Spirit. Note, however, the other-centeredness' or love-centereOness ot tins repentance. Another characteristic of true repentance is a s~ncere humility in which the sinful person perceives his situation with truth. Essential to the notion of re-pentance is also the desire for reparation--"a ppsitive loving attitude which he must adopt m order to sausfy for the evil committed insofar as that is possible." The whole dynamism of repentahce culminates' in a turning of the whole person to God: Even if there should be no new sins since the previo,~s con-fession or if sin has already been forgiven in previous sacra-ments and contrition, the Christian, e.g., in the devotional con-fession, stillengages in meaningful action: he makes sacrament or sign to God that he is a sinner, contrite and grateful in praise of God s mercy. He witnesses sorrow not merely for sepa-rate acts of sin, but sorrow that he the person has separated himself from the Father's love. He witnesses the turning, re-begun or continued, of his whole person back to the Fatt~er.1° In this sense we speak of the personal dimensioni ~f the sacrament of penance as metanoia or conversion:l"It is not the unconditional absolution, but the 'sacramentali-zation' of the human acts which constitutes, wi~h the pardon certified by the words of the priest, the [ ;acra-s Charles Davis, "Penance," an unpublished lecture deliv red at The Divine Word Centre; London, Ontario, on October 12,11966. ~ Pierre Remy, S.M., "Theolog~ of the Sacrament of P~nance" in M.-B. Carra de Vaux Saint:Cyr et al., The Sacrament of ~enance (Glen Rock: Paulist Press, 1966), p. 69. / ~°Roderick Hindery, O.S.B., "Penance, the Sacrament 6f Con-version," Homiletic and Pastoral Review, v. 65 (1964), p. 205. ÷ ÷ ÷ Ctmtessions oI Religious Women VOLUME 26, 1967 985 ¯ ment of Penance." ix Thus the sacrament of penance is not limited to the confession-absolution encounter with the representative of the Church, but begins with the repentance of the sinful person. Indeed, this very move-ment of conversion, usually prior to the confession-ab-. solution encounter in our present rite, is one of the first fruits of penance: When a person has reached an achieved repentance in the sense of having reached .the moment of charity and the return to God in justifying charit); before confession, yet his con-version still needs to be rendered stable through the comple-tion of its ecclesial expression and in continuing the process of conversion is thus con-solidated, completed, in thus being fully expressed ecclesially. The whole process is sacramental and the sacrament continues to be effective because it continues to em-body and thus consolidates and intensifies the conversion.= ÷ ÷ ÷ Sister M. Denis, $.0.$ REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 986 2. Interpersonal Dimension Helpful in alleviating much of the routine that fre-quently accompanies the reception of penance is a deep understanding, enlightened by faith, of the sacrament as an encounter with Christ. This encounter is the very essence of the interpersonal dimension of penance. As stated in the previous section, the personal aspect of penance is essentially a conversion. This conversion is a recognition of, a turning toward Christ. In our sin-fulness we meet Christ, but we refuse to recognize Him. In our repentance we turn toward Christ in the mystery of His death and resurrection. Our actions must ex-press, must symbolize effectually the application of His death-resurrection in our lives. By this metanoia we die to our sin and rise to a new life in Him. The very act of repentance, the beginning of the sacramental process, is an encounter with the risen Christ, who is the source of the sinner's conversion. As a commemora-tive sign, penance actualizes those historically unrepeat-able actions of Christ. In this sense the sacrament brings about the same process of transformation undergone by Christ in His death-resurrection,la The encounter with the death-resurrection of Christ by one's own death to sin finds its fullest expression in the Church. Not only is the human community of the Church the embodiment of Christ in the world today, but the Church, through the sacraments makes Christ's redemptive action present in a particular time and place. Because penance is an action of Christ who embodies forgiveness through the Church's liturgical action and = Dom Claude Jean-Nesmy, Conscience and ConIession (Chicago: Franciscan Herald, 1965), p. 41. = Davis, "Penance." ~ Davis, "Penance." an action of the penitent who expresses sorrow arid re-pentance, it is an intense interpersonal encounter ~f per-son with Person. Charles Davis expresses this sacramen-tal encounter as "a meeting point where mutual personal union comes to fruition in an embrace and is~ thus intensified. Christ is present to us and we to Hiha." In the confession-absolution encounter--be it "com-munal or individual--Christ is present to us through the words and actions of His Church; we are present to~ Him through our words and actions acknowledging our sin-fu~ condition. Too often the interpersonal dimension of penance on the purely human level is either overlooked or Imini-mized. In auricular confession this encounter of Christ and the penitent is externally symbolized by thle hu-man encounter of the confessor and the penitent ~vhich . should be as meaningful as conditions and personah-ties permit. They should be present to one another as persons, not as automatons: "The sinner has ~o be brought into contact with God through his relatlqnshap with his confessor, as one man to another." 15 IJnfor-tunately, the present rite and traditional practices £re-quently militate against this mutual personal presence on the human level. 3. Ecclesial Dimension In considering the personal dimension of penance we have discussed the nature of the sinner's conversion; in examining the interpersonal dimension of penance we have attempted to describe how the sacrament is an en-counter not only with Christ's representative but with Christ Himself. This personal repentance, this personal conversion must be within the context of the Christian community. The sacramental meeting with Christ like-wise, takes place in and through the Church. No~ only as the sacrament of penance a gaft to each andivadual sinner, but it is also a gift to the Church as a ~,hole. Women religious belong to the People of God especially through their respective ~ommunities'bythe evangehcal~ " counsels which "join their followers to the Church and her mystery in a special way." 10 Therefore, the com-munal dimension of penance should have a special meaning for sisters whose mode of life is a visibl~ sign of the community life of the Church. | The current sacramental rite and practices dd not, 1~ Charles Davis; "The Sacraments Linked with Grace," a lecture delivered at The Divine Word Centre; London, Ontario, (Jctober 6, 1966. ~Adrienne von Speyr, Conlession, the Encounter with C ist in Penance(Montreal: Palm Publishers, 1964), p. 209. :e Dogmatic Constitution on the Church, paragraph 44. 4. 4. Conlessions oy Religious Women VOLUME 26, 1967 987 4. 4. 4. $i~ter M. Denis~ $.0.S. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 988 as yet, adequately emphasize the presence of the ecdesial community. Nevertheless, the sacramental actions of re-pentance and the avowal of one's condition of sinful-ness signify the reconciliation and intensification of the penitent's union with the community, the People of God, the Body of Christ. Sound theology has always stressed the ecclesial character of penance: The res or thing, states Saint Thomas, which this sacrament, like the Eucharist, signifies, is ultimately the unity of the Church which sin disrupts, thereby affecting indirectly every member's life and strength in Christ.1. More recently, Schillebeeckx writes: The ecclesial effect of the Sacrament of Penance is recon-ciliation with the Church as the Sacrament of our reconciliation with God in Christ. The Church is the earthly manifestation of God's redeeming mercy, and confession is visible contact with the Church precisely under this aspect. It establishes us in the ecclesial status of penitents who, by the performance of the penance required by the Church and through the mercy of her absolution, become reconciled with God Himself.as From the first part of this study it was evident that many sisters and confessors had little or no realiza-tion of the ecclesial value of penance. The importance of this dimension is a theme which will be repeatedly stressed throughout the second part of this study. The spirituality of religious is shifting from a strongly in-dividualistic piety to a more balanced understanding of their solidarity with their brothers and sisters in Christ. With this deeper understanding of their social involvement, sin and consequent repentance will be re-alized more efficaciously in its relation to the hindrance or promotion of the reign of Christ in His Church upon earth. In the early Church the ecclesial character of pen-ance was so strongly emphasized that private confes-sion similar to the form in use today was not common until the seventh century. Although penance at this time was received only once in a person's life, the char-acteristic features of this early rite bring into sharp focus the communal and ecclesial nature of the sacra-ment. During this time the state of the sinful person corresponded directly to his exterior situation in the Christian community. After a private confession of sins to the bishop and a public avowal of one's interior state the penitent was cut off from participation in the Eu-charistic celebrations and the prayers of the commun-ity. When he attended the Liturgy of the Word, he re- 1~ Hindery, "Penance, the Sacrament of Conversion," p. 207. aSE. Schillebeeckx, O.P., Christ the Sacrament o] the Encounter with God (New York: Sheed and Ward, 1963), p. 174. mained in sackcloth and ashes at the back of the Church: "In response the entire community prayed for him, join-ing its penance to his. To state it another way, the prayers and penance of the guilty ones were assumed into those of the community." 19 Just before Easter, if the bishop deemed the sinner to be wholly converted to God, he was dramatically ad-mitted to complete reconciliation with the Church. Ab-solution was public and the penitent was led to his place within the faithful where he was once more ad-mitted to communion with Christ and with his brothers. Then, as now, it is "through a corporate action, a rite of the Christian community, that .the Christian's repentance is sealedl consecrated and brought to its con-clusion." 20 In the sense that penance is an action of the Church it is thus a corporate action, not merely the private ac-tion of an individual. Everytime this corporate action is performed the pilgrim Church comes closer to God, and the members within the Church are more united to each other and thereby to God in Christ. In a paper given at a convention of religious canon lawyers of the East-ern United States, Father Cornelius Van der Poel, C.SS.P. strongly recommended that steps be taken to "increase the awareness of the social dimension of the sacrament in which as a community all come closer to God, and each individual becomes more closely attached to the community, since all forgive all for the sake of Christ whose holiness they express." 21 4. Cultal Dimension Often there is a tendency to regard the sacraments only as a means to salvation and to fail to appreciate their value as symbolic acts of worship. Particularly helpful to sisters who make frequent devotional confes-sions is an understanding of the sacrament of penance as an act of worship. Herein lies its cultal dimension. In both the administration and the reception of pen-ance, cultal values are easily neglected because of the emphasis on the individual penitent. Implicit in the confession of one's sinful state is a confession of, a wit-ness to the mercy, justice, and holiness of God. Thus the p~nitent's attitude is directed toward God and does not become wholly immersed in self: "As every sin is anti- 19M.-B. Carra de Vaux Saint-Cyr, O.P., "The Sacrament of Penance: An Historical Outline" in Carra de Vaux Saint-Cyr et al, The Sacrament of Penance, p. 20. ~ Paul Anciaux, The Sacrament of Penance (New York: Sheed and Ward, 1962), p. 9. = Cornelius Van der Poel, C.Ss.P., "The Confessions of Religious," Jurist, v. 26 (1966), p. 226. ÷ ÷ Contessions ot Religious Women VOLUME 26, 1967 989 cultal at its root, a failure of worship, because it makes not God but self the center, so conversion iscultal, an act of worship." ~2 Like the repentant Peter, the sinner's confession is "more than a mere act of self-accusation: it is a confes-sion of love." 23 "Lord, you know everything; you know I love you." ~4 In spite of the pain and difficulty some-times associated with the sacrament of penance, the sister-penitent would do well to reflect upon her con-fessions and see them in their true perspective--within the context of the official cult or worship offered to God by the Church. PRACTICAL SUGGESTIONS The theoretical justification of the following sugges-tions for maki~ng the reception of penance more mean-ingful to women religious is based on the theological dimensions of penance just discussed,, and the practical-ity of these suggestions is hopefully derived from the pre-cise areas posed as problems by confessors and sisters (see Table 1). Some of these suggestions can be effected immediately in most ~ituations; others call for modifi-cations which can only be made by those on the admin-istrative or legislative levels. The primary concern of all should be directed toward expressing the full signifi-cance of the sacramental encounter. To this end, recommendations will be made concern-ing the freedom of the individual; sacramental train-ing; the examination of conscience; the whole area of the confessional dialogue including the relationship be-tween the confessor and penitent, the telling of sins, the role of the confessor and spiritual direction; the en-vironment of the confession; and the sacramental rite. + 4- + Sister M. D&enOls.S~. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 99O 1. Freedom At the basis of most sisters' problems concerning penance is an almost uniform lack of physical fxeedom regarding frequency,-time, place, and the choice of con-fessor. Immediate steps should be taken to reform pres-ent legislation, that is, canon law and religious rules, and the equally 'binding local customs surrounding weekly confessions for religious in order to insure fxeedom and liberty of conscience. The present canons on the confessions of women re-ligious and their confessors were framed in a specific historical milieu and necessarily reflected the circum- = Hindery, "Penance, the Sacrament of Conversion," pp. 207-8. m B. Hiiring, C.Ss.R., ,4 Sacramental spirituality (New York: Sheed and Ward, 1965), p. ~tJn 21:17. TABLE I Diffr~ulties Encountered by GonJessors and Sisters in the Sacrament of Penance Cited by 66 Confessors Di~culty Routine . Time problems . Lack of freedom . Insufficient training . Examination of conscience. Impersonal relationship . Confessor not understanding. Environment . Rite . Number of Con-fessors 33 12 36 16 30 5 8 35 20 Cited by 133 Sisters Difficulty Routine . Time problems . Lack of freedom . Insufficient training. Difficulty in confess-ing . Impersonal relation-ship . Confessor not under-standing . Parish priest for con-fessor . Lack of suitable di-rection . Environment . ,. Rite . Number of Sisters 53 0, 36 36 51 10" 56 93 38 "23 sisters have their parish priest as confessor stances of the time. Most women religious, to all in-tents and purposes, were cloistered. Even the active orders, the majority of which originated since the eight-eenth century, were relatively sheltered. Since the sis-ters did not normally leave the convent easily, the weekly visit of the confessor became an established institution. Ironically, laws which were made to insure freedom of conscience at one time in history, became tyrannical and inhibiting in another era. The interpretation of canon 595, section 3: "Superiors should see to it that all religious.approach the sacrament of penance at least once a week" has been a moot question. What-ever the true interpretation may be, the fact is that .too often, in too many convents, and to the detriment of too many persons, the canon has been literally interpreted and sisters were forced to approach the sacrament weekly, In January, 1966, the Committee on Religious Affairs of the religious canon lawyers of the Eastern United States unanimously agreed that these sections of the Code of Canon Law should be thoroughly re-vised, an Without waiting for canonical reformation, future chapters of religious women should examine their re- Van der Poel, "The Confessions of Religious," p. 214. 4- 4- 4- Conlessions ot P~ligio~ Women VOLUME 26, 1967 991 Sister M. Denis, $.0~. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS spective rules and delete all legislation binding sisters to the reception of the sacrament at specified intervals. Many sisters are disturbed by such passages in their rules which they consider to be binding. What is in the area of personal conscience cannot be legislated for an entire community. In localities where literal interpretation of canon law does not prevail, and the religious rule does not pre-scribe weekly confession, the sisters should not be obliged by custom to receive the sacrament of penance weekly. To the superior, the Decree on the Appropriate Renewal of the Religious Life enjoins: ".he must make a special point of leaving them appropriately free with respect to the sacrament of penance and direction of conscience." 26 The ~requency of reception should be governed by each sister's needs and desires~both of which are fostered by an intelligent appreciation of the sacrament of penance. As was suggested by many on the questionnaires, the sisters, where possible, should be free to receive the sac-rament of penance wherever they wish and to whom-ever they wish. This would involve a radical departure from the present custom of confessors appointed to come weekly to the convent. Sisters today have great .freedom of movement. To say that they are not able to go out of the convent for confession whenever needed is unrealis-tic. Several cloistered religious expressed a desire for this same freedom. It is deplorable that in existing sit-uations, women religious do not have the same freedom regarding the reception of the sacrament of penance as do lay people. On paper, for example, Quum de Sacra-mentalibus, 1913, sisters are ensured the liberty to con-less outside the convent whenever they wish; but until the whole convent structure of weekly confession is mod-ified, this freedom remains in the realm of theory and is not effective in fact, as most sisters will attest. Instead of the confessor coming weekly to each con-vent for confessions, he could come at regular intervals to be determined at the local level, for a communal penance service. More will be said later concerning a communal rite, but we would here recommend that in ¯ such a communal penance service, private confession be not of obligation for the reception of the sacrament. Such an arrangement would greatly relieve both the overburdened confessors and confessers. Regular ar-rangements for freedom of access to penance could be made locally for sick and infirm sisters. ~Decree on the Appropriate Renewal oI the Religious LiIe, paragraph 14. 2. Sacramental Training In spite of the flood of recent literature on penance, the questionnaires revealed that very few sisters have had any mature training to deepen their knowledge and appreciation of this sacrament they receive so often. Much of the routine reception encountered can be di-rectly attributed to personal ignorance--and invincible ignorance at that. Many sisters expressed a wish to have a better theological understanding of penance, particu-larly as an encounter with Christ and as an ecclesial act. ' Authorities cannot presume sucl~ training or expect that sisters somehow r~ceive the help needed through reading, retreats, or sheer spiritual osmosis. Such a pro-gram must be consciously planned and applied accord-ing to local constitutions and the needs of the sisters. It should be theological in scope and practical in applica-tion. Just as it is hardly realistic to presume that the preparation for one's first confession is sufficient for a lifetime, so also is it unreasonable to believe that a thorough grounding in the novitiate is adequate for one's whole religious life. Indeed, there are novitiates which do not even include in their formation programs a study of penance and its place in the life of a religious. All life is a growth; and a life in and for Christ is no ex-ception. Beyond the novitiate and juniorate, provision should be made for continuing education in this sacrament which plays so important a role in the life of a religious. In addition, to personal reading, the sisters in each house, as a community, could study recent books and articles on the subject. Superiors might provide tapes by prominent theologians; local confessors or compe-tent priests might give dialogue conferences on the sub-ject. Discussions where the sisters of a given house could share their insights and solve their common problems would be another valuable means for deepening one's knowledge and appreciation of the sacrament. The following outline suggests topics to be included in a program of study for religious women on the sacra-ment of penance. Every topic in this or similar pro-grams should bear directly on the individual sister's reception of penance that she may receive this sacra-ment with. greater meaning and hence derive much spiritual benefit. The appended references, which are by no means exhaustive, were selected primarily as basic sources because of their practicality, timeliness, and simplicity of approach. Conlesslons o! Religious Women VOLUME 26, 1967 993 ÷ + ÷ Sister M. DS.eOn.iSs., REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 99,t Program of Study I. Sacramental Theology A. Nature of the Sacraments in General B. Nature of the Sacrament of Penance I. Personal Dimension--as a Conversion 2. Interpersonal Dimension--as an Encounter with Christ 3. Ecclesial Dimension--as a Reconciliation with the Christian Community 4. Cultal Dimension--~'as an Act of Worship C. History of the Sacrament of Penance D.Pertinent Legislation 1. Vatican II Documents 2. Canon Law 3. Religious Rule II. Nature of Religious Life III. Nature of Sin IV. Examination of Conscience V. The Actual Confession of Sins VI. Relationship with the Confessor VII. Spiritual Direction and the Sacrament of Penance Basic References on Penance I. M.-B. Carra de Vaux Saint-Cyr et al., The Sacrament of Penance. Glen Rock: Paulist Press, 1966. Paperback. An excellent compendium of modern theological thought on penance. The following four chapters, containing a good balance of theory and practice, are especially ,helpful: "The Sacrament of Penance: An Historical Outline '--A summary of the changes that have taken place in understanding this sacrament from the early Church to Vatican II. "Theology of the Sacrament of Penance',--Particularly clear and penetrating theological study in which the various dimensions, especially the ecclesial dimension, of penance are investigated. "Con-fession and Spiritual Direction in the Oriental Church"--A study of how the Eastern Church has been more faithful than the Western Church in maintaining a perspective of the sacrament that is closer to that of the early Church. "Toward a New Examination of Conscience"--A modern effort to renew the examination of conscience in a wider vision of a few funda-mental convictions on which the true destiny of man is con-structed before God. 2. Adrienne yon Speyr. Confession: The Encounter with Christ in Penance. Montreal: Palm Publishers, 1964. A non-technical treatment, based on trinitarian theology and the mission of Christ, of the entire sacramental process. Von Speyr thoroughly penetrates the inner meaning of penance and successfully integrates confessibn into the Christian's everyday encounter with Christ. Especially enlightening are the chapters on the confessions of religious, the confessions of contemplatives, the confession in active orders, the practice of confession, and the office of confessor (which includes spiritual direction). 3. Bernard Htiring, C.Ss.R. A Sacramental Spirituality. New York: Sheed and Ward, 1965. A treatise on sacramental theology, simply s~ated, which leads to a prayerful understanding of the sacraments. The section on me grace of confession, pp. 95-106, is one of the most helpful treatises on the cultal dimension of penance. The section on the Church as a "sacrament" of willingness to do penance, pp. 109-118, places the sacramental action in its ecclesial context. 4. E. Schillebeeckx, O. P. Christ the Sacrament of the En-counter with God. New York: Sheed and Ward, 1963. Difficult reading, but basic sacramental theology. Par-ticularly helpful in understanding penance as an encounter with Christ. 5. Roderick Hindery, O.S.B. "Penance, the Sacrament of Con-version," Homiletic and Pastoral Review, v. 65, (1964), pp. 203-8. An outstanding popular treatment of the four theological dimensions of penance with practical suggestions for imme-diate and long range implementation. 6. Roderick Hindery, O.S.B. "Confession and Legalism," Sisters Today, v. 38 (Jan., 1967), pp. 157-61; and "The Sacrament of Penance and Cheap Grace" in Sisters Today, v. 38 (Feb. 1967), pp. 188-93. Both articles are directed toward sisters who make frequent devotional confessions. An attempt to dispel former legalistic attitudes by replacing them with a positive theol6gical under-standing of sin, conversion, and penance. 7. Dale Olen, O.F.M.Cap. ',Devotional Confession," REviEw for R~.Lxc~ous, v. 25 (1966), pp. 1030-41. A successful effort to raise routine and mechanical confes-sions back to their proper place as truly decisive moments in the Christian experience. 8. L. J. Lebret and T. Suavet "Examination of Conscience for Adults," Crosscurrents, v. 7 (1957), pp. 289-93. A unique examination of conscience which indicates many deviations and omissions which are not usually mentioned but which tend to diminish the freedom of the individual in his relations to God and man. 9. William Barclay. The Plain Man Looks at the Beatitudes. London: Fontana Books, 1963. Paperback. An examination of the meaning of the beatitudes for modern man in the light of the Old and New Testaments and biblical language. 10. R. Howe. The Miracle of Dialogue. New York: Seabury, 1965. Paperback. Contains penetrating insights for the sacrament of penance if read with the confessional dialogue and the relationship of the confessor and penitent in mind. 11. PSre Gardeil, O.P. The Holy Spirit in the Christian Li[e. London: Blackfriars, 1953. Thomistically oriented, prayerful treatise on the gifts of the Holy Spirit with a chapter on each corresponding beatitude. 12. Dom Claude Jean-Nesmy. Conscience and Confession. Chi-cago: Franciscan Herald, 1965. Especially intended for those who cannot undertake a systematic study of modern historical and theological works on penance. Emphasis is on the concepts of God, others, and future, rather than sin, me, and the past. Pages 113-26 contain an examination of conscience by referring to the New Testa-merit-- not a "list" in the usual sense. 3. Examination of Conscience The whole area of sisters' examination of conscience was viewed with sharp criticism by priest-confessors and with great dissatisfaction by sister-penitents. Unfortu- 4" 4" 4" onfessions ot Religious Woraen VOLUME 26, 1967 995 ÷ 4, ÷ Sister M. Denis, .~: S.O.S. REVIEW FOR REFIGIOUS nately, the examination of conscience tends to dwell on minutiae, on petty violations of the rule and cus-toms; for many it is negative and legalistic, a stereo-typed catalogue of failings, entirely too introspective, pertaining to self and not to social obligations, center-ing on actions rather than on the root causes (the in-ner dynamism which B. H~i{ing terms "acts" 27) or at-titudes of which actions are only the external signs. These criticisms may be reduced to the fact that the sisters' examination does not truly and authentically re-flect her personal condition before God. Rather, atten-tion is deflected to certain external factors--to one's rule, the teaching of the novice mistress, or most often to one of the many current "lists" which purport to be aids. The sister should examine her conscience accord-ing to her lights not her lists. Whatever is patently sin-ful or deliberately.opposed to the commandments of God, the rule, or the vows will be readily apparent without undue scrutiny. The examination, therefore, should be an aid to a healthy self-knowledge and center on one's trends and attitudes. For any real progress, sis-ters have to alter this mentality which is concerned with delineating every little point laid down by some-one else. The human person cannot be put into neat and sharp categories. Keligious, although they live in com-munity, are no exception. One wonders if religious would have such difficulty with the examination of conscience if it were not for the auricular confession that follows. The longer a woman is in religious life, the more intense this problem becomes. Perhaps the answer lies in the following com-ment of Father Louis Monden, S.J.: As the inner life grows stronger, the same phenbm~non may occur for the confession of sins as happens in prayer: it be-comes increasingly poor in ideas and in words.= Certainly the strain would be greatly mitigated by com-munal penance in which th~ sister presents her sinful person for absolution without having to be concerned over suitable verbalization. In the Oriental Church the sinner "does not consider the offence against God or the objective violation of the law in the act of his sin. His own iniquity is the center of his sorrowful meditation and draws forth his tears; he grieves for having distorted the image of God in his heart." 29 However, the fact re- ~Bernard H~iring, C.Ss.R., The Law o[ Christ, v. 1, (Cork: Mercier Press, 1960), p. 89. = Louis Monden, S.J., Sin, Liberty, and Law (New York: Sheed and Ward, 1965), p. 51. ¯ ~* Philippe de Regis, S.J., "Confession and Spiritual Direction in the Oriental Church" in Carra de Vaux Saint-Cyr et al, The Sacrament of Penance, p, 84. mains that auricular confession is still customary in the western Church. Because of the uniqueness of each human per.son, an examination of conscience cannot be taught; its method must be fostered. The principles which follow might serve as a guide by which a sister can develop her own method of self-examination without resorting (o "lists" or confessional aids. At certain times detailed examina-tion lists may be beneficial and should be used. Two such examinationss° are very useful in helping to erad-icate a legalistic mentality concentrating on external detail. These authors have composed penetrating ques-tions which attempt to plumb the depths of the moral personality. A sister would do well to study these lists; then attempt to incorporate this spirit and new direc-tion in her own personal examination. However, slavish adherence to a certain manner of examination is too restrictive and does not leave room for consideration beyond the categories on the printed page. Furthermore, if used, the sister should seek to understand the rea-sons behind certain failings. Many make the mistake of using these lists for the verbalization of confessional matter. Principles Ior a Personal Examination of Conscience: First, the examination ol conscience is based on the New Testament morality of love. At the center of New Testament morality is the person of Jesus Christ. His moral precept which was the fulfillment not the repetition of the Mosaic Law can be summed up in the word "love." And this love was exemplified in His human life: "Jesus went about doing good."al Quite radically, Christ spelled out the moral blueprint for a life of love in the sermon on the mount where He enun-ciated the beatitudes (Mr 5:3-11). Indeed, the remain-der of the sermon on the mount might be consid-ered a further elucidation of these initial principles. Through prayerful meditation each sister could discover the implications of the beatitudes in her ,life; in them are contained the core of Christian commitment,a2 The first beatitude of poverty of spirit could be approached as follows: ~o L. J. Lebret and T. Suavet, "Examination of Conscience for Adults," Crosscurrents, v. 7 (1957), pp. 289-93. P. Liege, O.P., "Toward a New Examination of Consciehce" in Carra de Vaux Saint-Cyr et al, The Sacrament of Penance. 81 Acts 10:38. aUTwo very helpful references on the beatitudes are: William Barclay, The.Plain Man Loolts at the Beatitudes (London: Fontana Books, 1963); P~re Gardeil, O.P., The Holy Spirit in the Christian Li]e (London: Blackfriars, 1953). + 4- 4- Con]essions o~ Religious Women VOLUME 26, 1967 99~ 4- S~t~r M. S.O.S. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 998. Some New Testament Relerences Mr. 6:24 Luke 10:38-42 Mr. 6: 25-34 Luke 12: 33--4 I Th 4:11-2 Jn6:27 Col. 3:23 Related Themes (to be applied in one's own situation) The balance and tension between detachment and involvement. Complete trust and faith in God. Openness to God and His Word encountered in the Eucharist, the Scriptures, and in our fellow-man. Recognition and .appreciation of the goodness in created goods. (Over-possessiveness is basically disrespect for the goodness placed there by God.) Acceptance of what we are and have. Utter dependence on God alone, not on self, law, ritual, or institution. Complete abandonment. Poverty according to our religious profession. Personal responsibility for communal witness of poverty. Another fruitful source for an examination based on the law of love is St. Paul's First Episde to the Corinthians, Chap-ter 13, 1-7. Dora Claude Jean-Nesmy has prepared a positive program, meditative in form, for an examination of conscience based on key texts of the New Testament.TM Second, the examination of conscience reflects the per-son's basic options. Moral considerations have been en-riched by religious psychology with the concept of "op-tion"--" A choice, not with respect to a spedfic object, but with respect to the totality of existence, its mean-ing and direction." a4 At some point in his life a per-son acquires a basic orientation which influences either consciously or unconsciously all particularchoices. Lov-. ing God is a conscious choice of God, so much so that all other choices are influenced by this one--the fund-amental option. This permanent underlying tendency of the will is not necessarily expressly formulated; rather it is implicitly embodied in some particular choice. Once made, the fundamental option gradually deepens and pervades a person's whole moral life. Therefore, one's attitudes should be examined with reference to this basic set of the wilh To what extent has my choice of God been effectual in daily actions? Or the converse: To what extent have my daily actions reflected my funda-mental choice of God above all else? In this way, a religious can examine without undue introspection, the basic trends of his life. In addition to the fundamental Christian option, a sister, by her decision so.lemnly to vow total commit-ment to Christ, makes a further option which we shall term the religious option. By this option the religious ~ Jean-Nesmy, Conscience and ConIession, pp. 113-26. ~ Monden, Sin, Liberty and Law, p. sets her will in a particular direction--as a religious and as a 'member of a specific community. Here the basic orientation is influenced by the vows and the spirit of the religious institute. Here, too, the religious option penetrated the whole being of the person. In other con-texts the religious option is often spoken of as iden-tification with one's community. When a sister examines herself with respect tb this religious option, she is con-cerned with how she has effectually lived this fundamen-tal choice. Observing the vows and the rule are here considered not as legalistic ends in themselves but al-ways in reference to this free and deliberate choice. Finally, the sister's examination of conscience should be based upon what we shall call personal option. Here we are speaking of those intense moments of grace, those charisms by which a person approaches God as an 'T' to a "Thou." For Saint Teresa of Lisieux it was the Little Way. Real progess in sanctity is dependent upon faithfulness to the particular way Christ has called each one. The sister's response to this intensely personal call constitutes her personal option. Her examination of con-science then focuses on the extent of her fidelity to this life pattern. The cultal dimension of penance will thus have more meaning for the sister if she realizes that penance is an act by which these three options are re-newed and subsequently deepened. Third, the examination of conscience goes beyond the personal dimension to the social dimension. Sin and guilt can never be considered in isolation, for no man is an island. Therefore, in examining her conscience the sister must be aware of her solidarity with the hu-man community, the Christian community, and her own religious community. She cannot be concerned merely with her own failure but must bear her part of the im-personal and communal guilt of these three levels of so-ciety. One who criticizes the social group is usually not cognizant of the fact that she is really criticizing her-self. Self-criticism is not a bad thing, provided it does not remain sterile words. If a sister is dissatisfied with certain actions or inaction of her community, then she should examine the cause of her dissatisfaction. If the cause is within herself, then it likely can be traced to a weakening of one's own freely chosen option. If such cause truly rests in the social group, then she herself is, in part, responsible to the extent that she is a mem-ber of that group. In this connection Adrienne yon Speyr writes of a certain tension between one's own sin-fulness and the sinfulness of the group which also fails short of Christ's demands: "We confess as members of the Church, the community, and we have to take the ÷ ÷ 4. Contessions ot Religious Women VOLUME 26, 1967 999 ÷, 4" Sister M~ Den~s, $.0.S. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS I000 community along with us and include it in the ac-tion." s5 We do not wish to give the impression that an ex-tremely thorough examination of conscience is necessary before each confession. By following one or more of the above principles itis hoped that the sister will be able to construct for .herself an examination of conscience that is realistic, reflects the inner dynamism of her own life', and is open to growth in the Spirit. 4'. The Confessional Encounter Much of the frustration experienced by sisters in the confessional would be eliminated when they are given the ~ opportunity to confess whenever, wherever, and to whomever they wish. In spite of the difficulties posed by the present rite and environmental conditions of private confessions (which will be discussed later), .certain sug-gestions can be made in order to make this encounter a. more meaningful one. Since private confession ob-viously involves two people, the confessor plays an im-portant role in helping or hindering this sacramental encounter. If he regards the hearing of sisters' confes-sions as another task imposed on him, one cannot be sur-prised to find a corresponding attitude among the sis-ters. (a) The Relationship between Con[essor and Penitent. "As priest and penitent become aware that they are en-gaged not in an impersonal inquisition, administration, or treatment, but that together and personally they cele-brate the convei:sion of the sinner and the mercies of God, they will seek to express themselves like human persons." ~6 Detrimental to the interpersonal relation-ship necessary between confessor and penitent is a mech-anistic approach in which the confessor is seen as an absolution dispenser and the penitent as some disem-bodied voice in the dark. Each speak their part, in turn, according to a rigid formula and the ritual is over. Rather, a climate of love should pervade the confes-sional atmosphere with both parties manifesting mutual concern and mutual consideration. What Reuel Howe says :at;out dialogue has great significance for the con-fessional encounter:¯ Each must try to speak honestly out of his own conviction, discipline his subjective feelings, seek patiently to keep aware of the other as another person, and try to keep open to the meaning of everything that happens in the relationshipY ~Von Speyr, Con]ession, the Encounter with Christ in Penance, p. 157. ~ Hindery, "Penance, the Sacrament of Conversion," p. 205. ~ R. Howe, The Miracle oI Dialogue (New York: Seabury, 1965), After the penitent has revealed himself, the confessor, through his words of advice, admits the penitent to share in his insights and his life of prayer. Truly the Psalmist's words apply: "Deep is calling to deep." as In this most sacred of relationships dialogue becomes both communi-cation and communion in the Spirit: As each person speaks and responds honestly to the other, each moves toward the other and includes him. This kind of meeting between man and man cannot occur without an im-plicit meeting between man and God. To really see another is to see the Other, and to really love another is to love the Other.~ (b) Confession of Sins. Because of the natural reti-cence in revealing one's inner state, penitents often depersonalize their confession by resorting to conven-tional phraseology. Formalism rather than authenticity prevails. Quite often the penitent's words and inner feel-angs are only remotely similar. Although one should re-late one's sins and/or failings in a straightforward man-ner, indicating the nature of the act and the reasons which prompted it, the neat formula taught in grade school: "L__.about._.____times." is more often a hin-drance than a help in the confessions of mature women religious. In order to promote real dialogue the peni-tent's manner and tone should be conversational rather than recitative. More important than a detailed list of sins as to number and kind is a revelation of the status of one's heart by endeavoring to reveal the roots and in-terrelations of sins. The confessions of the religious should reveal the inner dynamism which guides her life --the dynamism which springs from her basic options. And since the religious is a member of a certain com-munity, her confession should reflect this fact: "The con-fession of a religious must bring out her failure., as a member of a particular order, whose basic character must come to the fore." 40 However, .there is and can be no panacea for the con-fessional act which should be regarded "not as a de-vice for obtaining juridical forgiveness, but as a peni-tential work which makes a truly humble, authentic, personal sacramental expiation of great value." 41 Truly penitential works are always painful and difficult. (c) The Role of the Confessor. Romano Guardini once referred to love of God and love of neighbor as a "live current completing a circuit from God to people, per- ~s Ps 41-2:7. ~ Howe, The Miracle o! Dialogue, pp. 105-6. ,OVon Speyr, Confession, the Encounter with Christ in Penance, p. 128. ,1 Davis, "Penance." ÷ ÷ ÷ Contessions ot Religious ~Vomen VOLUME 26, 1967' 1001 Si~Wr M. Denis, $.0~. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 1002 son to person, and back to God." 4~ In the sacramental encounter the confessor completes the circuit between God and neighbor. Because the sacrament is a sign the human element in penance cannot be slighted. Unfortunately, the words "involvement" and "open-ness" have tended to become cliches in modern thought and language. But the reality to which these words point is vital to the sacramental encounter. By his words, ges-tures, and attitudes the confessor must become person-ally involved in the sacramental action. Through him the Spirit speaks. In him the sister-penitent experiences a meeting with the forgiving Christ. As one confessor wrote: I think sisters are looking for more than a kind, well-in-formed, understanding confessor. They are looking for a kind, well-informed, understanding confessor filled with the Spirit of God. If there is a problem because some priests are stupid, there is even a greater problem because we are not saints, men 6f prayer, men who really believe in the power of the Spirit working through us and through the power of the Sacrament. The confessor should listen with complete openness, in-terest, and acceptance, striving to glimpse the unique in-dividuality of the other person. In keeping with modern sacramental theology the confessor should be more aware of his role as mediator and witness to the conversion of the penitent and less conscious of his role as judge. To concentrate only on the validity of the sacrament is to lose sight of the riches of the sacrament. In what very practical ways does the confessor help in making the sacrament of penance more meaningful for the sister? 1. By reciting the required prayers, formulae from the heart and not just from the lips. 2. By not rushing the sacramental encounter. 3. By actively listening to her account and/or problems. 4. By manifesting a sincere interest not only in what she says but also in what she is. 5. By a non-judgmental acceptance of her as a unique person whose approach to God is likewise unique, as a woman whose psyche is distinctly feminine, and as a religious whose sincere desire is to grow in Christ. 6. By offering words of enlightenment as well as words of encouragement. 7. By presenting an opportunity for her to open up but without being too inquisitive. 8. By helping her to delve into the motivation for her Quoted in Thomas Radloff, S.J., "Interpersonal Relationships," REvmw FOR RELmIOUS, V. 21 (1962), p. 547. sins and faults, not being satisfied with a mere cata-loging of sins. 9. By enabling her to see the workings of the Spirit in her life. 10. By endeavoring to embody not only the personal and interpersonal dimensions of penance but also the ecclesial and cuhal dimensions. 11. By creating the atmosphere for ~uitful dialogue in the confessional. 12. By striving to remove all vestiges of formalism. 13. By relating to the penitent as a person to a person. A word of caution is in order here. As indicated previ-ously in this study, the problems and their respective solutions surrounding the confessions of women relig-ious are interrelated and interdependent. It is apparent that the confessor cannot exercise his role properly un-less certain other structures and attitudes discussed in this study are modified. (d) Spiritual Direction. In speaking o[ spiritual direc-tion in the confessional, we are referring to the exhorta-tion or counsel offered by the confessor following the penitent's manifestation of conscience. The distinction between the sacrament of penance and spiritual direc-tion, even in the narrow sense described above, must always be maintained. The role of the confessor qua confessor is to set free from sin; the role of the confessor as director is to foster growth in Christ. Although the primary purpose of penance is the forgiveness of sins with absolution being the central act of the confessor, nevertheless, words of counsel traditionally have been an important and expected adjunct to the sacrament. In the age of assembly-line confessions, of necessity, con-vent confessors tend to minimize or neglect this area of pastoral guidance, but the need for spiritual guidance remains. The confessional is usually not the place for detailed and protracted spiritual direction, although the need may be discovered in the confessional. When speaking words of counsel to the penitent, the confessor must be conscious of his instrumentality. The manner in which he speaks is uniquely his, marked by his own personality, and is a self-revelation of his own life of prayer; but the content of his message comes from the Holy Spirit: His words, while uttered in the Spirit, must also convey his own personal involvement, his knowledge, his designs. He must manifest the fact that he acts along with the Spirit, and not speak in a languid, indifferent manner . The priest is there present at a process which makes a sinner into a saint, and his words must serve to accompany this transformation, in fact to lead the sinner to it; consequently, they must be so tender and + + + Conyessions o~ Religious Women VOLUME 26, 1967 1003 yet so telling, so penetrating, that the change is effected simultaneously with their utterance.'~ In proffering counsel to the sister-penitent the confes-sor should avoid two extremes: first, basing his exhorta-tion only on the weekly liturgy, becoming impersonal and contributing to routine reception; and second, re-ferring only to the matter just confessed, becoming sub-jective and unduly isolating the penitent's situation. Rather, he should seek to combine these two avenues by first commenting on the penitent's confession objec-tively, pointing out aspects and motives unnoticed by the penitent, always with a view to enabling the sister to draw practical conclusions herself; then, by relatir~g the penitent's situation to the broader spectrum of the Church, showing its relevancy to a point of doctrine or the current liturgy. The sister-penitent then sees her-self in the proper perspective of an individual before God and as a member of the Christian community. Even though spiritual direction in the usual sense of the terms is advisable for most sisters, the plain fact re-mains that suitable directors are few and far between. The confessor should be aware that, for many, the con-fessional exhortation, however brief, is the only source of personal advice. Therefore, his words should be chosen with care, knowing that the sister-penitent has come to intensify her union with Christ by the sacra-mental deed and its accompanying intimate personal as-sistance. ÷ ÷ Sister M. Denis, S.O.S. REVIEW ~oR REI.IGIOt~S 1004 5. Environment On the subject of the confessional environment, one confessor wrote: "It's difficult to experience the life-giving power of the sacrament in a vertical casket." Practically half of the priests and sisters who cited the environment as a problem wished improvements in the traditional confessional; the other half desired an open confrontation in a counseling-type room. Any improvements or changes in present confessional structures should reflect the theology of the sacrament, respect the penitent's right to anonymity, insure com-plete privacy, and provide for ordinary human com-fort- materially and psychologically. Women today, especially sisters, are very sensitive to their position in the Church. They should have the same right as men to confess wherever they wish and not be re-stricted to places approved for the confessions of women. Such rules do not apply to personal spiritual direction, oftentimes more intimate than the confessional encoun- ~Von Speyr, Confession, the Encounter with Christ in Penance, pp. 209-10. ter. Sometimes the sister would like to receive the sacra-ment of penance during a period of spiritual counsel-ling, but present legislation prevents this outside the approved confessional. When an individual sister desires to go to confession, she should be given the freedom to confess elsewhere, as for example, in a parlor. An ideal environment for the convent confessional would be a separate counseling room--bright, cheery, and airy--with a less formal atmosphere where one could go with openness and joy. Provision could be made for those who desire anonymity by having the tradi-tional confessional screen on one side of the room. On the other side, comfortable chairs could be provided for those who wish to see the priest directly (see diagram below). Thus both priest and penitent could converse in a normal tone without fear of being overheard. The merely psychological effect of space and light would strengthen the sacramental significance of renewal, of resurrection. Proposed Confessional-Room (Not drawn to scale) Left Side: Arrangement for an open confrontation with desk and chairs. Right Side: Arrangement for anonymous confession: (1) Screen (2) Confessor (3) Penitent. Since the ideal is usually far from the real, present convent confessionals should be examined carefully by the sisters concerned. The solutions to these problems are contained in the very recognition and acknowledg-ment of the problem, as indicated in Part I of this study. Where there is darkness, let there be light; where there are .poor acoustics, let there be soundproofing; where there is a curtain on the grill, let it be optional. The ingenuity of the sisters who use the confessional, not necessarily the architect who designed it, will pro-duce the most practical suggestions. Most sisters will answer any request for suggested improvements like the Sister who wrote: "Just give me a paper and pencil and a ruler, and I'll show you." 6. Rite Since most changes in the rite of the sacrament are beyond the scope of either the priest-confessor or the ÷ ÷ ÷ Contessions ot Religious Women VOLUME 26, 1967 1005 ÷ ÷ Sister M. $.0.S. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 1006 sister-penitent, we shall discuss the present private rit-ual, a communal ritual permitted by current legisla-tion, and finally, proposals for a communal ritual not yet permitted by Church legislation. The guidelines have been established by Vatican II: "The rite and for-mulas for the Sacrament of Penance are to be revised so that they give more luminous expression to both the nature and effect of the sacrament." 44 (a) Private Celebration of Penance. In October, 1966, the Bishops of Canada in a statement on the Liturgy of Penance wrote: "Individual or private celebration of the sacrament of Penance still retains all of its value: through personal contact and through the attitude of the priest, the penitent can truly experience the mercy of God." 45 Although the present rite leaves much to be desired in its signification of the various dimensions of penance, nevertheless, the penitent and confessor can seek to embody the significance of penance in mean-ingful words and actions. A slavish recitation of the "Bless me, Father . " formula only begets routine and is a hindrance to dialogue with the confessor. The peni-tent should simply ask the confessor for his blessing that she may have the grace to express her sinful condi-tion before God and His Church. The priest should wait until this request is made before giving his blessing with sincerity of expression. Then the penitent states the interval of time since" her last confession and any necessary information regarding her state in life before beginning the revelation of her state before God. Father Hindery suggests that the penitent endeavor to express the ecclesial and cultal aspect of the sacrament by be-ginning one's confession of sins with the words: "I con-fess to Almighty God and to the whole Church through you, Father, that I am a sinner and that God's mercy in renewing my. conversion is worthy of great praise." 40 If the penitent keeps in mind the value of her act as a personal conversion to God, and the intensification of her union with the community, she will have less diffi-culty in expressing herself. The confessor then offers a suitable exhortation bearing on the penitent's confes-sion, emphasizing the importance of this act as an en-counter with Christ. Instead of the usual three Hail Marys, some confessors are asking their penitents to do an act of kindness toward someone less fortunate. The penance, a means of reparation, should bear some apparent relation to the sins confessed. In some areas " Constitution on the Sacred Liturgy, paragraph 72. ~"The Liturgy of Penance," a mimeographed statement from the Canadian Hierarchy, Ottawa, October, 1966. ~ Hindery, "Penance, the Sacrament of Conversion," p. 207. the confessor asked the penitent to suggest a suitable penance for herself. (b) Present Communal Celebration. Earlier in this pa-per we recommended that communal penance be cele-brated at regular intervals. Under present legislation where both confession and absolution must be private and individual, communal celebration would be more meaningful from the ecclesial-and cultal viewpoint but would not relieve the overburdened confessor. For greater effectiveness these communal celebrations should be brief, consisting of a few opening words by the con-fessor, a carefully selected reading from Scripture, a brief homily bearing on the Scripture and the sacrament of penance, the singing of an appropriate Psalm, the redta-tion of the Confiteor (which is an admirable communal acknowledgment of one's sinfulness), a kiss of peace and mutual reconciliation, and individual confession and ab-solution. The kiss of peace and a suitable dosing hymn may be delayed until after the individual confessions are heard, particularly in a small group. (c) Proposed Communal Celebration. It is one of the main theses of this study that the liturgy of the sacra-ment needs to be completely revised so that it will an-swer real needs and become a vital sign: "The sacra-ments are immutable in their substance, for it was Christ who fixed once for all the central core. But the outer shell can vary according to the needs of time and place." 47 To this end we propose that sisters have ac-cess to a communal celebration of penance in which the individual ~onfession of sins be optional and be not necessary for the reception of the sacrament. Those who wish to confess privately should have the opportu-nity to do so at this or another time. For this celebra-tion, which could be more elaborate because of few or no private confessions, the celebrant would prepare a very timely homily from which the sisters could derive spiritual help. A public examination of conscience, directed by the confessor, with time for private exami-nation might be also included. Absolution would be communal. The solemn rite of the sacrament of penance, al-though archaic and omitted from recent editions of the Roman Pontifical, was rich in expressing the unity between God, the Church, and each Christian. A com-pletely communal celebration would witness to the sol-idarity of the Christian community. By her very pres-ence the sister proclaims her sinful condition before God, before the Church, and before her community. Together. with her community she becomes recondled to ,7 Carra de Vaux Saint-Cyr, The Sacrament o] Penance, p. 4. ÷ ÷ ÷ Conyessions ot Religious Women VOLUME 26, 1967 1007 God and to her sisters whom she. may have offended. As a corporate body they worship God in celebrating the sacrament of penance by praising His m~rcy. In the National Catholic Reporter Father Hindery lists six advantages of communal penance which stresses: 1. Less emphasis on our own sorrow and a greater re-alization of the forgiving action of Christ. 2. Greater expression of sorrow by an awareness of one's solidarity in sin and in the sorrow of others. 3. An intensification of penance as a reconciliation with God. 4. An accent on the full liturgical or worshiping dimen-sion of penance. 5. A restoration of Christian tradition which was prac-tically universal until the year 589 A.D. 6. An alleviation of the problem of rote and haste which breeds formalism.4s One can only hope that liturgical advances will has-ten the day when communal celebration of penance is possible in the manner outlined above. Theologically, there is very little problem with a communal absolution and the dispensation of individual confession (where grave sin has not occurred). To worship God publicly with our fellow Christians as a sinner and precisely in this character of a sinner is one of the most authentic acts we can perform. It is not sufficient to know and to realize the various theological dimensions of the sacra-ment of penance; one must be able to experience them effectually in a truly meaningful communal celebration. Slsger M. Denis, S.O~. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 1008 CONCLUSION In the introduction to his book, Conscience and Con- ]ession, Dom Claude Jean-Nesmy included a comment which applies equally well to. the impetus of this en-tire study on the confessions of women religious: "One cannot just choose to ignore the very frequent, precise and distressing complaints about the difficulty of con-fessing and about the deplorable conditions in which this sacrament is sometimes administered." 40 In order to ascertain the extent and seriousness of these complaints as objectively as possible a survey-questionnaire was sent to a crosscountry sampling of priest-confessors and sis-ter- penitents. That there were problems~serious prob-lems-- was established beyond doubt. The common de-nominator of these problems seemed to be a deadening routine. Both confessors and sisters indicated that lack ~s Roderick Hinder),, O.S.B., "Communal Penance in the Renewal of the Sacrament--Towards Fullness of Sign," National Catholic Reporter, v. 2 (October 19, 1966), p. 6. ~0 Jean-Nesmy, Conscience and Con]ession, p. ix. of freedom, time problems, insufficient training, unsuit-able examination of conscience, difficulty in confessing, an impersonal relationship, the confessor's lack of un-derstanding, spiritual direction, the environment, and rite were all contributory factors to this all-pervasive routine. The obvious interrelation of these problems calls for solutions which are likewise interrelated. In turn, inter-related solutions demand cooperation of all persons con-cerned from the sister-penitent to the priest-confessor to the bishop responsible for the pastoral care of his people. If the fundamental problem in the devotional con-fessions of religious is routine, then the basic solution is to counteract routine by bringing about a more mean-ingful celebration and reception of this sacrament. But a mere change in rite and externals is not sufficient. There must be a change in attitude. For the individual sister, this calls for a sound theo-logical knowledge of the nature and effects of penance. Her sacramental training must continue beyond grade school preparation for first confession and should be cen-tered on her state as a religious. In her examination of conscience and the subsequent confession of sins she will endeavor to reflect the inner dynamism of her life, not merely taking refuge in a stereotyped, deper-sonalized multiplicity of unrelated minutiae. The confessor's attitude toward administering the sac-rament of penance in general and toward each sis-ter- penitent in particular has a great effect on the meaningfulness of the sacramental encounter. Indeed, his role is so important, that should all other circum-stances be unfavorable, his openness, understanding, and helpfulness will result in much benefit for the sis-ter- penitent. His brief exhortatory remarks will be per-sonal enough to apply directly to the confession just heard, yet universal enough to lift the penitent out of herself into the wider perspective of the liturgy. Both participants should be aware of one another as unique persons striving for the fullness of the Christian life. From a healthy interpersonal relationship on the human level, both confessor and penitent will realize a personal encounter with the forgiving Christ. The sacra-ment, though of divine institution, is a human sign. Three factors, the rite, the environment and freedom of access, at the present time beyond the immediate con-trol of either the individual confessor or the individual penitent, contribute greatly to a more significant cele-bration of penance. The present environment should be a more effective symbol of life than of death. In ad-dition to a redesigned confessional room, which would + + + Ctmless~ns of Religious Women VOLUME 26, 1967 1009 allow for either anonymous confession Or an open con-frontation, the sister or any woman should not be lim-ited to "approved places." As the Constitution on the Sacred Liturgy (paragraph 72) noted, the present rite needs to embody visibly and experientially the theolog-ical dimensions of penance. The present crisis can be traced to certain deficiencies, which have been perpetrated for centuries, in .the ad-ministration and reception of penance. In turn, these deficiencies on the practical level can be traced to cer-tain limitations in theological thought stemming from the seventh century when the notion of the sinner's rec-onciliation with the ecclesia was de-emphasized by an overstress on his personal reconciliation to God. However, the first step in any solution to the many problems surrounding the confessions of women reli-gious is a rescinding of compulsion--either by law or by custom--to confess at stated intervals, in a stated place, to an appointed person. When sisters are given the re-sponsibility concerning their own sacramental needs, much of the routine and dissatisfaction will disappear both for the frustrated penitent and overburdened con-lessor. It was the ardent hope of the authors of this study that the su~estions and recommendations contained therein will not remain sterile but will be openly discussed by those concerned and followed by concrete action. Vati-can II is not over; it has just begun. The urgency ex-hibited by the conciliar documents is not limited to the hierarchy but is directed toward the People of God--- collectively and individually. Effective reform must be preceded by objective recognition, honest acknowledg-ment and open discussion of the problem. Then posi-tive suggestions will be fruitful: It we labor to re-establish the proper perspectives., then Penance, far from seeming a tiresome task which must be post~, poned to the last possible moment, will reveal itself as one of t~he most ei~cacious and most constant means by which we can be restored to a purifying and life-giving contact with the Church, with Christ, and with God.~° ~ Jean-Nesmy, Conscience and Conlession, p. xvii. $t~ter M. Denis, $.0~. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS lOlO ELSIE GIBSON Protestant Women in Religion Catholic sisters and Protestant women minist.ers ten sense an underlying kinship when they become ac-quainted on college campuses or in dialogue groups,. Both have vowed .themselves to the service of God through Christ and the Church. True, the promises are different but the central intent is the same. Is there any similarity between our sense of vocation and that which moves nuns and priests to the religious life? How do our churches receive and direct our aspirations? What is our daily work? To find answers I sent a questionnaire to apprbxi-mately 300 ordained women most of whom belong to Churches engaged in the Consultation on Church Un-ion. There were no check lists, no multiple choice que-ries. My purpose was not to gather statistics but rather to gain a knowledge of persons, to discover what their experience has been and is, to learn what they are thinking today. One hundred fifty-eight responded to the questions. In addition, ten letters were received ex-plaining why the recipients were unable or unwilling to respond. Replies came from thirty-two states and. two from Canada. Differences do not run along denomina-tional lines but are within denominations. Generaliza-tions based on such an approach are, of course, impos-sible; nevertheless,'tentative impressions are made, and it is these which I shall try to convey in this article. The. first question was: (a) Why did you go into the ministry? (b) Why did you choose to be ordained? Please answer a, b, or both. Almost everyone answered both inquiries. I have grouped the replies loosely without trying to force their meaning into a preconceived mold. They over.lap and in a number of instances could have been placed in more than one category. ÷ ÷ ÷ Elsie (Mrs. Royal J.) Gibson lives at 197 Oxford Street; Hartford, Connecti-cut 06105. VOLUME 26, 1967 lOll 4" 4" "+ Elsie Gibson REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 1012 1. Many went into the ministry because the Church was their life. They had never considered a vocation apart from the Church. "My earliest remembrance was in the direction of the ministry," says one. "My father was a circuit-rider then, and my mother helped him, teaching and preaching herself. My favorite game was playing deaconess (a Methodist order). Church work was as natural as breathing." Another reflects, "As I see it now, my call to the ministry was implicit in my coming to know God when I was eleven. At any rate, through my.high school years, I haunted the church so much that when I came home from some event I was greeted, 'Well, did you lock the church tonight?' It was a beauti-ful building to haunt, and the people I met there were excellent folks for a teen-ager to idealize." A third says that she was influenced by parents who were active church people: "Mother was Superintendent of the Pri-mary Department for 25 years and I worked with her when I was a teen-ager. Grandfather was a Presbyterian minister and missionary among Indians. I wanted to go, into foreign missionary service but was not accepted health-wise." "1 played minister rather than dolls, nurse or teacher," says another who never thought seriously of any occupation save the ministry. 2. A larger number trace their motivation to a "call." This word covers a variety of meanings and not every woman explained her use of it. One terse reply said merely, "God's call.'" The majority, however, wrote a paragraph or more. "Originally I went to seminary with the intention of becoming a director of religious education. During the two years required in the School of Religious Education, the call to the parish ministry gradually began to germinate. I had several deeply re-ligious experiences during this~ time which had more to do, I think, with the [ellowship with other students than with the actual courses I was taking. I fought hard against any idea of going into the parish ministry, know-ing that there would be a great deal of opposition from my family and having my own particular antipathy toward women ministers! Nevertheless, by the time 1 received the M.A. in Christian Education, I had de-termined to stay on an additional two years to earn a B.D. I still had in mind the possibility of the teaching nfinistry, and how I actually wound up as a parish min, ister I really do not know. It just happenedl As each opportunity has presented itself to me, I have taken this as an indication of the ways in which God would have me serve, and have always found such service to be very satisfying to me." Another offers this interpretation: "I went into the ministry because I felt a definite call from God. I would like to explain that I am a member of the Friends Church, and we do not ordain ministers. Our belief is that only God ordains: it is a work of the Divine and man cannot ordain. Thus, according to our Friends Faith and Practice which is similar to the statements of doctrinal beliefs and organizational practices of other denominations, a minister of the Gospel is 'recorded.' Actually the process of recording of a minister in the Friends Church is equivalent to that of ordination in other denominations." An interesting underscoring of her point is found on page 147 of Faith and Practice, sent to me by another Friends' pastor: "And, since the Friends' concept of the recording process is the Meet-ing's recognition of one's Christian character and grace in the ministry, it appears quite outside the Quaker spirit and temper for any one to 'ask' to be recorded a minister! Such a request would seem to be fairly clear evidence to a Monthly Meeting on Ministry and Coun-sel that the time had not yet arrived for action." So, even in a Society as free as the Friends, it is the Church that decides. A Disciples of Christ minister writes: "I think I can say that, although I'm convinced I was called of God, it was through a series of circumstances over a number of years that led me to the final decision to enter the min-istry. I'm sure that if I had been a man, friends in the church would have suggested it much sooner." This explanation is given by a woman in the United Church of Christ: "I did not intend to become ordained when I sought my B.D. but the urging of the minister under whom I worked and the Dean (of the Seminary) made me think of it and I finally got to the point when I had to say 'Yes' rather hoping ! would not be ac-cepted by the association as I was not going into the pastoral ministry. But they--and my advisers--seemed to think I should find a rich pastoral ministry on the college campus and I must say I have. Chaplains are usually men and both men and women at times need a woman for consultation, confession, reassurance." Others said, "An experience of personal revelation too dramatic to relate in a questionnaire," and "a strange compulsion which I never quite understood" but which "as I look back on it now, I believe was the way that God 'called' me." An element of resistance to God's call runs through a number of the responses I received. Choices which in-volve risk are easy for no one. Women heading toward the ministry may face family disapproval or resistance on the part of the church and society with corresponding economic pressures. Years must be given to education with little assurance of the rewards that usually fol- 4" + ,4- Protestant Women in Religion VOLUME 26, 1967 1013 Elsie Gibson REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 1014 low such effort. So it is not. surprising that crucial de-cisions were postponed. One woman, moved by a ~ollege course in New Tes-tament to devote herself to the Church, did volunteer so-cial work and served as pastor's assistant. She then took nurses' training and spent a year in Public Health nurs-ing which "confirmed me in the conviction that the basic and most urgent need of all sorts and conditions of men is spiritual, and made me want to spend my life in seeking to minister to that need through the church." She is now a pastor. After serving ten years as a professional worker in both YWCA anal Girl Scouts, another relates that she "felt a real need to combine my professional skill in Camping with nay concern for Christian Education. It was recommended to me by both local and national" leadership of my denomination that I should seek, there-fore, the BD degree instead of the MRE." One who was working on her doctorate in mathe-matics turned instead to the ministry with this account: "There were two elements in this choice: the feeling of the need of people for what the Gospel could offer and a definite sense of 'call.' Without this sense of call, I'm not sure that I could have persevered. This has been a basic continuing element and accompanied by just as certain a sense of being guided. Both are hard to de-scribe. They do not make for any constant self-assured certainty on the conscious level but rather for a deep sense of urgency and commitment." 3. The third group makes no mention of a divine call but possibly the same summons has come through the voices of the world's need: "Desiring to go into the ministry but knowing my inadequacy to be a pioneer I delayed taking this step until I was almost fifty years, old. I delayed even after I graduated from Seminary. Then I was asked to preach in an isolated situation where i was needed. The experience of preaching con-firmed my belief that I ought to become a minister. Ordination naturally followed this." Another "felt drawn to full time Christian vocation and after a summer in the mountains of Virginia I saw a need for women ministers. The parish never had a trained minister because it could not support a man and family. I also observed the work of an Episcopal deaconess in the area and she did the practical work of a clergyman save for the sacraments." A pastor in Arkansas was "impelled by an overwhelm-ing desire to win souls for Christ and to minister to the needy--the sick and unfortunate. After some very ac-tive years I found it inconvenient to send for a man, minister to administer the Sacraments, to baptize and marry my parishoners. I have ministered in some more or less isolated areas and sometimes had to wait far be-yond reasonable time to get the help I needed," This woman, retired now after fifty-six years in the ministry received a certificate of honor from her denomination. "I have worked in the backwoods areas where I have assisted in making caskets for the dead and have been by the side of the doctors when the babies arrived," she recalls. At the age of seventy-eight she is preaching in churches that would otherwise be without services and making hospital calls where people confront major sur-gery. A number in this group were pressed into service dur-ing the war years by denominational officials who knew their gifts and potentiality. There are no typical replies, for every situation was different. 4. The vocations of man and woman sometimes merge when a couple meet in seminary and decide to marry. If the responses I have received are at all characteristic, this does not mean the disappearance of the woman's vocation though it may be so interpreted because she is not always listed in an independent position after the marriage. A United Church of Christ woman says: "My husband and I were ordained together in the first parish we served after leaving Seminary. I have never intended to b~ an ordained minister. But at that time it seemed to us that we wanted our ministry to be a partnership in service. We felt we could serve most effectively together if we were both ordained. I believe it has proved to be so." This woman has not been "employed" since her marriage. Their four children are either engaged in or preparing for full-time Christian service. A unique reply comes from a Baptist minister's wife who had had experience as assistant pastor in one church and as youth director in another: "I entered the pastor-ate because my husband was going to travel in his new position (denominational fund raising) and we had three small children whom I could not take around the coun-try, moving every couple of months." She was asked to remain in the church to which she was giving interim service and has been there thirteen years. The three chil-dren were in school at the time the decision had to be made. Their little son told his teacher: "My father is a preacher of funds; my mother is a preacher of the Gos-pel." 5. Those whom I shall include in this group have gone into the ministry through suffering--physical, in-tellectual, or spiritual. Two, giving specialized minis-tries, are victims of cerebral palsy. Others have been through agnosticism, loss of faith, or questionings so in-sistent they entered seminary to try to find answers a~ad ÷ '÷ "÷ Protestant Women in Religion VOLUME 26, 1967 1015 ÷ ÷ Elsie Gibson REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 1016 ended with a vocation. Significant work is being done by widow~. One, now in her eighties, was widowed with five children at the age of thirty. Although she was a chnrch member, she found no consolation in her re-ligion; but she was slowly led, thr6ugh a combination of wise pastoral guidance and despair of her ability to go on, to such confrontation with Christ that she became a person of vital faith. In gratitude she offered her serv-ices, almost on impulse, to a home missionary of her church. She was appalled when opportunity became con-crete but has been outstanding in her devotion to New England rural churches. She took them into the work of the world long before The Secular City appeared and has been the recipient of four honorary degrees. "An early test came when she was called in the night by a parishoner whose wife had been murdered. Her minis-try in this circumstance had to be given simultaneously to the father of the man who, after committing the mur-der, took his own life. Another widow with four grown children is giving full time as a trained chaplain in two large city hos-pitals. Still another is teaching chaplain and minister in a home for unwed mothers. Other 'widows, whose hus-bands were ministers, have finished the necessary train-ing and are pastors of churches. II ~e have seen some of the factors that influence Prot-estant women to devote their lives to the Church. Since religious orders in Protestantism are small and limited to a very 'few denominations, they do not present an alternative to ordination to the woman who desires a full ministry. But how do churches receive a woman's Wish for ordination that she may serve more freely? The (then) Congregational Church met this question in an acute form in 18't7 when Antoinette Brown faced the authorities of Oberlin Theological Seminary ~ith her desire to become a candidate for the ministry. They' were horrified. Armed with unflagging courage and such biblical texts as Joel 2:28 (". I will pour out my spirit on all flesh; your sons and your daughters shall proph-esy," reaffirmed by Peter at Pentecost), she persevered and was ordained in 1853. The free churches have long recognized the ministry of women although the propor-tion of women to men remains small. When the Evangelical and Reformed Church entered into conversations with the Congregational Christian Churches, prior to the formation of the United Church of Christ, it had no ordained women. A woman of E. and R. background writes: "I felt drawn to the ministry as powerfully as an object is drawn by a magnet. I wanted to be ordained and enter into the full-time .min-istry, but. I believed our church would not ordain women., because there were none ordained . One of my professors whom I deeply admired and respected opposed ordination for women." She married a minister and served as fully as possible for ten years following her graduation from Seminary because "I was interested in serving the Lord and not in promoting ordination for women." When she learned that the absence of or-dained women in her denomination was due to the fact that none had applied rather than to the Church's re-fusal to ordain them, she made application, was ac-cepted without difficulty, and serves as associate pastor with her husband. Another woman, the first to be or-dained in a different denomination, says: ."My purpose in seeking ordination was to enable me to serve in and through the church better.'. It was only a means rather than an end." The Methodist Church, always strongly committed to the effort to recognize gifts bestowed by the Holy Spirit, faced problems with its women in the early twentieth century. They had been seeking an outlet for what the Spirit seemed to be saying within them. Due to its polity, the Methodist Church faced a more complicated problem than the free churches had confronted. But in 1919 women were granted local preachers' licenses and in 1924 provision was made for their ordination. They could not be admitted to an annual conference, how-ever, so they were not assured of placement in a local church. In 1919 the American Association of Women Ministers was formed under the leadership of Miss M. Madeline Southard and Mrs. Ella L. Kroft, both Metho-dists. An article by Miss Southard which appeared in a 1923 issue of The Woman's Pulpit says: "The original purpose .of our Association was to bring women who preach into fellowship with each other . Another pur-pose that developed as we planned and prayed was to secure equal opportunity for women in the ecclesiasti-cal world . The third purpose as stated in our con-stitution is to encourage young women whom God has called to preach." This group, including women ofo six-teen denominations with "others applying," refused to impose rigid doctrinal or educational tests for mem-bership although a large proportion of its women were college graduates, some with master's and doctor's de-grees. They also refused to make distinctions based on race. Men have been welcomed as associate members and are free to attend any meetings. The Association is small today, including only a frac-tion of ordained clergywomen. There are a number of reasons for this. Women of the nineteenth and early 4. 4. 4. Protestant Women in Religion VOLUME 26, 1967 1017 Elsie Gibson REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 1018 twentieth centurihs were crusaders~for suffrage, tem-perance, abolition of slavery, and ecclesiastical status. The mo~lern woman does not want to enlist in the war of'the sexes; she wants cooperation with men in church and society. W. A. Visser 't Hooft, former general secre-tary of the World Council of Churches, has put it well: "The reason for the emancipation of women in the Church is not the barren fight for the r~ghtg of women, but the fruitful discovery of their spiritual gifts, of their full creative contribution." 1 The old image lingers in the Association but is changing under the influence of women, young and old, who see the new picture. Though probably not a member of the Association (I do not know), one woman expressed the new attitude of her sister ministers' thus: "I am a rather unorthodox member of the clan because I do not class myself as a woman minister, but as a minister. Woman minister seems as artificial to me as negro minister, tall minister, blonde minister, etc:" M~mbership in Methodist annual conferences was not opened to women until 1956 which means that they were not assured of placement until that time. To have this full participation, however, they must meet stiffer educational requirements. Some women are so well es-tablished and have been so successful in pastorates that they do not need to rise above the classification of "ap, proved supplies"; younger women will doubtless be go-ing on to become full members of annual conferences. The Presbyterian Church did not admit women to the preaching ministry at all until 1956. They were permitted to become ruling elders before that time: So ordained Presbyterian women are still having pioneer experience. One says that, in her first year as pastor of a church, "two situations were difficult: out of towners who Came to a local cemetery for interment preferred a man of another denomination to a Presbyterian woman pastor." Also, "a girl of my own congregation who was consulting about a wedding confessed she would not 'feel married' unless a man did itll We arranged with a Congregational minister. We both had a part in the service tho I would have preferred to be excused. The long-term results were good, however. The father later became a trustee of the church during my pastorate." She emphasizes the need for patience and t~ct during the period of transition and has had many gratifying ex-periences along with the difficulties which were un-avoidable. Another who, as an associate pastor was to share all 1 Quoted by Elsie Thomas Culver, Women in the Worl~t o[ Reli-gion (Garden City: Doubleday, 1967), p. 212. responsibilities with the senior minister, remarks: ". parishoners were somewhat nervous about a woman's preaching. I was, therefore, in the parish eleven months before preaching my first sermon. However, once I had preached there was no longer any opposit!on and even considerable enthusiasm about my preaching. There was salary discrimination against me as a woman. I regret to report that this continues in my present job." It is one thing for a denomination to permit the or-dination of women, but it is quite another thing for them to find assured acceptance in a local church. So-cial and psychological attitudes vary according to re-gion and according to the economic and educational background of the parish. A denominational official can recognize a woman's gifts and ability, and give her his full backing.He cannot, however, save her from pain-ful experiences growing out of the immaturity of those she goes to serve. It is for this reason that seminaries feel obliged to caution women against placing their hopes too high. One who teaches religion in a college says that the Pres-ident of her seminary told her she "would have more satisfying opportunities to preach (as a guest) if I be-came a college professor than if I went into the parish ministry." She found this true and others indicate the same advice and outcome. Those responding to the questionnaire, however, have been drawn to many types of vocation within the min-istry. Some are called to educational work and are easily guided into a teac.hing position. Others, wanting only to be useful, can adapt ~themselves to varied situations. But there are those who feel they must become pastors at any cost. "I was told in Seminary," one such a per-son says, "that because I was a woman, I could never expect to be called to a church of any size. I did not expect to, realized this, and have been content with churches under two hundred. Observation has shown that there are hundreds of men in the same sized churches and smaller. I cannot complain of the treat-ment I have received." Another says: "Since I had a real sense of mission I did not mind taking a small church and working at making it into a strong one. This has been my pleasure several times." No one admires self-pity and least of all in a servant of Christ, Many Christian men are trying to make it possible for women to accomplish the .work to which they believe God is calling them. A number of women voice their appreciation of this fact, one stating: "I have always accepted the fact that, being a woman, I ~vould not have a chance to serve in the 'desirable' parishes, but that has not bothered me, since I am + 4. 4. Protestant Women in Religion VOLUME 26, 1967 1019 ÷ ÷ ÷ Elsie Gibson REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 1020 somewhat missionary minded anyway. I have found that there are a small minority of men, in the ministry and in administrative positions, who have the same crusad-ing feeling about women's rights in the ministry that I have about civil rights, and I have been fortnnate in that one or two have usually been around to fight my battles for me." The mores of any society yield slowly; and while men are doing the fighting, women must exercise patience un-der scrutiny at all levels in the Church as their efforts are watched and examined and the fruit of their work evaluated. "I think it is by performance rather than pressure that women will come to be accepted as min-isters," one of them says, summing up the situation; and another observes: "Since my ordination I have found that generally speaking if one goes about one's work without fuss about 'difference' one is generally respected and usually accepted." III We turn now from the motivations and opportunities of these women to the work they are actually doing. First, a summary of the questionnaires. Eighty-0ne are serving local churches, 52 as pastors, 13 as associate or assistant pastors, one as nfinister to youth and 15 as ministers of education. Eight hold posts in Christian ed-ucation on the state or national level. Two hold execu-tive posts related to women's work. One serves as as-sociate minister of a conference. Eight teach: one is in a private school, serving also as chaplhin; four teach re-ligion at the college level; three teach in seminary (two other respondents having retired from seminary posi-tions). Two are full-time chaplains. Three are evange-lists. Five have gone back to school for further graduate work, one being in her last quarter of clinical pastoral training. Seven have a writing ministry, four of these having passed retirement age. Sixteen are wives whose work it is hard to classify because of its variety (married women also appear in earlier categories). Sixteen are re-tired, some being quite advanced in years but all re-maining as active as possible in interim and supply preaching, writing, and small group ministries. Seven are serving in institutions closely allied to the Church. Two might be said to have left the ministry but are still within the Church. The work of a Protestant pastor differs considerably from that of a priest. Baptism and Holy Communion are the only sacraments in most Protestant Churches and they require a rather small proportion of a minister's time. Weddings and funerals, not usually associated by Protestants with a sacramental ministry, do not take much time except in large churches with inadequate staffs. So the Protestant pastor is engaged in study and sermon preparation, conducting worship, pastoral call-ing, administrative work, and community service. He tries to visit the sick and to introduce the Church to newcomers of his own or perhaps no denomination in the locality, especially when such persons have appeared at a Church service or their need has been called to his attention by a parishoner who knows of their desire to see a minister. He may do counseling at the Church. He spends hours with lay persons who hold responsible positions--Sunday School teachers, deacons and deacon-esses, trustees, youth sponsors, and others. He works also with small groups meeting for Bible study and prayer, leadership education, and youth activities. This would comprise the week's schedule for a woman min-ister also. Reading between the lines of my responses, I dis-cover that eight women are supporting themselves by secular employment and doing as much of the above work as possible in the churches they serve. One clerks in a grocery; another is visiting lecturer in science at a university. Teaching, nursing, and social work are men-tioned. The majority of pastors, however, are giving full time to the Church. Protestant people prefer the ministry of a married man if they can support him, so most women minis-ters will be found in struggling churches or churches which find it hard to get married ministers for other reasons. One writes: "I believe that there is a place in Protestantism for a celibate ministry. There are parishes in which a single person can work where it would not be practical for a family to live. The parish I now sei've is one that has a very hard time keeping a minister; it is a depressed coal mining area where ministers' wives do not want to bring up their children, and I don't blame them--I would not bring up children here either; but since I am single I have been able to stay on a small salai'y and do a work that really needed to be done." In 1941, a Methodist bishop asked a young woman to go and see if she could revive a church which was dis-integrating. She found a building with every window broken and no heating plant. On the pulpit was a note: "There are no members and no money. Here's the key." A school official told her: "Go back where you came. Even by police statistics it is a frightful area." She called from door to door and faced an empty church for four Sundays. Then two women came, bringing their children, and she started a Sunday School. At the end of fourteen years she was able to give up secular employ, ment; the church could support her. Now, after 26 + 4. + Protestant Women in Religion VOLUME 26, 1967 1021 + + + Elsie Gibson REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 1022 years, she serves the same church with a membership of 1,094. It has sent out one missionary, four ministers, has another graduating from seminary and still others looking toward full-time Christian work. Her r~sponse on the questionnaire as to why she entered the ministry was: "The Methodist Church needed me." Doubtless any bishop would endorse that statement. This woman may have unusual gifts of administration. --they have had an excellent building programmbut many from whom I heard seem able to manage the af-fairs of a parish well. A Michigan woman writes: "I have to date served three parishes and we have built a new church building in each place. I would have been happy to have let the men do that, though." Others felt they were not equipped to handle such projects and pre-ferred to work on a multiple staff where they would not have administrative duties. When women are assistant pastors they usually carry heavy responsibility in Christian education, pastoral calling, or both. Twenty-five years ago, schools or de-partments of religious education were separate from the theological, divisions of seminaries though on the same campuses. The education courses were taken mainly by women. They demanded extensive study of educa-tional theory and practice as well as field work but a minimum of theology. The theological sections, in which nearly all the students were men, did little or nothing in the way of training for educational work. Tension resulted between the male minister and the female director of education, the pastor thinking the woman did not know what she was trying to impart and the director of education feeling that the pastor was a dismal failure when it came to imparting anything ex-cept to adults. Since the woman had had fewer years of graduate study and was in a subordinate position on the staff, as well as from the cultural angle, she felt frus-trated. This picture is changing. A widow who serves as a director of Christian educa-tion has expressed the matter clearly: "I was ordained because at the time I was in seminary it seemed to me that there was quite a gulf between people working in the Christian education field, which I had prepared to do, and the ministry of the church. In other words, all too often the clergy did not interest themselves in edu-cation, because they felt that it was the 'field of the edu-cator, and in fact, they did not bother to find out too much about it. The person in Christian education went about his duties and the minister about his and they were each in his separate world. This led to misunder-standing and at times situations where there was rivalry and outright antagonism. By completing the full three- year course for the B.D. degree and by being ordained, I wished to show my belief that ihe work of the church is one; that whatever I did I wanted to do with the wel-fare of the total church in mind; that I was prepared to understand the work of the ministry in its widest scope and to see my task in the broadest terms." Another woman explains her desire in seeking ordination: "Be-cause it is my conviction that one who works profes-sionally in the educational ministry of the church should have the same training and status as those who are min-isters of Word and Sacrament. The ministry is one; the preaching and teaching ministry cannot be separated." Women with this full preparation frequently become associate pastors rather than assistants and their views are treated with appreciation and respect in the area of their special competence. The church school is under their direction, also adult education projects and leader-ship training of various kinds. They-may have respon-sibility for morning wors.hip when children or youth are involved. The ministers of the church work as a team, associates having been interviewed by the senior pastor so that he carl determine whether additional staff have points of view which will make it possible for all to serve together happily. The women from whom I heard in such situations were glad to participate in a team minis-try. Others who share responsibility, particularly in pas-toral calling and counseling, felt a multiple staff should always include a woman. A number in such positions said there were problems a woman would not discuss with a male minister, and vice versa, so that the pres-ence of a woman on the staff gave members of the congregation a choice. One respondent mentioned that a minister of another denomination had sent a dis-turbed woman to her for counseling even though he "did not believe in women ministers." Several who have had experience in chaplaincy work feel that it is a mis-take for men to counsel emotionally disturbed women and girls and vice versa. Older women often find satisfaction in a special min-istry to senior citizens, shut-ins, those in nursing homes and hospitals. This frees the senior pastor from all ex-cepf. the most urgent calls. The woman assistant or as-sociate takes Holy Communion to the sick and others who cannot come to the church. She conducts worship in nursing homes and often preaches in the absence of the senior minister. Thirty-four ministers' wives responded to the ques-tionnaire; thirty-two respondents are married to men who have other vocations. Unless economic circum-stances demand it, they do not leave the home when 4. 4- + Protestant Women in Religion VOLUME 26, 1967 1023 ÷ ÷ ÷ E|sle Gibson REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 1024 their children are below school age; but this does not mean they have "left the ministry." A mother of four children whose husband is in business says that she con-tinued her work until their fourth child came: "I have found that a full-time parish is too much for me to manage while the children are young. I have every in-tention of returning to the parish ministry as soon as the children are all in school, and able to be a little less de-pendent on me." In the meantime she is able to supply pulpits and conduct Christian education workshops. Another minister's wife who is serving a church part time says: "I am devot.ing all the time I feel I can to my parish duties because my family takes precedence . Fortunately, the church I currently serve does not ask for more. But in any case, until the youngest child is in school, I could not do more. If I fail my children, I fail--period. However, with these limitations I am giv-ing supportive help to a small congregation of aging persons (mostly single .women) and there doesn't seem to be anyone else around who could bother with them at the moment." Other wives, while accepting interim and supply work, do not serve as pastors and do not expect to do so. They are absorbed.in the work their husbands are do-ing, giving him assistance in tasks for which they have special gifts. The parish he serves is actually receiving the service of two ministers "for the price of one." Such churches make no de,rnands upon a woman's time but gratefully receive whatever assistance she can give. This will vary with the age and number of her children. She may give practically full time as they grow older. Protestant churches are often unaware of the work done by ministers' wives above the local level and es-pecially in ecumenical circles. I recall a large board meeting where the que.stion was suddenly asked: "How many here are ministers' x4ives?" Nearly all the women were, and it was laughingly decided that some-thing must be done abont such a situation for "what if all our husbands were to move at once?" One min-ister's wife writes: "Our little boy is just a year old so I will not be working professionally for a while. However, I am very much involved in our Church Women United gronp, and feel that the witness i am making now is perhaps greater than the witness I was able to make as a professional Christian education person." In various ways a number observed that a Christian home at the heart of the parish is in itself a form of witness. A young minister's wife states: "I've found thai often women will talk their family and marital problems over with me first. Often they want to talk to both of us. When a woman needs to break down and have a good cry, she'll often come and cry with me." Another expresses an idea which I have pondered myself: Are women led into specialized ministries? Certainly many of us who are mar-ried are so engaged. We are doing work that in many in-stances requires ordination but that others have neither the time nor the financial support to do. A young woman, ordained and having to decide whether her ministry will be given as a single or married person, writes: "I think that women were made to stand along-side men in the family, church and society." She rejects stereotypes of women as do most of those responding to my questionnaire. It seems to me that the role of woman in the Church is an nnsolved problem. Their gifts and abilities are numerous, and they cannot be forced into one of half a dozen molds predetermined by society. T.hey must have sufficient freedom to become what God intended them to be. They need the help of the men of the Church, but not their domination, to find where they belong. One woman cannot generalize for another what the ideal wife and mother must be and do. There is as much variety within this "order" as within any other. I think that perhaps the greatest need of the Church in our generation is a deep interior listening to what the Holy Spirit seems to be saying, not only to our-selves but through others. The natural human tend-ency is to try to shape others either to our own vocation or to our mental image of the calling he thinks he has. There is a bewildering multiplication of vocations to-day when almost everyone is some kind of specialist. But we are reachiug out toward mt~tual understanding. Years ago, the founder o1~ the American Association of Women Ministers chided me for my interest in the Roman Catholic Church. She could not fathom it. Aged and infirm now, unable to fill out the questionnaire, she rose from bed and scribbled a brief note which in-cluded the words: "I have found very real fellowship with Catholic Sisters both here and once when I was ill and they took me in almost as one of them. 'Just like us' I overheard one of them say to another of me." Our feelings may be ambivalent at times as we consider the radical differences in our separate states; but faith in Christ leads us to affirm that we will yet be one Body---even in the eyes of the world. + 4. + Protestant Women in Religion VOLUME 26, 1967 1025 JOSEPH F. GALLEN, S.J. Directives on the ¯Postulancy, Noviceship, and Temporary Profession ÷ + ÷ Joseph F. Gal-len, s.J., writes from St. Joseph's Church; 321 Willings Alley; Philadelphia, Penn-sylvania 19106. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 1026 In an address to the International Union of Supe-rioresses General, given in Rome on March 7, 1967, Archbishop Philippe, Secretary of the Sacred Congrega-tion of Religious, communicated the following new ori-entations or directives of the Sacred Congregation of Re-ligious on the postulancy, noviceship, and temporary profession in apostolic congregations of religious women. These directives had been p.reviously approved by the Prefect of the Sacred Congregation, Cardinal~ Antoniutti. The directives should obviously be studied by all institutes, also of men. These new orientations are di-rectives, suggestions, the thinking, the mind of the Sa-cred Congregation. They Were not imposed as obliga-tory. The norms of the motu proprio Ecclesiae sanctae (nn. 6-8) remain in full force. The general chapter therefore has the authority to change the constitutions experimentally provided the changes are not contrary to canon law and the purpose, nature, and character of the institute are preserved. Prudent experiments con-trary to canon law, if judged profitable, will be freely i~er-mitted by the Holy See, but canonical changes are effec-tive only if and when they are permitted by the Holy See. The general council has the same power of experimenta-tion in the periods between chapters according to condi-tions to be determined by the chapters. See Rv.wEw for RELXGmUS, 25 (1966), 957--65; 26 (1967), 5--18. The new orientations of the Sacred Congregation are listed below as directives. The remarks are my explanatory comments on the directives. DIRECTIVE I. PRE-POSTULANCY NOT RECOMMENDED. A pre-postulancy would be a period before the postulancy spent in one of the houses of full external activity, in which therefore the aspirant would be in contact with the actual life of the institute, would know the life she is to live when her formation is completed, and a more realistic judgment of her vocation could be made. The thinking of the Sacred Congregation of Religious is that this purpose should be included in the postulancy and not that there should be an added and special pre-postu- .lancy for all. Remarks. The directive of the Sacred Congregation stated above would not preclude the imposing or recom-mending of such a pre-postulancy to a particular aspi-rant or aspirants before admission. Some institutes of sis-ters are now demanding or tending to demand a year of work after high school, two years or the completion of college before entrance. All such requirements are based on what is stated to be the fact of experience, that is, that greater maturity than now had is at least advisable before entrance. Such experimental require-ments should be carefully thought out and, if put into effect, their results are to be accurately observed and studied. Maturity is an individual matter, and some high school graduates are sufficiently mature for entrance. A partial or complete college education is not a guaran-tee of maturity, Contact is to be maintained with the applicant during the period of any such delayed en-trance, e.g., by the vocation director. The psychological and personality testing of applicants should help the judgment on sufficient maturity. DIRECTIVE II. POSTULANCY. Necessity. In religious in-stitutes of women of.perpetual vows, there is to be a postulancy for all of at least six month~ but not longer than a year (c. 539, § 1). Prolongation. Whether the pre-scribed postulancy is six months or longer, as above, it may be prolonged but not more than six months (c. 539, § 2). Place. The postulancy may be made in the novitiate house or in another house of the institute where the discipline prescribed by the constitutions is faithfully observed (c. 540, § 1). Manner. The postulants are to make the postulancy as a distinct group under the spiritual guidance of a mistress (c. 540, § 1). Pur-pose. The postulancy is to remain, as now almost solely viewed, a period of spiritual and religious initiation for the noviceship, but it may also be considered and em-ployed as a time of probation and trial in the works of the institute. It may be made in one of the houses of full external activity. Consequently, the postulants would be in contact with the actual life of the institute, would know the life they are to live when their forma-tion is completed, and a more realistic judgment of their vocation could be made (c. 540, § 1). Authority ]or Directives VOLUME 26, 1967 1027 4" 4" 4" Joseph F. Gallen, .S.L REVIEW: FOR RELIGIOUS 1028 changes. The institutes themselves may make these changes because none of them is contrary to canon law and therefore does 'not demand the authorization of the Sacred Congregation of Religious. Remarhs. It is not a canon but the practice of the Holy See in approving constitutions that has excluded a postulancy longer than a year. Canon law did not and does not forbid either study or occupation in the ex-ternal works of the institute during postulancy. Canor~ 540, § 1 permits that the postulancy be made in houses of full external activity "where the discipline prescribed by the constitutions is faithfully observed." DIRECTIVE III. CLOTHING OR RECEPTION OF THE HABIT (BEGINNING OF THE NOVlCESHIP). Type of ceremony. The mind of the Sacred Congregation of Religious is that the clothing or reception of the habit should be reduced to a purely community ceremony, held in the chapel of the novices or of the religious house, without the pres-ence of the families or ecclesiastical authorities, and especially without solemnity. Reason. The reason is to accord the due and superior importance to religious pro-fession, which in many institutes of religious women was given less solemnity and appeared to have less impor-tance than reception. The Commission for the Imple-mentation of the Constitution on the Sacred Liturgy is preparing to formulate a ceremonial for religious pro-fession. Remarks. The Constitution on the Sacred Liturgy, n. 80, states: Moreover, a rite of religious profession aml renewal of vows shall be drawn up, in order to achieve greater unity, sobriety, and dignity. Apart from exceptions in particular law, this rite should be adopted by those who make their profession or
ILLUSTRIERTE GESCHICHTE DES WELTKRIEGES 1914/15. ACHTER BAND. Illustrierte Geschichte des Weltkrieges (-) Illustrierte Geschichte des Weltkrieges 1914/15. Achter Band. (Achter Band) ( - ) Einband. ( - ) [Abb.]:Deutsches U=Boot wehrt in der Otranto=Strasse den Angriff italienischer Wasserflugzeuge ab. ( - ) Illustrierte Geschichte des Weltkrieges 1914/18. ([I]) Impressum ([II]) Inhaltsverzeichnis. ([III]) Kunstbeilagen. (IV) Karten. (IV) Kriegskalender zur Origianl=Einbanddecke der Illustrierten Geschichte des Weltkrieges 1914/18. Achter Band enthaltend die Ereignisse vom 1. Januar bis 30. Juni 1918. Verlag der Union Deutsche Verlagsgesellschaft in Stuttgart, Berlin, Leipzig, Wien. ( - ) Januar. Februar. März. ( - ) April. ( - ) Mai. Juni. ( - ) Die Geschichte des Weltkrieges 1914/18. Heft 176 (Heft 176) ([1]) Österreichisch=ungarischer Vorposten auf der Höhe im Vallarfatal am Gardasee ([1]) [Abb.]: Auf einer Vormarschstrasse bei Flitsch. (2) [Abb.]: Abführung gefangener Italiener im Isonzotal. (3) [Abb.]: Durch brandenburgische und schlesische Divisionen von Norden her abgeschnitten und durch österreichisch=ungarische Korps von Süden umfasst, strecken östlich vom unteren Tagliamento mehr als 60 000 Italiener die Waffen. ([4 - 5]) [2 Abb.]: (1)Österreichisch=ungarische Trainkolonne im Vormarsch auf einer der Passstrassen bei Flitsch. (2)Blick auf die Orte Pontebba (rechts) und Pontafel (links) in den Karnischen Alpen. Die Orte werden durch den Corsinbach voneinander getrennt. (6) [Abb.]: Die italienische Stadt Udine nach ihrer Einnahme durch die Verbündeten. (7) Illustrierte Kriegsberichte. (7) In letzter Stunde. (7) [Abb.]: Maulesel mit Geschützteilen und Schlitten für deutsche Hochgebirgstruppen. (8) [Abb.]: Flucht der italienischen Truppen und der Bevölkerung in der Friaulischen Ebene. ([9]) [Abb.]: Blick auf Venedig von einem Flugzeug aus. Der Markusplatz mit dem Campanile. Die Insel San Giorgio. (10) Einsetzen schwerer Geschütze auf einem deutschen Linienschiff. (10) [Abb.]: Vogelschaukarte von Norditalien. ([11]) Der Krieg in Ostafrika im August und September 1917. (12) [Abb.]: Das neue deutsche Schlachtschiff "Grosser Kurfürst". (12) [Abb.]: Einsetzen schwerer Geschütze auf einem deutschen Linienschiff (Neubau). (13) [Abb.]: Massaikrieger im vollen Schmuck. Die Massai gehören zu den kriegerischten Völkern Ostafrikas. (14) Plünderung der türkischen Stadt Ordu durch Kosaken. (14) [Abb.]: Frontkarte von Deutsch=Ostafrika. (14) [Abb.]: Das englische Fesselballon=Mutterschiff "Manica" lässt an der Küste von Deutsch=Ostafrika einen Ballon aufsteigen, um deutsche Batteriestellungen ausfindig zu machen (15) Die Feldapotheke. (16) [Abb.]: Das Innere einer deutschen Feldlazarettapotheke in Mazedonien. (16) [Abb.]: Plünderung der türkischen Ortschaft Ordu am Schwarzen Meer durch Kosaken. ( - ) Die Geschichte des Weltkrieges 1914/18. Heft 177 (Heft 177) ([17]) [Abb.]: Zum Gegenstoss vorgehende deutsche Sturmabteilung im Westen. ([17]) [Abb.]: Der Gipfel des Hartmannsweilerkopfes. (18) [2 Abb.]: (1)Jägerdenkmal auf dem Hartmannsweilerkopf. (2)Kriegsgepäckwagen in den Vogesen (19) [Abb.]: Essenträger an der Kampffront im Westen. (20 - 21) [2 Abb.]: (1)Deutscher Maschinengewehrposten in einem Granattrichter in Flandern. (2)Rast in einem Granattrichter in Flandern. (22) [Abb.]: Ein in den Schlamm einer flandrischen "Strasse" eingesunkenes englisches Artilleriepferd wird ausgegraben. (23) Illustrierte Kriegsberichte. (23) In letzter Stunde. Ein Erlebnis bei der Eroberung Libaus. (23) [8 Abb.]: Neue Ritter des Ordens Pour le Mérite. (1)Oberstleutnant Kraehe, Kommandeur d. Füsitier=Regts. Nr. 34 (2)Oberstleutnant v. Behr. (3)Generalleutnant Elstermann v. Elster. (4)Oberstleutnant v. Oven. Erfolgreiche deutsche U=Boot=Kommandanten. (5)Kapitänleutnant Rud. Schneider(†). (6)Kapitänleutnant Vikt. Dieckmann. (7)Kapitänleutnant E. Fr. Hashagen. (8)Kapitänleutnant Meusel. (24) [4 Abb.]: Erfolgreiche deutsche U=Boot=Kommandanten. (1)Kapitänleutnant Rud. Schneider(+). (2)Kapitänleutnant Vikt. Dieckmann. (3)Kapitänleutnant E. Fr. Hashagen. (4)Kapitänleutnant Meusel. (24) [Abb.]: Indische und englische Lanzenreiter im türkischen Maschinengewehrflankenfeuer im Wadi Hesi, einem eingetrockneten Flussbett nördlich von Gaza an der Palästinafront. In der Mitte des Bildes zwei durch schwere Grananten ausser Gefecht gesetzte englische Panzerkraftwagen. ( - ) [Abb.]: Ein feindliches Segelschiff wird von einem deutschen U=Boot im Sperrgebiet um England angehalten. ([25]) [Abb.]: Der Deutsche Kaiser beim Besuch eines der Dardanellenforts auf Gallipoli. (26) [2 Abb.]: (1)El=Kossaima, eine vorgeschobene englische, von den Türken besetzte Militärstation in der Wüste, von wo aus man einen weiten Blick in den wildzerklüfteten Djebel Helal hat. (2)Der Kampf um den Suezkanal: Türkische Maschinengewehrabteilung im Wüstensand. (27) Nikolaus II. (27) [Abb.]: Der Kampf um den Suezkanal: Türkische Maschinengewehrabteilung im Wüstensand. (27) [2 Abb.]: (1)Lenin, Vorsitzender des russischen Rats der Volkskommissare. (2)Trotzki, der russische Volkskommissar für auswärtige Angelegenheiten. (28) [Abb.]: Vogelschaukarte des Frontgebietes in Palästina. (28) [Abb.]: Die aufständischen Leninisten beschiessen den Winterpalast in Petersburg in der Nacht vom 8. zum 9. November 1917. ([29]) [3 Abb.]: Die Ausbildung von Sanitätshunden und Führern im Sanitätshunde=Ersatzdepot Fangschleuse bei Erkner, einem Vorort von Berlin. (1)Eine Abteilung von Sanitätshundeführern mit ihren Tieren auf dem Marsche. (2)Gehorsamsübungen: Die Hunde warten auf ein Kommando. (3)Eine Abteilung von Sanitätshunden mit ihren Führern bei Fliegergefahr. (30) [Abb.]: Aufnahme eines besonders klugen Sanitätshundes nach einer erfolgreichen Suche. (31) Die deutschen Sanitätshunde und ihre Abrichtung. (32) [Abb.]: Sanitätshundeführer mit ihren Tieren auf dem südlichen Kriegschauplatz (32) [Abb.]: Kaiser und König Karl beobachtet in Begleitung des Erzherzogs Eugen und des Prinzen von Parma (hinter dem Kaiser) den Übergang österreichisch=ungarischer Truppen über den Tagliamento bei Latisana. ( - ) Die Geschichte des Weltkrieges 1914/18. Heft 178 (Heft 178) ([33]) [Abb.]: 50 000 gefangene Italiener im Lager von Cividale, das ursprünglich für österreichisch=ungarische Gefangene bestimmt war. ([33]) [3 Abb.]: (1)Vor der deutschen Kommandantur auf der Piazza Vittorio Emanuele im eroberten Udine. (2)Erbeutetes italienisches 30,5=cm=Geschütz auf einer Gebirgstellung bei Cividale. (3)Eroberte italienische Geschützstellung an der Passhöhe von Cividale. (34) [Abb.]: General v. Below, der Führer der siegreichen deutschen Italienarmee. (35) [2 Abb.]: (1)Im eroberten Udine erbeuteter Flughörapparat französischer Herkunft, der Abwehrbatterien zur Feststellung von Fliegern dient. (2) Von einem italienischen Verwundetenhilfsplatz auf einem Bergvorsprung wird ein Schwerverletzter auf einer Drahtseilbahn zu Tal gelassen. (36) [Abb.]: Einbruch deutscher Truppen in eine italienische Batteriestellung. ([37]) Illustrierte Kriegsberichte. (38) In letzter Stunde. (38) [3 Abb.]: (1)Die Panzerkuppen des italienischen Werkes Leone auf dem von österreichisch=ungarischen Truppen eroberten Cima di Campo. (2)Das von österreichisch=ungarischen Truppen eroberte italienische Werk Cima di Lan nach der Sprengung durch die Italiener. (3) K. u. k. Feldzeugmeister Generaloberst Graf v. Scheuchenstuel. (38) [Abb.]: Das von österreichisch=ungarischen Truppen eroberte italienische Werk Cima di Lan nach der Sprengung durch die italiener. (38) [Abb.]: Vogelschaukarte des Gebietes zwischen der Brenta und der Piave. ([39]) [Abb.]: Sammelstelle von Schlachtvieh am Skutarisee. (40) [8 Abb.]: Bilder aus dem besetzten Albanien. (1)Einmarsch in ein Dorf. (2)Alarm in einer Kaserne. (3)Erfrischung am Dorfbrunnen nach anstrengendem Marsch. (4)Aushebung von Freiwilligen auf einem Kasernenhof. (5)Eine Strasse in Skutari. (6)Tabakmarkt in Elbassan. (7)Offizierspatrouille überschreitet einen Gebirgsfluss. (8)Maultierkolonne auf der Strasse zum Lovcen. ([41]) [Abb.]: Das Sühnedenkmal in Serajewo zur Erinnerung an die Ermordung des österreichisch=ungarischen Erzherzog=Thronfolgers Franz Ferdinand und seiner Gemahlin. (42) Die englische Sommeroffensive in Flandern. (42) [Abb.]: Von den Bulgaren an der mazedonischen Front gefangene Schottländer. (43) [2 Abb.]: (1)Von den Bulgaren an der mazedonischen Front gefangene Schottländer. (2)Feldgraue im Strassenleben von Üsküb in Mazedonien. (43) [Abb.]: Nächtlicher Angriff der Engländer auf Langemark in Flandern. ([44 - 45]) [2 Abb.]: (1)Ankunft frischer deutscher Truppen (Kavallerie mit Stahlhelmen) für die Front in Flandern. (2)Aus dem Hafen von Ostende ausfahrendes deutsches Torpedoboot. (46) [Abb.]: Aus dem Hafen von Ostende ausfahrendes deutsches Torpedoboot. (46) Kriegsgefangenenfürsorge in deutschen Lagern. (47) [Abb.]: Verladen englischer Panzerkraftwagen. (47) [Abb.]: Gute Verpflegung der Kriegsgefangenen in Deutschland. In den Gefangenenlagern sind vielfach Küchen eingerichtet worden, in denen sich die Gefangenen ihr Speisen nach Belieben selbst zubereiten können. Von dieser praktischen und für die Gefangenen angenehmen Einrichtung wird reger Gebrauch gemacht. (48) [Abb.]: Deutsche Infanterie treibt in kühnem Gegenstoss die Engländer aus dem Dorfe Fontaine bei Cambrai. ( - ) Die Geschichte des Weltkrieges 1914/18. Heft 179 (Heft 179) ([49]) [Abb.]: Im feindlichen Granatenfeuer vorgehende deutsche Artillerie. ([49]) [Abb.]: Das Schlachtfeld südwestlich von Cambrai. (50) [2 Abb.]: (1)Deutscher Granatenwerfer in Flandern. (2)Verladen einer deutschen Batterie an der Flandernfront. (51) [Abb.]: Sperrfeuer über einer Ortschaft im Westen. (52) [Abb.]: Deutscher Gegenstoss in Flandern. ([53]) [Abb.]: Französische Artillerie im winterlichen Kampfgebiet der Vogesen. Schwere Geschütze in Deckung. (54) Illustrierte Kriegsberichte. (54) In letzter Stunde. (54) [Abb.]: Eine Munitions= und Proviantkolonne sucht in einer Waldlichtung Deckung vor dem Feinde. (55) [5 Abb.]: (1)Kapitänleutnant Treusch Freiherr v. Buttlar=Brandenfels, erfolgreicher deutscher Luftschiffkommandant. (2)Oberleutnant z. S. Wendlandt, erfolgreicher deutscher U=Boot=Kommandant. (3)Kampfflieger Leutnant Ernst Udet, Führer einer Jagdstaffel, einer der erfolgreichsten deutschen Flieger. (4)Kampfflieger Leutnant Buckler, wurde wegen seiner hervorragenden Kampfleistungen zum Leutnant befördert. (5)Österreichisch=ungarisches U=Boot mit dem Kommandanten v. Falkhausen kehrt von einem Ausflug in die Adria in den Heimathafen zurück. (56) [Abb.]: Das Schiff ohne Mannschaft. Wie sich die Engländer denken, durch den Bau von Schiffen ohne Besatzung, die von bewaffneten Dampfern geschleppt werden und durch ihre flache Bauart den spähenden U=Booten entgehen sollen, der immer drohender werdenden Frachtraumnot Herr werden zu können. ([57]) [Abb.]: Major Ludwig Graf v. Holnstein aus Bayern, Chef des Generalstabs des I. Bayrischen Armeekorps. (58) Aufruhr in Kasan. (58) Die Armeebekleidungsfabrik der k. u. k. 2. Armee. (59) [Abb.]: Schweizerische Haubitzenbatterie. (59) [Abb.]: Der Aufruhr in Kasan im September 1917: Meuternde Infanteristen durchbrechen den Kosakenring. ([60 - 61]) [3 Abb.]: Die Armeebekleidungsfabrik der k. u. k. 2. Armee in Freiberg in Mähren. (1)Zuschneidesaal der Konfektionsanstalt.Leistungsfähigkeit 2000 vollständige Uniformen in der Woche bei 30 Arbeitern. (2)Werkstätte der Konfektionsanstalt. Leistungsfähigkeit auf 64 Maschinen etwa 750 vollständige Uniformen in der Woche bei 150 Arbeitern. (3)Desinfektionsanstalt. Die in grossen Wagenladungen aus dem Feld einlangenden ausbesserungsbedürftigen Kleidungsstücke und Rüstungsgegenstände werden entgegengenommen und nach Gattungen geschieden. (62) [3 Abb.]: Die Armeebekleidungsfabrik der k. u. k. 2. Armee in Freiberg in Mähren. (1)Desinfektionsanstalt. Die Sortierhalle, in der die bereits desinfizierten Sachen nach Gattungen abgelegt werden. (2)Lederabteilung. Das Auswählen der Schuhe und Zusammenstellen der Paare. (3)Lederabteilung. Die Werkstätte II der Sattlerei mit dem Lager fertiger Sachen. (63) [Abb.]: Drei aus französischer Gefangenschaft entwichene deutsche Soldaten nach ihrem Wiedereintreffen bei ihrem Truppenteil. (64) Die Geschichte des Weltkrieges 1914/18. Heft 180 (Heft 180) ([65]) [4 Abb.]: (1)K. u. k. Generalmajor Freiherr v. Waldstätten, Chef der Operationsabteilung des österreichisch=ungarischen Armeeoberkommandos, erhielt den Orden Pour le Mérite. Siegreiche Heerführer an der italienischen Front. (2)K. u. k. General der Infanterie v. Henriquez, erhielt von Kaiser und König Karl das Grosskreuz d. Leopoldordens m. d. Kriegsdekoration u. den Schwertern. (3) K. u. k. Feldmarschalleutnant Scotti, erhielt vom Kaiser und König Karl den Leopoldorden 1. Klasse mit der Kriegsdekoration u. den Schwertern. (4)K. u. k. Feldmarschalleutnant Freiherr v. Schariozer, erhielt vom Kaiser und König Karl den Leopoldorden 1. Klasse mit der Kriegsdekoration u. den Schwertern. ([65]) [2 Abb.]: (1) Kartenskizze zu den Kämpfen an der unteren Piave.(2(Kartenskizze zu den Kämpfen beiderseits der Brenta (66) [Abb.]: Der "aufgschlitzte" Kirchturm in Ponte die Piave. (67) [2 Abb.]: (1)Mit Schutzschilden versehene Italiener gehen über ein vom Feuer bestrichenes offenes Feld.(2) Italienische Maschinengewehrabteilung in einer Felsenstellung. (68) [Abb.]: Mannschaften des 3. Kaiserschützenregimentes vertreiben die Italiener aus ihren Stellungen am Monte Miela. ([69]) [Abb.]: Gebirgschlucht an einer der Vormarschstrassen gegen Italien mit ehemaligem italienischem Barackenlager. (70) Illustrierte Kriegsberichte. (70) In letzter Stunde. (70) [3 Abb.]:(1) Deutsche Kolonnen auf dem Marktplatz im eroberten Vittorio in der venetianischen Ebene. (2)Schlachtviehkolonnen im Vormarsch auf der Strasse Udine=Codroipo. (3)Die unermessliche Geschütz= und Materialbeute an einer der italienischen Rückzugstrassen nach dem Tagliamento. (71) [3 Abb.]: (1)Deutscher Aufklärungstrupp in Mazedonien vor seinem Quartier, zum Aufbruch bereit. (2)Der mehrfach im bulgarischen Heeresbericht rühmend genannte deutsche Kampfflieger Leutnant v. Eschwege wurde nach seinem 20. Luftsieg vom feindlichen Abwehrfeuer getroffen und starb den Heldentod. (3)Leben und Treiben auf einem bulgarischen Bahnhof in Mazedonien. (72) [Abb.]: Gefecht auf dem Presenagletscher und dem Passo Paradiso im Adamellogebiet zwischen Ortler und Gardasee am 9. Juni 1915. Ein Bataillon Alpini wird von siebzig Kaiserschützen blutig zurückgeschlagen. ( - ) [Abb.]: Deutsche Reiterpatrouille im Gefecht mit rumänischen Kundschaftern. (73) Ein Gefecht auf dem Presenagletscher. (74) [Abb.]: Die Khalil=Pascha=Strasse in Bagdad. In der Mitte ein englischer Armeelastwagen. (74) Deutschland und die Türkei. I. (75) [2 Abb.]: (1)Der Hetman der Donkosaken General Kaledin. (2)Blick auf Jerusalem, im Hintergrund der Ölberg. (75) [Abb.]: Ankunft der russischen Unterhändler bei der ersten deutschen Stellung zwecks Einleitung der Waffenruhe am 26. November 1917. ([76 - 77]) [Abb.]: Durchschnitt durch einen französischen Minenstollen. (78) Minenkrieg. (79) [Abb.]: Ein fahrbares Offiziersheim, das seinen Standort beliebig wechseln kann. (79) [Abb.]: Deutsche Soldaten bei Arbeiten in dem grössten Steinbergwerk Frankreichs in der Nähe von Berry au Bac bei Reims. Das Bergwerk befindet sich in deutschem Besitz und wird instand gesetzt. Die gewonnenen Steine werden zum Ausbau der Schützengräben verwendet. Unser Bild zeigt, auf welche Weise die Wände der Stollen durch Birkenstämme gestützt werden. (80) [Abb.]: In den Ruinen von Apremont (Argonnen). ( - ) Die Geschichte des Weltkrieges 1914/18. Heft 181 (Heft 181) ([81]) [Abb.]: Bei den Aufräumungsarbeiten in dem von den Engländern zwecklos zerstörten Cambrai. ([81]) [Abb.]: Der englische General Sir Julian Byng, der Leiter der misslungenen Cambraioffensive. (82) [2 Abb.]: (1)Abtransport englischer Tankmannschaften, die in der Schlacht bei Cambrai gefangen wurden. (2)Zerstörter englischer Tank bei Rumilly. (83) [Abb.]: Englische Truppen werden durch Maschinengewehrfeuer von den Dächern eines erbeuteten englischen Proviantzuges bei Cambrai zusammengeschossen. (84 - 85) Illustrierte Kriegsberichte. (84 - 85) Deutschland und die Türkei. II. (84 - 85) [3 Abb.]: (1)Joseph Caillaux, der frühere französischer Ministerpräsident, dessen friedensfreundliche Tätigkeit der französischen Regierung unbequem wurde. (2)Georges Clemenceau, der neue französische Ministerpräsident, der zur Fortsetzung des Krieges mit allen Mitteln schürte. (3)St. Mihiel, südlich von Verdun, mit Vororten. (86) [Abb.]: Trichtergelände in Flandern vor der Höhe von Passchendaele. ([87]) Minenkrieg. (88) [Abb.]: Am Steuer eines Marine=Luftschiffes in grosser Höhe. Der Steuermann trägt (wie die ganze Bemannung des Luftschiffes) eine Schwimmweste und einen Fallschirmgürtel und hat den Schlauch des Sauerstoffapparates im Munde. (88) [Abb.]: An der Towerbrücke über die Themse in London. Englische Anstrengungen zur Abwehr deutscher Luftangriffe auf London. Schweinwerfer leuchten den Himmel ab, der ausser von Mond und Sternen von unzähligen leuchtenden Schrapnellen erhellt wird. ([89]) [4 Abb.]: (1)Kampfflieger Leutnant Walter v. Bülow, Ritter des Ordens Pour le Mérite. (2)K. u. k. Hauptmann Otto Indra, Kommandant einer österreichisch=ungarischen Fliegerkompanie, hat seit Januar 1915 219 erfolgreiche Feindesflüge unternommen und 8 feindliche Flugzeuge abgeschossen. (3) Kampfflieger Leutnant Hans Klein, Ritter des Ordens Pour le Mérite. (4)Zwei französische Flieger, kenntlich an den Fliegerabzeichen rechts auf der Brust, die bei einem Angriff auf das deutsche Heimatgebiet zur Landung gezwungen wurden, inmitten einer Gruppe Franzosen, die bei einem Vorstoss am Hartmannsweilerkopf in deutsche Gefangenschaft fielen. (90) Unsere Front im Elsass. (91) [Abb.]: Deutscher Panzerkraftwagen auf einer Gefechtsfahrt. (91) Schwere Arbeit am Geschütz beim Anhalten eines feindlichen Seglers. (91) [Abb.]: Deutsche U=Boot=Tätigkeit im Sperrgebiet: Schwere Arbeit am Geschütz beim Anhalten eines Seglers ([92 - 93]) [2 Abb.]: (1)Deutsche Schneeschuhläufer=Abteilung auf einem Erkundungsmarsch in den Vogesen. (2)Deutsche Posten an einer Wegsperre in den Vogesen. (94) [Abb.]: Eine deutsche Truppenabteilung zieht durch Ammerzweiler im Oberelsass. (95) Theatereröffnung. (95) [2 Abb.]: (1)Kartenskizze der Kampffront in den Vogesen. (2)Theatervorstellung im Ruhequartier. (96) Die Geschichte des Weltkrieges 1914/18. Heft 182 (Heft 182) ([97]) [Abb.]: Österreichisch=ungarische Kletterpatrouille auf der kleinen Navois=Scharte. Im Hintergrund der Montasch auf dem sich die italienischen Stellungen befinden. ([97]) [Abb.]: Kartenskizze zum Kampf um das Monte=Grappa=Massiv. (98) [2 Abb.]: (1)Deutsche Infanterie rückt in das besetzte Vittorio ein. (2) Deutsche Kriegsgepäckwagen am Lago Morto auf dem Vormarsch zur Piavefront. (99) [3 Abb.]: (1)Nächtliche Besichtigung in einem österreichisch=ungarischen Panzerwerk an der italienischen Front. (2)Österreichisch=ungarische Drahtseilbahnstation und Unterkünfte im Tiroler Hochgebirge. (3)Österreichisch=ungarischer Artillerie=Beobachtungstand an der iatlienischen Front. ([100]) [Abb.]: Erstürmung des italienischen Panzerwerkes Leone auf der Cima di Campo. ([101]) [2 Abb.]: (1)Das nach jeder Richtung drehbare Oberdeck eines der mit schweren Geschützen bestückten englischen Monitore, die im Adriatischen Meere zur Unterstützung der Landkämpfe an der italienischen Front verwendet wurden. (2)Erbeutetes schweres italienisches Riesengeschütz in einem Dorfe hinter Udine. (102) [Abb.]: General Diaz, der an Stelle Cadornas Generalstabschef des italienischen Heeres wurde. (103) [Abb.]: Deutscher Fesselballon zur Beobachtung feindlicher Artillerie über dem Piavetal. (104) Illustrierte Kriegsberichte. (104) Minenkrieg. (104) [Abb.]: Deutsche Fliegerabwehrkanone auf einem Kraftwagen an der italienischen Front. (104) [Abb.]: Aus den Kämpfen der österreichisch=ungarischen Truppen an der Piave. ([105]) [Abb.]: Das seit dem deutschen Friedensangebot am 12. Dezember 1916 von den Heeren des Vierbunds eroberte feindliche Gebiet, das eine Ausdehnung von mehr als 50 000 Quadratkilometer hat. (106) [Abb.]: Verlauf der Demarkationslinie in der Ostsee. (107) Der letzte Appell. (107) [Abb.]: Verlauf der Demarkationslinie im Schwarzen Meer. (107) [2 Abb.]: (1)Das Gebäude in Brest=Litowsk, in dem die Waffenstillstandsverhandlungen stattfanden. (2)Empfang der russischen Delegation auf dem Bahnhof von Brest=Litowsk. (108) Der Krieg in Ostafrika im Oktober und November 1917. (109) [Abb.]: Die Unterzeichnung des Waffenstillstandsvertrages zwischen dem Vierbund und Russland in Brest=Litowsk durch Prinz Leopold von Bayern, den Oberbefehlshaber von Ober=Ost. 1. Kameneff. 2. Toffe, Vorsitzender der russischen Delegation. 3. Frau A. Biecenko. 4. Konteradmiral Altvater. 5. Lipsky, Hauptmann im russischen Generalstab. 6. Sekretär Karachan. 7. Fokke, Oberstleutnant im russischen Generalstb. 8. Exzellenz Zeki Pascha, der Bevollmächtigte der Türkei. 9. Botschafter v. Mérey. 10. Prinz Leopold von Bayern. 11. Generalmajor Hoffmann, Chef des Stabes. 12.Oberst Gantschew, der bulgarische Bevollmächtigte. 13. Kapitän z. S. Horn. 14. Hey, Hauptmann im Generalstb. 15. Brinkmann, Major im Generalstb. 16. Major v. Kameke. 17. Rittmeister d. R. v. Rosenberg. 18. Major Frh. v. Mirbach, österreichisch=ungarischer Bevollmächtigter. 19. Delive=Dobrowolsky. (109) [ 2 Abb:]: (1)Um während der Regenzeit trockenen Fusses in Deutsch=Ostafrika vorwärts zu kommen, mussten englische Pioniere weite Strecken erst durch Bau von Brücken zugänglich machen. (2)Englische Kolonialtruppen setzen mittels einer Dampffähre über einen tiefen, in der Regenzeit angeschwollenen Strom in Deutsch=Ostafrika. (110) [Abb.]: Belgische Kolonialsoldaten erhalten in Deutsch=Ostafrika Unterricht in der Bedienung von Grabenmörsern. (111) Das württembergische Gebirgsbataillon in Italien. (111) Kampf um ein Gehöft bei Jakobstadt. (111) [4 Abb.]: Major Sprösser, Ritter des Ordens Pour le Mérite (2)Generalleutnant Graf v. Schmettow, der Eroberer von Jakobstadt, erhielt den Orden Pour le Mérite.(3)Oberleutnant Rommel, Ritter des Ordens Pour le Mérite. (4)Der deutsche Durchbruch bei Jakobstadt: Kampf um ein Gehöft. (112) Die Geschichte des Weltkrieges 1914/18. Heft 183 (Heft 183) ([113]) [Abb.]: Schwerer deutscher Minenwerfer in gedeckter Stellung. ([113]) [Abb.]: Teil des Houthoulster Waldes in Flandern, aus einer höhe von 50 Metern von einem deutschen Flieger aufgenommen. Der ehemals dichte Wald ist in ein Trichterfeld mit kahlen Baumstümpfem verwandelt. (114) [2 Abb.]: (1)Deutsche Stellung in dem vollständig zerschossenen Houthoulster Wald bei Zypern. (2)Eine Drahtseilbahn in den Vogesen. (115) [Abb.]: Deutsche Kriegsgepäckwagen auf dem Marktplatz von Sulz im Oberelsass. (116) [Abb.]: Heerstrasse von Damvillers nach Azannes vor Verdun am Tage der Erstürmung von Fleury und Thiaumont im Juni 1916 ([117]) [Abb.]: Zwei in den flandrischen Kämpfen gefangene englische Fliegeroffiziere, deren Flugzeug unversehrt in deutsche Hände fiel. (118) Illustrierte Kriegsberichte. (119) Charakterköpfe der Weltkriegsbühne. 8. Caillaux=Clemenceau. (119) [Abb.]: Abführung gefangener Franzosen durch bayrische Reiter. (119) [5 Abb.]: Hervorragende Kampfflieger der deutschen Armee. (1)Leutnant Kissenberth, Führer einer bayrischen Jagdstaffel. (2)Leutnant Hess (+). (3)Oberleutnant Schleich. Ritter des Ordens Pour le Mérite. (4)Kapitänleutnant Hans Kolbe, Führer leichter deutscher Seestreitkräfte, die am 12. Dezember 1917 an der englischen Ostküste den Geleitzugsverkehr Bergen-Shetlandsinseln erneut angriffen. (5)Der von einem deutschen U=Boot (Kommandant Kapitänleutnant Hans Rose) am 5. Dezember 1917 im Ärmelkanal versenkte amerikanische Zerstörer "Jakob Jones". (120) [Abb.]: Abgeschlagener feindlicher Fliegerangriff auf ein Industriewerk. ([121]) [Abb.]: Das Schlussstück des Waffenstillstandsvertrages von Brest=Litowsk mit den Unterschriften der Bevollmächtigten der beteiligten Mächte. (122) Was das amerikanische Heer in Frankreich nötig haben wird. (123) [2 Abb.]: Generalmajor v. Hoffmann, Chef des Generalstabs des Oberbefehlshabers Ost, der bevollmächtigte deutsche Vertreter bei den Verhandlungen über einen Waffenstillstand mit Russland. (2) Zu den Waffenstillstandsverhandlungen an der rumänischen Front. 1. Generalleutnant v. Morgen, Leiter der Verhandlungen. 2. Generalmajor v. Hranilovic, Vorsitzender der österreichisch=ungarischen Abordnung. 3. Oberstleutnant im Generalstab v. Förster=Stressleur, österreichisch=ungarischer Delegierter. 4. Major im Generalstab v. Hempel, österreichisch=ungarischer Delegierter. 5. oberstleutnant Popow, der Vertreter Bulgariens. 6. Major Rasim Bei, der Vertreter der Türkei. 7. General Keltschewski, der Führer der russisch=rumänischen Abordnung. 8. Hauptmann Baron Tiefenhausen, russischer Kommissar der Armeeorganisationen. 9. General Lupescu, Führer der rumänischen Abordnung. (123) [Abb.]: Zu den Waffenstillstandsverhandlungen an der rumänischen Front. 1. Generalleutnant v. Morgen, Leiter der Verhandlungen. 2. Generalmajor v. Hranilovic, Vorsitzender der österreichisch=ungarischen Abordnung. 3. Oberstleutnant im Generalstab v. Förster=Stressleur, österreichisch=ungarischer Delegierter. 4. Major im Generalstab v. Hempel, österreichisch=ungarischer Delegierter. 5. oberstleutnant Popow, der Vertreter Bulgariens. 6. Major Rasim Bei, der Vertreter der Türkei. 7. General Keltschewski, der Führer der russisch=rumänischen Abordnung. 8. Hauptmann Baron Tiefenhausen, russischer Kommissar der Armeeorganisationen. 9. General Lupescu, Führer der rumänischen Abordnung. (123) [Abb.]: Holzkohlenbrand unter deutscher Militärverwaltung in Frankreich zwecks Versorgung der Schützengräben mit rauchlosem Heizmaterial Kohlenmeiler im Walde hinter Talmat in den Argonnen. ([124 - 125]) Generalmajor Hoffmann. (126) [Abb.]: Büffelgespann im Dienste des Roten Kreuzes auf dem Balkankriegschauplatz. (126) Des Köhlers Kriegsarbeit. (126) [Abb.]: Verschiedenartige Beförderungsmittel der österreichisch=ungarischen schweren Artillerie in der Türkei. (127) Das Kamel im Kriegsdienst. (127) [Abb.]: Bulgarischer Kamelreitertrupp. (127) Zum Stapellauf des größten deutschen Frachtdampfers. (128) [Abb.]: Stapellauf des für die Hamburg=Amerika=Linie auf der Bremer Bulkanwerft erbauten grossen deutschen Frachtdampfers "Rheinland". (128) Die Geschichte des Weltkrieges 1914/18. Heft 184 (Heft 184) ([129]) [Abb.]: Nächtliche Patrouille ([129]) [Abb.]: Der erste englische Tank aus dem Westen in den Strassen Berlins, der vom Bahnhof aus mit eigener Kraft zu den Austellungshallen am Zoologischen Garten fuhr, in denen das unversehrte Beutestück im Betrieb gezeigt wurde. (130) [8 Abb.]: Aus der von den Engländern verlorenen Tankschlacht bei Cambrai. (1)Strassenbild aus Fontaine mit einem der erbeuteten englischen Tanke. (2)Durch englisches Granatfeuer völlig zerstörte Kirche von Fontaine. (3)Englischer Tank wirft auf dem Vormarsch einen starken Baum um. (4)Durch einen deutschen Volltreffer zerstörter Tank am Bourlonwalde. (5)Das Kommando der Tankbergungstelle Cambrai. (6)Abbeförderung unversehrt erbeuteter englischer Tanke. (7)Bei Cambrai erbeutete leichte englische Geschütze. (8)Bei Cambrai erbeutete schwere englische Mörser. ([131]) [Abb.]: Der schwere Zusammenbruch englischer Hoffnungen bei Cambrai. Durch dauernde deutsche Gegenstösse zermürbt, vermögen die englischen Truppen trotz Einsatzes stärkster Kräfte und zahlreicher Tanke dem deutschen Druck nicht mehr standzuhalten und wserden mit schwersten Verlusten zum Weinen gebracht. (132 - 133) [Abb.]: Blick auf ein Zeltlager in der ägyptischen Wüste. (134) [ 2Abb.]: (1)Türkische Telegraphentruppen warten auf ihre Beförderung durch die Bagdadbahn. (2)Englische Transportkolonnen ziehen an dem Bogen von Ktesiphon vorüber, einem grossartigen Bauwerk des Altertums in Mesopotamien. (135) [Abb.]: Das alte griechische Kloster Sveti Bogorodizia am Ochridasee in Albanien. (136) [Abb.]: Türkisches Lager in der Wüste. ( - ) [Abb.]: Ein Gegenstoss albanischer Freischaren vereitelt einen Angriff französischer Infanterie westlich von Korka. ([137]) Illustrierte Kriegsberichte. (138) Lagerleben in der Wüste. (138) [Abb.]: Grenzschutz der Schweiz. Ein Beobachtungsturm an einer schweizerischen Grenze. (138) Die Räumung Deutsch=Ostafrikas. (139) [Abb.]: Italienisches Caproni=Grossflugzeug, das von einem deutschen Flieger zur Landung gezwungen wurde. Das Flugzeug hat zwei Motore mit drei Propellern. Unter der Gondel liegen die Bomben. (139) [Abb.]: Die italienische Besatzung auf dem Monte Castelgomberto streckt, seit 24 Stunden eingeschlossen, am 5. Dezember 1917 nach tapferer Gegenwehr die Waffen ([140 - 141]) [Abb.]: Leben und Treiben zwischen den deutschen und russischen Stellungen während des Waffenstillstandes im Osten. Russen beim Einkauf von Gebrauchsgegenständen. (142) K. u. K. Pferdespitäler im Hinterland. (143) [2 Abb.]: (1)Graf Czernin, der österreichisch=ungarische Minister des Äussern, und Staatssekretär Dr. v. Kühlmann, der Vertreter Deutschlands, in Brest=Litowsk. (2)Abgeordnete der ukrainischen Rada im Gespräch mit deutschen Offizieren vor dem ehemaligen Gouvernementsgebäude in Brest=Litowsk. (143) Ein deutsches Bombenflugzeug. (144) [Abb.]: Bombenabwurf von einem der neuen deutschen "Gotha"=Flugzeuge. Die Seite des Rumpfes ist geöffnet, um die innere Einrichtung des Apparates zu zeigen. (144) Die Geschichte des Weltkrieges 1914/18. Heft 185 (Heft 185) ([145]) [Abb.]: Juden in Lida, einer Kreisstadt an der Eisenbahn Wilna=Rowno. ([145]) [Abb.]: General Krylenko, der russische Oberbefehlshaber. (146) [6 Abb.]: Zwischen den deutschen und russischen Stellungen vor Dünaburg. (1)Zusammentreffen deutscher und russischer Soldaten in der neutralen Zone.(2)Übergabe von Postsachen für Kriegsgefangene an einer der neutralen Verbindungsstellen. (3)Deutsche Posten an der Grenze der neutralen Zone beim Lesen der neuesten Nachrichten. (4)Deutscher und russischer Posten in der neutralen Zone an der Bahnstrecke Wilna-Dünaburg. (5)Rückkehr russischer Auswanderer aus der Schweiz in die Heimat. Ankunft der Heimkehrenden an der neutralen zone auf der Reise nach Dünaburg. (6)Rückkehr russischer Auswanderer aus der Schweiz in die Heimat. Übergang von der deutschen Kleinbahn in russische Schlitten vor der Fahrt nach Dünaburg. ([147]) [Abb.]: Untergang eines feindlichen Truppentransportdampfers nach der Torpedierung durch ein deutsches U=Boot in der Meerenge von Gibraltar. ([148 - 149]) [Abb.]: Karte der "Bundesrepublik Russland" nach den Plänen der Fremdvölker. (150) [2 Abb.]: (1)Eine der vielgenannten, von österreichisch=ungarischen Truppen eroberten italienischen Svobba=Batterien. (2)Italienische Truppen im Frenzelatal. (151) [ 5 Abb.]: (1)Vizeadmiral Behncke, Chef eines Verbandes deutscher Linienschiffe, erhielt wegen hervorragender Leistungen bei den Unternehmungen gegen die baltischen Inseln den Orden Pour le Mérite. Erfolgreiche deutsche U=Bootkommandanten. (2)Oberleutnant z. S. Hors Obermüller. (3)Oberleutnant z. S. Lohs. (4)Korvettenkapitän Kophamel (5)Oberleutnant z. S. Steindorff. (152) [Abb.]: Vor einem deutschen Soldtenheim an der Westfront. ( - ) [Abb.]: Gefangene Russen, die in einem Boot nach Bornholm zu entkommen suchten, werden, bereits auf hohe See, von einem deutschen Wasserflugzeug an einer Stahltrosse nach Pommern zurückgeschleppt. ([153]) [Abb.]: Ein österreichisch=ungarischer 30,05=cm=Mörser in den Bergen der Pustertaler Alpen. (154) Illustrierte Kriegsberichte. (154) Ein deutsches Soldatenheim an der Westfront. (154) Einbringen entwichener russischer Gefangener durch ein deutsches Wasserflugzeug. (155) In den Ruinen von Apremont in den Argonnen. (155) [Abb.]: Anschrauben des Rettungsringes eines schweren österreichisch=ungarischen Geschützes auf dem italienischen Kriegschauplatz. (155) Gefangenenaustausch zwischen Deutschland und England. (156 - 157) [Abb.]: Das Trümmerfeld von Apremont in den Argonnen. (156 - 157) Gefangennahme der ersten Amerikaner an der deutschen Westfront. (156 - 157) [Abb.]: Eine Anzahl der ersten aus englischer Kriegsgefangenschaft in Rotterdam eingetroffenen Deutschen, die dem deutsch=englischen Abkommen gemäss in Holland interniert und zum Teil nach der Heimat zurückgeschickt werden sollen. In der Mitte Fregattenkapitän v. Müller (+), der Kommandant des kleinen Kreuzers "Emden". (158) Die französischen Kriegsziele in geschichtlicher Beleuchtung- (158) [2 Abb.]: Die ersten Kriegsgefangenen Italiener in Deutschland. Eine Gruppe von den etwa 2500 Mann im Gefangenenlager zu Merseburg. (2)Die ersten kriegsgefangenen Soldaten der Vereinigten Staaten von Nordamerika, die von bayrischen Truppen am Kapellbuckel bei Monhofen gefangen wurden. (159) [Abb.]: Deutsche Krankenpflegerinnen mit Gasschutzmasken leisten die erste Hilfe nach einem feindlichen Gasangriff im Westen. (160) Die Geschichte des Weltkrieges 1914/18. Heft 186 (Heft 186) ([161]) [Abb.]: Abstieg einer österreichisch=ungarischen Abteilung auf dem Marsche zu einer Stellung auf der Cima di Presanella. ([161]) Übersichtskarte über die grossen Gebiete, die Italien auf Kosten Österreich=Ungarns vom Verband zugesichert erhielt. Die-.-.-.-Linie zeigt die bisherige Grenze Italiens. Die______Linie zeigt, wie weit die Grenze Italiens nach dem Berbandsabkommen auf das österreichisch=ungarische Gebiet ausgedehnt werden sollte. (162) [2 Abb.]: (1)Schwalbennester. Österreichisch=ungarische Unterstände auf der Marmolata.(2)Bosnisch=herzegowinisches Infanterieregiment begibt sich auf dem Vormarsch in Italien aus der Höhenstellung ins Tal. (163) [Abb.]: Stimmungsbild aus einem französischen Städtchen: Immer mehr Soldaten! (164 - 165) [Abb.]: Oberleutnant z. S. d. Res. Fr. Christiansen, erfolgreicher deutscher Marineflieger, der bei einem Flug über den Hoosden am 11. Dezember 1917 das englische Luftschiff "C 27" vernichtete, erhielt den Orden Pour le Mérite. (166) [2 Abb.]: (1)Die Vernichtung des englischen Luftschiffes "C 27", das ein deutsches Marineflugzeug, Führer Oberleutnant z. S. d. Res Fr. Christiansen, über den Hoosden (Nordsee) in Brand schoss. Die Photographie zeigt den Augenblick, da das Luftschiff brennend in die See stürzt. (2)Das englische Luftschiff "C 27" aufgenommen vor dem Angriff des deutschen Marineflugzeuges. (167) [4 Abb.]: (1)Korvettenkapitän Heinecke, unter dessen Führung leichte deutsche Seestreitkräfte vor der Tynemündung ein erfolgreiches Gefecht mit englischen Vorpostenschiffen geführt haben. (2)Kapitänleutnant Wenninger, erfolgreicher deutscher U=Bootkommandant, versenkte im Ärmelkanal trotz beträchtlicher feindlicher Gegenwirkung rund 20 000 Tonnen Schiffsraum. (3)Kapitänleutnant Remy, der als deutscher U=Bootkommandant im Ärmelkanal und an der französsischen Westküste 10 Schiffe mit zusammen 28 000 Tonnen Raumgehalt versenkte. (4) Kapitänleutnant Otto Schulze, erfolgreicher deutscher U=Bootkommandant, der im westlichen Mittelmeer eine Anzahl feindlicher Dampfer versenkte. (168) Illustrierte Kriegsberichte. (168) Brückenbau deutscher Pioniere in Pont=a=Mousson. (168) [Abb.]: Die Lebensmittelknappheit in England, ein Erfolg des deutschen U=Bootkrieges. Eine Kartoffelpolonäse in London. (168) [Abb.]: Wiederaufbau der zerstörten Moselbrücke in Pont=a=Mousson durch deutsche Soldaten. ( - ) [Abb.]: Deutsche Hochseestreitkräfte auf der Streife nach der englischen Ostküste. ([169]) [Abb.]: Das Schlussstück des Friedensvertrages zwischen dem Vierbund und der Ukraine mit den Unterschriften der Bevollmächtigten. (170) Selige Augen. (170) [2 Abb.]: (1)Die Grenzen der Ukraine. (2) Die Schlussitzung der Friedensverhandlungen mit der Ukraine in der Nacht vom 8. zum 9. Februar 1918 in Brest=Litowsk. 1. Graf Czernin, der österreichisch=ungarische Bevollmächtigte. 2. Staatssekretär v. Kühlmann, der deutsche Bevollmächtigte. 3. Ministerpräsident Radoslawoff und 4. Oberst Gantschew, die bulgarischen Bevollmächtigten. Im Vordergrund die türkischen Bevollmächtigten. 5. Major Brinkmann. 6. Generalmajor Hoffmann. 7. Rykola Lewytsikyi, ukrainischer Bevollmächtigter. (171) [Abb.]: Im Kampf um Udine. (172 - 173) [Abb.]: Reste einer von den Italienern vor ihrer Flucht mit Benzin übergossenen und in Brand gesteckten Schlachtviehstallung mit Haufen verkohlter Rinder. (174) Kämpfe um Udine. (174) [Abb.]: Von der österreichisch=ungarischen Artillerie in Brand geschossene italienische Eisenbahnzüge in Stazione per la Carnia. (174) [Abb.]: Auf einer italienischen Rückzugstrasse bei St. Daniele am Tagliamento. (175) Die französischen Kriegsziele in geschichtlicher Beleuchtung. (175) [Abb.]: Besetzungsmarken der Mittelmächte. (176) Die Besetzungsmarken der Mittelmächte. (176) Die Geschichte des Weltkrieges 1914/18. Heft 187 (Heft 187) ([177]) [Abb.]: An die Front! ([177]) [Abb.]: Materialtransport mittels Ochsengespanns und Strassenbahn bis in die vordersten Linien an der Westfront. (178) [2 Abb.]: (1)Stapelplatz fertig geschnittener Hölzer zum Bau von Unterständen und Minengängen in den vordersten Gräben hinter der Front in Flandern. (2) Lagerplatz von Baustoffen hinter der deutschen Front im Westen. (179) [2 Abb.]: (1)General Sir Henry H. Wilson, der an Stelle des zurückgetretenen Generals Robertson englischer Generalstabschef wurde. (2)Die Versenkung des amerikanischen Truppentransportdampers "Tuskania" westlich von der irischen Küste durch ein deutsches U=Boot in der Nach zum 5. Februar 1918 trotz stärksten Schutzes durch englische Zerstörer. (180) [Abb.]: An der Westfront ankommender amerikanischer Truppentransport wird von deutschen Fliegern beschossen. ([181]) [2 Abb.]: (1)Eine italienische Seidenspinnerei unter deutscher Verwaltung in Vittoria, in der die Seidenkokons bis zum fertigen Seidenfaden verarbeitet werden. Innenansicht der Spinnerei: Die Bürstenanlage. Etwa 50-60 Kokons werden in 40 Grad heisses Wasser gelegt und ihre Fadenaufänge durch Bürsten losgelöst. (2) Abwiegen von Kokons. Eine Spinnerin erhält täglich 4 Kilogramm Kokons zugwiesen, die sie im Laufe des Tages verarbeitet. (182) [Abb.]: Erfolgreicher Angriff eines deutschen Fliegers auf einen feindlichen Fesselballon. 1. Das deutsche Flugzeuzg überfliegt den Ballon. 2. Der Ballon ist durch die Brandgeschosse des Fliegers in Brand geraten. 3. Die Überreste des Ballons stürzen brennend ab. (183) Illustrierte Kriegsberichte. (184) Selige Augen. (184) [Abb.]: Deutsche Fliegeraufnahme der Düna hinter Riga mit der von deutschen Pionieren geschlagenen Notbrücke im Vordergrund. (184) [Abb.]: Freudige Begrüssung deutscher Reiter auf ihrem Vormarsch in Livland durch die von der russischen Gewaltherrschaft befreite Bevölkerung. ([185]) [3 Abb.]: Bilder aus dem Cholmer Gebiet. (1)Oberes Bild: Strassenbild von Cholm.- (2)Mittleres Bild: Ukrainische Juden am Sabbat in Cholm. -(3) Unteres Bild: Ukrainische Bäuerin am Spinnrad. (186) [3 Abb.]: (1)Tschernow, Führer der russischen Minimalisten, ein erbitterter Gegener Trotzkis und Lenins. (2) Wsetwolod Holubovicz, wurde am 5. Februar 1918 zum Ministerpräsidenten der neugegründeten Republik Ukraine gewählt. (3)Gesamtansicht von Kiew, der Hauptstadt der Ukraine. (187) [Abb.]: Strassenkämpfe in Petersburg unter der Schreckensherrschaft der Bolschewiki. 1. Kampf um den Winterpalast mit Panzerwagen. 2. Wirkung eines Artilleriegeschosses. 3. Vernichtung von Zeitungen auf dem Newsky=Prospekt. 4. Strassenkampf. (188) Charakterköpfe der Weltkriegsbühne. 9. Leo Nikolaus Trotzki. (188) [Abb.]: Die Schreckensherrschaft der Roten Garde in Livland. Sie verbreitete sich über den ganzen, von den Deutschen bisher nicht besetzten Teil Livlands. Die meisten Hofbesitzer wurden ausgeraubt und von Haus und Hof verjagt. Wer sich widersetzte, wurde sofort erschossen. ([189]) [Abb.]: Nordteil der deutschen Front gegen Grossrussland vor Beginn des neuen Vormarsches nach Ablauf des Waffenstillstandes. (190) [2 Abb.]: (1)Südteil der deutschen Front gegen Grossrussland vor Beginn des neuen Vormarsches nach Ablauf des Waffenstillstandes. (2)Südteil der deutschen Front gegen Grossrussland vor Beginn des neuen Vormarsches nach Ablauf des Waffenstillstandes. (190) Der Vormarsch nach Livland. (191) [Abb.]: An der grossen Verkehrstrasse Riga-Petersburg durch die Hügellandschaft Livlands: Übergang deutscher Truppen über die Bahnstrecke Riga-Petersburg. (191) [Abb.]: Das neue Abzeichen für deutsche Fliegerschützen (in 1/2 Grösse), das für diejenigen Mannschaften bestimmt ist, die als Maschinengewehrschützen zur Flugzeugbesatzung gehören. (192) [Abb.]: Sie kommen! ( - ) Die Geschichte des Weltkrieges 1914/18. Heft 188 (Heft 188) ([193]) [Abb.]: Generalfeldmarschall v. Eichhorn (links) und General v. Bredow (rechts) mit Offizieren des Stabes bei der Besichtigung von Minsk nach der Einnahme der Stadt. ([193]) [2 Abb.]: (1)Russische Gefangenentypen: Mohammedaner aus Astrachan. (2) Der Friedensplaltz mit der polnischen Kirche und dem Gouvernementsgebäude in Minsk. (194) [3 Abb.]: (1)Svinhufvud, finnischer Ministerpräsident. (2)Generalleutnant Freiherr v. Seckendorff, der Eroberer von Reval. (3)Vogelschaukarte der Festung Reval, die am 25. Februar 1918 von deutschen Truppen nach Kampf genommen wurde. (195) [Abb.]: Die deutsche Front zur Zeit des Friedenschlusses mit Grossrussland am 3. März 1918. (196) [Abb.]: Auf der Kleinbahn zur Front in den Argonnen. ([197]) [Abb.]: Vogelschaukarte der Alandsinseln. (198) [4 Abb.]: (1)Fregattenkapitän Nerger, Kommandant des deutschen Hilfskreuzers "Wolf". (2)Kapitänleutnant Franz Becker, erfolgreicher deutscher U=Boot=Kommandant im Mittelmeer. (3)Kapitänleutnant Sietz, erfolgreicher deutscher U=Boot=Kommandant im östlichen Mittelmeer. (4)Kapitänleutnant Brandes, Kommandant des deutschen Hilfskreuzers "Iltis". (199) Illustrierte Kriegsberichte. (199) Das Deutschtum in den baltischen Landen. (199) [4 Abb.]:(1) Kapitänleutnant Spiess, erfolgreicher Führer eines deutschen U=Bootes. (2)Flugzeugbeobachter Leutnant Hans Jürgen Horn, Ritter des Ordens Pour le Mérite. (3)Leutnant Bongartz, erfolgreicher deutscher Kampfflieger, Ritter des Ordens Pour le Mérite. (4)Oberleutnant z.S. Karl Neumann, erfolgreicher Führer eines deutschen U=Bootes im Mittelmeer. (199) [Abb.]: Die Mannschaft des deutschen Hilfskreuzers "Wolf" nach ihrer Rückkehr von fünfzehnmonatiger Kreuzfahrt durch den Atlantischen, Indischen und Stillen Ozean. ([200]) [Abb.]: Einlaufen des deutschen Hilfskreuzers "Wolf" in den Kieler Hafen. (201) Kriegshunde. (202) [3 Abb.]: Aus einer Kriegsmeldehunde=Schule dicht hinter der deutschen Front. (1)Oberes Bild: Die Vorbereitung der Mittagmahlzeit durch die Köche. - (2)Mittleres Bild: Antreten und Appell der Hundeführer vor dem Ausmarsch zur Übung. - (3)Unteres Bild: Die Kriegsmeldehunde beim Mittagmahl in ihren Stellungen. (203) Von Riga bis nach Dorpat. (203) [Abb.]: Der Durchbruch der deutsch=ostafrikanischen Schutztruppe unter Führung des Generalmajors v. Lettow=Vorbeck über den Rowuma=Grenzfluss auf portugiesisches Gebiet. ([205]) [Abb.]: Eintreffen der deutschen und österreichisch=ungarischen Austauschgefangenen auf einem schwedischen Dampfer in Sassnitz. (206) Der Durchbruch der deutsch=ostafrikanischen Schutztruppe nach Portugiesisch=Ostafrika und die Kämpfe dort im Dezember 1917. (206) [Abb.]: Die neu eingekleideten deutschen Austauschgefangenen nach ihrer Ankunft in Sassnitz. (207) Deutsch=russischer Gefangenenaustausch in Sassnitz. (207) [Abb.]: Gefangenenaustausch in Sassnitz auf der Ostseeinsel Rügen. Die wohl aussehenden russischen Gefangenen gehen an Bord. (207) [Abb.]: Wiedereroberung des Castellaccio (Tonalegebiet). (208) Wiedereroberung des Castellaccio (Tonalegebiet) am 14. September 1915. (208) [Abb.]: Ein Blick über den vordersten Graben. Inmitten des zerschossenen Waldgeländes zieht sich in 75 Meter Entfernung der französische Graben hin. Im Vordergrund bezieht eine Kolonne Feldgrauer die Stellung. ( - ) Die Geschichte des Weltkrieges 1914/18. (Heft 189) ([209]) [Abb.]: Deutscher Meldereiter mit Gasmaske überbringt in feindlichem Feuer eine wichtige Meldung. ([209]) [5 Abb.]: (1)Kartenskizze zu der fortschreitenden deutschen Offensive in Frankreich. Ende März 1918. Ritter des Ordens Pour le Mérite. (2)Major Freiherr v. Schleinitz, Bataillonskommandeur des Garde=Grenadierregiments Nr. 5. (3)Oberstleutnant Freiherr v. Lupin, Kommandeur des württ. Grenadierregiments Nr. 123, der sich durch hervorragende Tapferkeit bei der Wegnahme von Fins auszeichnete. (4)Generalleutnant Oskar Freiherr v. Watter, Kommandeur einer Division, die sich bei Cambrai rühmlich hervortat. (5) Major Heinrigs, Bataillonskommandeur im Infanterieregiment Nr. 24. (210) [ 9 Abb.]: Hervorragende Führer der Grossen Schlacht in Frankreich. (1)General Walter Frhr. v. Lüttwitz. (2)General Ritter und Edler v. Ötinger. (3)General v. Conta. (4) General v. dem Borne. (5) Oberleutnant z. S. Walter Warzecha, erfolgreicher deutscher U=Boot=Kommandant. Ritter des Ordens Pour le Mérite. (6)Oberstleutnant Ernst Freiherr v. Forstner, Kommandeur eines badischen Grenadierregiments. (7)Königlich sächsischer Generalmajor Hammer, führte bei Kriegsausbruch das 104. Infanteriergiment. (8)Generalmajor v. Sabain, im Frieden zuletzt Kommandeur der 12. Infanteriebrigade in Brandenburg. (9)General v. Wedel, Führer einer brandenburgischen Division, die sich auf dem italienischen Kriegschauplatz hervorgetan hat. (211) [2 Abb.]: (1)Unversehrt erbeutetes englisches Munitionslager bei Aubigny vor Ham. (2) Vor Ham gestürmte schwere englische Batterie. (212) [Abb.]: Auffahrende deutsche Artillerie. ([213]) [3 Abb.]: Bilder aus der Grossen Schlacht im Westen. (1) Über die ersten gestürmten englischen Stellungen vorgehende deutsche Kavallerie. (2)Über gestürmte englische Stellungen vorgehende deutsche Pioniere. (3)Über die ersten gestürmten englischen Stellungen vorgehende deutsche Artillerie. (214) [3 Abb.]: Bilder aus der Grossen Schlacht im Westen. (1)In St. Quentin bereitgestellte deutsche Reserven. (2)Deutsche Kolonnen auf der Vormarschstrasse vor Ham. (3)Eintreffen der ersten englischen Gefangenen in einer Sammelstelle bei St. Quentin. (215) [Abb.]: Wie sich der Flieger gegen Kälte schützt. Deutscher Flieger beim Anlegen von elektrisch geheizten Handschuhen. (216) Illustrierte Kriegsberichte. (216) Die Badener an der Wetterecke am 1. März 1918. (216) [Abb.]: Aufklärungsflug an der dalmatinischen Küste. (217) [3 Abb.]: (1)Alexander Marghiloman, wurde als Nachfolger Averescus zum rumänischen Ministerpräsidenten ernannt mit der Aufgabe, die Friedensverhandlungen zum Abschluss zu bringen. (2)General Averescu, der in der Übergangsregierung als rumänischer Ministerpräsident die Vorfriedensverhandlungen geführt hat. (3) Offiziere der 1. ukrainischen Division. (218) [2 Abb.]: (1) Aus russischer Gefangenschaft zurückkommende deutsche und österreichisch=ungarische Mannschaften in ihre Heimat. (2) Aus russischer Gefangenschaft zurückkommende deutsche Mannschaften bei der Abbeförderung in ihre Heimat. Die Soldaten tragen noch ihre Lagerkleider. (219) Die Eroberung Estlands. (220 - 221) [Abb.]: Verladung türkischer Kamele in Hidja Tschistchan an der Bagdadbahn. (220 - 221) [2 Abb.]:(1) Generalleutnant Adams. Führer der deutschen Truppen in Livland, die Dorpat besetzten. (2)Rast deutscher Truppen am Ufer des Peipus=Sees in Livland. (222) [6 Abb.]: Bilder vom deutschen Vordringen in Est= und Livland. (1)Blick zwischen den Narowafestungen durch auf den Fluss. (2)Die russische Festung Iwangorod bei Narwa. (3)Russische Soldaten melden sich auf dem Rathaus in Dorpat. (4)Die alte Deutschordensritterburg in Narwa. (5)Blick auf die Altstadt von Narwa von der Narowabrücke aus. (6)Die Schwedenfestung bei Narwa von der Narowabrücke aus. (223) Deutschlands künftige Weltwirtschaft. (223) [Abb.]: Das Eiserne Kreuz mit goldenen Strahlen, das Blücherkreuz, das bisher nur einmal, dem Fürsten Blücher nach der Schlacht bei Belle=Alliance, und jetzt vom Deutschen Kaiser dem Generalfeldmarschall v. Hindenburg verliehen wurde. Der Orden ist die höchste Klasse des Eisernen Kreuzes und in nur einem Exemplar auf Anordnung des Deutschen Kaisers angefertigt worden. (224) Die Geschichte des Weltkrieges 1914/18. Heft 190 (Heft 190) ([225]) [Abb.]: Eroberung englischer Langrohrgeschütze in der Durchbruchschlacht bei Bapaume. ([225]) [2 Abb.]: (1)Deutsche Maschinengewehrkompanie geht in Stellung. (2) Deutsche Kolonnen auf dem Vormarsch durch das zerschossene Templeux. (226) [2 Abb.]: (1)Eine Batterie von deutschen 21=cm=Mörsern in den gestürmten Linien im Kampfgelände zwischen Bapaume und Arras. (2)Gestürmte englische Linien bei Bullecourt-Croisilles zwischen Bapaume und Arras. (227) [2 Abb.]: (1)Einschlagen einer Gasgranate.(2)Einschlagen einer Stahlgranate. (228) [Abb.]: Deutsche Feldbatterien jagen im Galopp über die gestürmten englischen Stellungen in die vorderste Linie zur Unterstützung der Infanterieangriffe aus nächster Nähe. ([229]) [2 Abb.]: (1)Englisches Grossflugzeug (Typ Handley=Page) mit zurücklegbaren Tragflächen, das von den Deutschen unversehrt erbeutet wurde. Das Flugzeug ist 30 Meter breit, 20 Meter lang, 6 1/2 Meter hoch und hat 2 Motore zu je 260 Pferdestärken, die 2 vierflügelige Schrauben treiben. Bewaffnung: 3 Maschinengewehre; Besatzung: 5 Mann. (2) Von den Deutschen erbeuteter französischer Nieuport=Kampfeinsitzer mit einem Maschinengewehr, das an den oberen Tragflächen angebracht ist. (230) [2 Abb.]:(1) Verwundeter gefangener Führer eines abgeschossenen englischen Flugzeuges. (2)Unversehrt vorgefundene Wohnbaracken und Unterstände einer englischen Fliegerabteilung auf dem Flugplatz Favreuil. (231) [5 Abb.]: (1)Leutnant Röth, der am 1. April 1918 vor Arras vier englische Fesselballone vernichtete. (2)Vizefeldwebel Wagner, der am 1. April 1918 vor Arras einen englischen Fesselballon abschoss. (3)Vizefeldwebel Bäumer, deutscher Kampfflieger, der sich an der Westfront hervorgetan hat. (4)Oberleutnant Lörzer, erfolgreicher deutscher Kampfflieger, Ritter des Ordens Pour le Mérite. (5)Bei einem deutschen Jagdgeschwader an der Westfront. Blick auf den Flughafen mit den Zelten und abfahrtbereiten Flugzeugen, unter denen sich einsitzige Fokker=Kampfdreidecker befinden. Von einem deutschen Flugzeuge aus geringer Höhe aufgenommen. (232) [Abb.]: Wiederherstellung einer durch sogenannte Masken gegen Sicht geschützten, hochgelegenen Argonnenstrasse, die täglich unter feindlichem Feuer liegt und durch eine Fliegerbombe aufgerissen worden war. Die Masken bestehen aus Binsen=Weidenruten mit Laubansatz. In der Eichengruppe links ein Artilleriebeobachtungstand. Im Nebel des Hintergrundes die Höhenzüge des Argonnenwaldes. ( - ) [Abb.]: Zerstörung englischer Fesselballone vor Arras am 1. April 1918. (233) Illustrierte Kriegsberichte. (234) Wiederherstellung einer durch sogenannte Masken gegen Sicht geschützten und durch Beschiessung aufgerissenen Höhenstrasse. (234) [Abb.]: Übersichtskarte über das Gebiet von Japan und den ostsibirischen Hafenstädten. (234) Die Badener an der Wetterecke am 1. März 1918. (234) [2 Abb.]: (1)Der neue Stahlhelm der Schweizer Armee (2)Die Wirkung des Aushungerungskrieges Englands in der neutralen Schweiz: Städtischer Kartoffelverkauf der Notstandshilfe in Zürich. In verschiedenen Stadtstreifen Zürichs sowie in anderen schweizerischen Städten werden Kartoffeln als unentbehrliches Nahrungsmittel zu ermäßigten Preisen an die bedürftige Bevölkerung abgegeben. (235) [Abb.]: Am Verbandplatz. (236 - 237) [Abb.]: Österreichisch=ungarischer Soldat auf dem Markt von Winica in der Ukraine. (238) Die Befreiung der Ukraine. (238) [Abb.]: Von österreichisch=ungarischen Truppen auf dem Vormarsch nach Odessa gefangene Japaner. (239) [2 Abb.]: (1)May Senta Hauler, die Tochter eines auf dem italienischen Kriegschauplatzgefallenen österreichisch=ungarischen Offiziers, die sich als Schütze "Wolf Hauler" dem Württembergischen Gebirgsbataillon angeschlossen hat.(2) Die Vorhut der k. u. k. 30. Infanteriedivision (Feldmarschalleutnant v. Jesser) dringt am 13. März 1918 unter Führung des Generalmajors Alfred v. Zeidler von Norden her über den Frachtbahnhof in Odessa ein, während von Westen her zwei deutsche Bataillone die Stadt besetzen. (240) [Abb.]: Übergang deutscher Truppen über die Lys. ( - ) Die Geschichte des Weltkrieges 1914/18. Heft 191 (Heft 191) ([241]) [Abb.]: Der von den Franzosen gesprengte Oise=Aisne=Kanal, der über den Oisefluss führt. Rechts und links vom Kanal Sumpfgelände. ([241]) [2Abb.]: (1)Kartenskizze zu der Schlacht bei Armentiéres. (2)Kartenskizze zum Vorstoss der Armee Boehn zwischen Oise und Aisne. (242) [Abb.]: Das eroberte Chauny, das von den Franzosen vor ihrem Rückzug in Brand gesteckt wurde, aus 200 Meter Höhe von einem deutschen Flieger aufgenommen. (243) [2 Abb.]: (1)Deutsche Pioniere beim Überbrücken eines Minentrichters im Kampfgelände zwischen St. Quentin und Ham. (2)Zwei erbeutete englische Langrohrgeschütze auf einem Schienenstrang im Westen. (244) [Abb.]: Mit der Uhr in der Hand vor dem Sturm. Ein deutscher Sturmtrupp erwartet in einer Sappenkopfstellung den Befehl zum Vorbrechen. ([245]) [Abb.]: Aus der Hochburg des deutschen Kriegsmaterials: Lager von Rohgeschossen bei Krupp in Essen. (246) [3 Abb.]: Bei einer deutschen Batterie in Flandern. (1)Ein Geschütz wird gedreht. (2)Munition wird mittels kleiner Wagen zur Batterie gebracht. (3)Im Geschützturm einer schweren Küstenbatterie in Flandern. (247) Illustrierte Kriegsberichte. (247) Der Brigadier. (247) [2 Abb.]: (1)Kartenskizze zur Offensive in Finnland. (2)Russische Torpedoboote und Minenschiffe im Eis des Hafens von Helsingfors. Von einem deutschen Flieger aus 100 Meter Höhe aufgenommen. (248) [Abb.]: Landung deutscher Truppen im Hafen von Hangö in Finnland. ([249]) [2 Abb.]: (1)Deutsche Soldaten beim Bau von Unterkunftsräumen an der mazedonischen Front.(2)Auf einer Strasse am Wardar in Mazedonien: Am Bergrücken ein altes Kloster. (250) Kraftfahrer voran. (251) [Abb.]: Kriegerisches Strassenbild aus einer mazedonischen Stadt. (251) [2 Abb.]:(1) Deutscher Offizier reitet zur Front im Orient. (2)Österreichisch=ungarische Gebirgsartillerie auf dem Marsche im Tigristal. (252) [Abb.]: Deutsche Flieger bewerfen ein englisches Lager bei Jericho mit Bomben. Im Hintergrunde das Tote Meer und die Moabiter Berge. (253) [10 Abb.]: (1)General v. Eberhardt, dessen Truppen bei der erfolgreichen Umfassung von Armentiéres beteiligt waren. (2) General v. Quast, ein Führer der siegreichen deutschen Truppen in der Schlacht bei Armentiéres. (3)General v. Carlowitz, dessen Truppen mit denen des Generals v. Stetten den Feind in Richtung Baillent und Merville zurückwarfen. (4)Generalmajor v. Schippert, Führer einer württembergischen Division in der Grossen Schlacht in Flandern. (5)Generalmajor Höfer, der mit seinen Truppen den Übergang über die Lys bei Bac=St. Maux erkämpfte. (6)Leutnant Drebing, durch dessen schneidiges Zufassen der Übergang über die Lys bei Bac=St. Maux erzwungen wurde. (7)Oberleutnant z. S. Sprenger, erfolgreicher deutscher U=Boot=Kommandant im östlichen Mittelmeer (8)Leutnant v. R. Kroll, erfolgreicher deutscher Kampfflieger, Ritter des Ordens Pour le Mérite (9)Oberleutnant Fricke, erfolgreicher deutscher Beobachtungsflieger, Ritter des Ordens Pour le Mérite. (10)Oberleutnant z. S. Herm. Menzel, erfolgreicher deutscher U=Boot=Kommandant auf dem nördlichen Seekriegschauplatz. (254) [4 Abb.]: Deutsche Truppen in Livland. (1)Deutsche Radfahrerabteilung bei der Verfolgung raubender Bolschewikibanden. (2)Deutsche Radfahrerabteilung im Kampf mit raubenden Bolschewikibanden. (3)Ein nach Kampf mit den Bolschewiki erbeuteter russischer Panzerkraftwagen. (4)Deutsche Artillerie im Kampf mit einem abziehenden Panzerzug raubender Bolschewikibanden. (255) Krieg und Arbeitskräfte. (255) [Abb.]: Eine Kriegsauszeichnung für deutsche U=Boot=Besatzungen. Das aus patinierter Bronze hergestellte Abzeichen kann Offfizieren, Deckoffizieren und Mannschaften verliehen werden, die sich auf drei Fahrten gegen den Feind besonder hervorgetan haben. (256) [Abb.]: Aus den Kämpfen bei Langenmark. ( - ) Die Geschichte des Weltkrieges 1914/18. Heft 192 (Heft 192) ([257]) [Abb.]: Eroberte englische Stellung vor Armentiéres; durch deutsche Artillerie stark zusammengeschossen. ([257]) [Abb.]: Übersichtkarte zur Schlacht in Flandern (258) [6 Abb.]: Bilder aus der Schlacht bei Armentiéres. (1)Deutsche 21=cm=Mörserbatterie beim Stellungswechsel vor Estaires. (2)Eine Batterie deutscher 21=cm=Mörser im Feuer. (3)Erbeutete schwere englische Haubitze in Armentiéres (4)Österreichisch=ungarischer 30,5=cm=Mörser wird in Stellung gebracht. (5)Während des Kampfes überlaufende englische Soldaten werden von den Deutschen zu einer Sammelstelle gewiesen. (6)Ein Trupp der ersten aus der Schlacht eingebrachten englischen und portugiesischen Gefangenen. (259) [Abb.]: Der Deutsche Kaiser beobachtet auf einem Gefechtstande südlich von Armentiéres den Verlauf der Schlacht. Im Vordergrund ziehen Kolonnen mit Pioniergerät der vorstürmenden Infanterie nach. ([260 - 261]) [7 Abb.]: Hervorragende Kommandnaten deutscher Marineluftschiffe. (1)Korvettenkapitän Arnold Schütze. (2)Kapitänleutnant Flemming. (3)Kapitänleutnant v. Freudenreich. (4)1)RegimentskommandeurOberstleutnant Pohlmann, dessen Truppen in selbtstätigem Handeln die Höhe von Rossignol stürmten. (5)General Grünert, Führer deutscher Truppen in dem Kampfgebiet zwischen Bapaume und Peronne. (6)General Sieger, der Eroberer von Wytschaete, dessen Truppen auch an der Erstürmung des Kemmelberges beteiligt waren. (7)General v. Webern, siegreicher deutscher Truppenführer in dem Kampfgebiet zwischen Ham und Chauny. (262) [2 Abb.]: (1)Wie die Franzosen die deutschen Heldengräber schänden. Auf dem Holzkreuz eines Grabes auf dem Friedhof des wiedereroberten Nesle ist das Wort "Kameraden" vom Feinde mit schwarzer Farbe überstrichen worden. (2)Wie die Franzosen die deutschen Heldengräber schänden. Mutwillige Zerstörungen auf dem Friedhofe im wiedereroberten Nesle. Die Soldatengräber wurden von den französischen "Kulturträgern" vor ihrem Rückzug aufgerissen, die Holzkreuze gewaltsam zerbrochen, die Grabsteine absichtlich umgestürzt und die Inschriften mit den Namen der Toten und dem Zeichen des Eisernen Kreuzes vernichtet. Die deutschen Gräber wurden ausserdem von den übrigen durch einen Zaun aus Draht und Dachpappe getrennt. (263) [Abb.]: Deutsche Fliegeraufnahme der Kathedrale von Laon, die durch französisches Artilleriefeuer zerstört wurde. (264) Illustrierte Kriegsberichte. (264) Die Durchbruchschlacht in Frankreich. (264) [Abb.]: Deutsches U=Boot beschiesst Monrovia und Kap Palma in Liberia (Westafrika). ([265]) [Abb.]: Bau eines Bohrturmes in dem unter österreichisch=ungarischer Militärverwaltung stehenden rumänischen Rohölgebiet. (266) [Abb.]: Hochziehen eines österreichisch=ungarischen Fesselballons vom Meere aus. (267) [Abb.]: Eine Fahrt durch den Amanustunnel hinter der Palästinafront. (268 - 269) Darstellung der Befestigungswerke von Verdun. (268 - 269) [Abb.]: Reliefdarstellung der Befestigungswerke von Verdun in der Austellung "Die französische Festung und ihre Verteidigung" in den Austellungshallen am Zoologischen Garten zu Berlin. (268 - 269) Stosstruppen. Einbruch. Durchbruch. (271) [Abb.]: Fort Bauban, dritte Verteidigungslinie von Verdun. Im Relief wiedergegeben in der Austellung "Die französische Festung und ihre Verteidigung" in den Austellungshallen am Zoologischen Garten zu Berlin. (271) [Abb.]: Übung von Infanterietruppen im Zusammenarbeiten mit einem Infanterieflieger in einem hinter der Front dem Kampfplatz nachgebildeten Übungswerk. (272) Die Geschichte des Weltkrieges 1914/18. Heft 193 (Heft 193) ([273]) [Abb.]: Die Volksabstimmungen für den Rat von Flandern. Kundgebung der Flamen für ein selbstständiges Flandern. Umzug durch die Strassen Antwerpens. ([273]) [Abb.]: Erbeutete englische Flugabwehrkanone auf der Strasse nach Bapaume. (274) [2 Abb.]: (1)Generalleutnant v. Lindequist, einer der erfolgreichen deutschen Heerführer im Westen. (2)Ansicht des Kemmelberges mit Vorgelände. (275) [Abb.]: Die Eroberung des Kemmelbergs. (276 - 277) Illustrierte Kriegsberichte. (276 - 277) Die flämische Bewegung. (276 - 277) [Abb.]: Die Ruinen des Tuchhallen von Ypern und der Kathedrale St. Martin im Mondschein. (278) [2 Abb.]: (1)Die berühmte Jagdstaffel des Rittmeisters Manfred Freiherrn v. Richthofen, deren Führer nach Erringung von 80 Luftfliegen am 21. April 1918 einer feindlichen Kugel erlag. (2)Im Luftkampf an der Westfront aabgeschossener Sopwith=Kampfeinsitzer. In dem auffallend bemalten Rumpfvorderteil ist der Umdrehungsmotor sichtbar, darüber zwei starre Maschinengewehre. (279) [2 Abb.]: Zum missglückten englischen Handstreich auf Seebrügge und Ostende. (1)Fliegeraufnahme eines der versenkten englischen Sperrkreuzer , mit zahlreichen Spuren der Beschiessung durch die deutschen Küstenbatterien. (2)Fliegeraufnahme der versenkten englischen Sperrkreuzer "Brilliant" und "Sirius von denen der eine in Brand geschossen wurde. (280) Wehrhaft Kirche in St. Juvin. (280) [Abb.]: Kartenskizze zum missglückten englischen Handstreich auf Zeebrügge. a) Deutsche Prahmsperre, b) Einbruch der versenkten englischen Schiffe. (280) [Abb.]: Die wehrhaft Kirche in St. Juvin. ( - ) [Abb.]: Der missglückte englische Handstreich gegen Zeebrügge: Der Kampf auf der Mole. ([281]) [Abb.]: Die deutschen Linienschiffe im Eise vor Finnland. (282) Das Los deutscher Gefangener. (282) [3 Abb.]: (1)Einzug der deutschen Truppen in Helfingfors, die von den Bolschewiki geräumte Hauptstadt Finnlands. (2) Der Magistrat von Helfingfors begrüsst den deutschen General Grafen v. d. Goltz beim Einzug auf dem Platz vor dem Dom. (3)Die Einwohnerschaft von Helfingfors bringt ein Hoch auf Deutschland aus. Im Vordergrund links der Magistrat der finnischen Hauptstadt, rechts General Graf v. d. Goltz mit seinem Stab. (283) [2 Abb.]: (1)Der gestorbene bulgarische Gesandte in Berlin, Dr. Dmitri Rizow, der sich um das deutsch=bulgarische Freundschaftsbündnis sehr verdient gemacht hat. (2)Die Radobilj=Passstrasse zwischen Gradiska und Prilep in Mazedonien, eine der längsten Kehrstrassen der Welt, durch die eine 40 Kilometer lange Drahtseilbahn von Prilep nach Drenowo führt. (284) [Abb.]: Ein Zeppelin=Luftkreuzer über Kreta. (285) [Abb.]: Übersichtskarte vom südöstlichen Russland. (286) Die Durchbruchschlacht in Frankreich. (287) [2Abb.]: (1)Das erste Kriegschiff des Vierbundes im Hafen von Odessa: Der türkische kleine Kreuzer "Hamidie". (2)Ukrainischer Train auf der Brücke des von österreichisch=ungarischen Truppen besetzten Ortes Kamenez Podolski in der Ukraine. (287) [Abb.]: Ein feindlicher Handelsdampfer sucht einem deutschen U=Boot zu entkommen, indem er einen Rauch entwickelnden Behälter ins Wasser gleiten lässt, der durch die erzeugte Rauchwand das Schiff den Blicken der Angreifer entziehen soll. (288) Künstlicher Nebel als U=Boot=Abwehrmittel. (288) Die Geschichte des Weltkrieges 1914/18. Heft 194 (Heft 194) ([289]) [Abb.]: Nach der Schlacht am Kemmelberg: Verwundete Gefangene werden auf der Lys mittels Kähnen abbefördert. ([289]) [Abb.]: Meldung eine österreichisch=ungarischen Kommandanten bei seinem Eintreffen auf dem westlichen Kriegschauplatz (290) [ 3Abb.]: Bilder von der deutschen Beute im Westen. (1)Erbeutetes englisches Kriegsmaterial auf einer Sammelstelle. (2)Im Wasser stecken gebliebener englischer Motorschlepper für schwere Geschütze. (3)Ein unversehrt erbeuteter englischer 22=cm=Mörser (291) [Abb.]: Im Raume von St. Quentin-Noyon flüchtende Engländer werden von deutscher Artillerie unter Feuer genommen. ([292 - 293]) [Abb.]: Schematische Darstellung eines stark gesicherten englischen Geleitzugs. Die Frachtschiffe fahren in Doppelkiellinie und sind in der Mitte und an beiden Seiten - alles in entsprechenden Abständen voneinander - durch eine Anzahl bewaffneter Fischdampfer schützt. In Zickzacklinie seitwärts fahrende Torpedoboote sowie Spitzen= und Schlussschiffe mit Fesselballonen vervollständigen die Sicherung der wertvollen Transportzüge. (294) [5 Abb.]: Erfolgreiche deutsche U=Boot=Kommandanten. (1)Kapitänleutnant Hundius. (2)Kapitänleutnant Klasing. (3)Kapitänleutnant Neureuther. (4)Kapitänleutnant v. Glasenapp. (5)K. u. k. Offizierstellvertreter Kitz, erfolgreicher österreichisch=ungarische Kampfflieger, der 19 Gegner abschoss und dreimal mit der Goldenen, viermal mit der Grossen Silbernen, zweimal mit der kleinen Silbernen und mit der bronzenen Tapferkeitsmedaille ausgezeichnet wurde. (295) Illustrierte Kriegsberichte. (295) Die Durchbruchschlacht in Frankreich. II. Angriff. (295) [2 Abb.]: (1)Der ukrainische Hetman Pawel Petrowitsch Storopadski.(2)Der Führer der Bolschewiki=Organisation in Cherson am Dnjepr, der Matrose Wassiljew (in der Mitte sitzend), mit seinem Stabe. Nach einem beim deutschen Vormarsch nach der Krim in Cherson vorgefundenen Bilde. (296) [Abb.]: Einmarsch deutscher Truppen in Noyon. Im Hintergrund die Kathedrale ( - ) [Abb.]: Die Rote Garde in Finnland streckt nach fünftägiger Schlacht bei Tavastehus die Waffen. ([297]) Die Krim. (298) [3 Abb.]: Die Schweiz im Weltkriege. Schweizerische Grenzwacht an der elsässischen Grenze. Ein hochgebauter Beobachtungsturm auf einer die Umgebung beherrschenden Anhöhe mit starken Fernrohren. (298) [3 Abb.]: Die Schweiz im Weltkriege. Oberes Bild: Ablegen der Werkzeuge und Abmarsch nach Arbeitschluss im Stellungsbau. Mittleres Bild: Stellungsbau im Juragestein. Unteres Bild: Einfahren der Brückenkähne beim Bau einer Brücke. (299) [Abb.]: Das deutsche Abzeichen für Verwundete, das laut Kaiserlicher Kabinettsorder vom 3. März 1918 als besondere Anerkennung den im Dienste des Vaterlandes Verwundeten verliehen wird. (300) Die deutsche Getreidewirtschaft im Kriege. (300) [Abb.]: Einzug finnischer Truppen in die Festung Wiborg. ([301]) [2 Abb.]: (1)Teilansicht eines Musterraumes für eingelieferte Getreideproben. (2) Die Reichsgetreidestelle. Abteilung Mühlenbetrieb. (302) K. u. k. Sturmtruppen säubern eine von den Russen genommene Stellung in der südlichen Bukowina. (303) [2Abb.]: (1)Getreideuntersuchungsraum. (2) Die Reichsgetreidestelle. (303) [Abb.]: K. u. k. Sturmtruppen säubern in kühnem Gegenangriff eine von den Russen Tags zuvor besetzte Stellung in der südlichen Bukowina. (304) Das Tragtier in den Karpathen. (304) Die Geschichte des Weltkrieges 1914/18. Heft 195 (Heft 195) ([305]) [Abb.]: Granatwerfer 16 beim Schiessen von Sperrfeuer auf dem westlichen Kriegschauplatz. Ein leichter, allgemein in der deutschen Armee eingeführter Minenwerfer, der der Infanterie beigegeben worden ist und es ihr ermöglicht, sich selbst ihr Sperrfeuer zu legen oder feindliche Stützpunkte niederzukämpfen. Die Leute im Vordergrunde des Bildes machen die Wurfgranaten fertig: der andere Mann ist im Begriff, den Werfer abzuziehen. ([305]) [2 Abb.]: (1)Ein bedeutsamer Wegweiser in Flandern: Nach Nieuw=Kerke und nach Kemmel. (2) Bau einer Feldbahn im Kampfgelände von Kemmel durch deutsche Eisenbahntruppen. (306) [Abb.]: Die freie Fahrrinne im Hafen von Zeebrügge. Unsere Aufnahme zeigt die Wracke der v ersenkten englischen Schiffe und die völlig ungesperrte Hafenausfahrt als klarsten Beweis für das Misslingen des mit so schweren Opfern durchgeführten englischen Flottenangriffs. (307) [Abb.]:Übergabe der russischen Festung Kars an die siegreichen türkischen Truppen. ([308 - 309]) [2 Abb.]:(1) Die im Frieden von Bukarest festgelegte neue Grenzlinie zwischen Rumänien und Österreich=Ungarn (westlicher Abschnitt). (2)Kartenskizze der von Rumänien an den Vierbund abgetretenen Gebiete. (310) [2 Abb.]: (1)Die im Frieden von Bukarest festgelegte neue Grenzlinie zwischen Rumänien und Österreich=Ungarn (östlicher Abschnitt). (2)Zur Unterzeichnung des Friedensvertrages von Bukarest: Blick in den Sitzungsaal vor der Unterzeichnung der Schriftstücke. Um Tische von links nach rechts: der türkische Minister des Äusseren Ahmed Nessimy Bey, der österreichisch=ungarische Minister des Äusseren Graf Burian, der deutsche Staatssekretär des Auswärtigen Amtes v. Kühlmann, der bulgarische Ministerpräsident Radoslawow. (311) [Abb.]: Türkische Soldaten in der Wüste. (312) [Abb.]: In das eroberte Batum einziehende türkische Truppen werden von einer Abordnung der Bürgerschaft begrüsst. ( - ) [Abb.]: Die englische Niederlage am Jordan. ([313]) Illustrierte Kriegsberichte. (314) Erstürmung der letzten Forts von Batum durch die Türken. (314) [2 Abb.]: (1)K. u. k. Generalmajor Freiherr v. Zeidler, der Eroberer von Odessa. (2)K. u. k. Vizeadmiral Ritter v. Keil, wurde zum Admiral befördert. (314) [2 Abb.]: (1)Durchmarsch österreichisch=ungarischer Sturmtruppen durch Constanza am Schwarzen Meer. (2)Einschiffung österreichisch=ungarischer Sturmtruppen in Constanza zur Fahrt nach Odessa. (315) Die Eroberung der Krim. (316 - 317) [Abb.]: Einzug der deutschen Truppen in Sebastopol. (316 - 317) [Abb.]: Die von einem deutschen Infanterieflieger abgeschossene, mit einer Meldung versehene und Rauch entwickelnde Signalpatrone (Rauchmeldepatrone) wird von einem Infanteristen eingeholt. Die Rauchmeldepatrone ist eines der Mittel, wodurch der in 50-200 Meter Höhe fliegende Infanterieflieger die Verbindung zwischen der kämpfenden Infanterielinie und der Truppenführung herstellt, wenn bei schwerem Feuer alle anderen Nachrichtenmittel versagen. Er unterstützt die in den vordersten Gräben und Trichtern liegende Infanterie, beobachtet Angriffsabsichten des Feindes und kann hiergegen selbständig das Feuer der eigenen Artillerie anfordern. (318) Über die Verständigung zwischen Flieger und Truppe. (318) Charakterköpfe der Weltkriegsbühne. 10. Czernin. (319) [Abb.]: Die in der Rauchmeldepatrone enthaltene Meldung wird in der vordersten Stellung gelesen. (319) [2 Abb.]: (1)Wie die Franzosen den Krieg zu gewinnen gedenken: Ein in den deutschen Stellungen gelandeter französischer Werbeballon aus Papier, wie solche von den Franzosen häufig über die deutschen Linien abgelassen werden. Sie sind mit Zeitungen belastet, worin die deutschen Soldaten zum Überlaufen aufgefordert werden, da dann der Krieg bald beendet sei. Außerdem machen die Franzosen die verlockendsten Versprechnungen, weil sie einsehen, dass ihnen durch die Waffen der Sieg nicht zufällt. (2)Deutsche Soldaten belustigen sich an dem Inhalt der französischen Werbezeitungen. (320) Die Geschichte des Weltkrieges 1914/18. Heft 196 (Heft 196) ([321]) [2 Abb.]:(1) Meldung des Kommandanten der bulgarischen Ehrenkompanie in Küstendil. 1. Kaiser und König Karl. 2. König Ferdinand von Bulgarien. 3. Kronprinz Boris von Bulgarien. (2)Das österreichisch=ungarische Herrscherpaar auf der Reise nach Sofia und Konstantinopel. Ankunft in Konstantinopel. 1. Kaiser und König Karl. 2. Kaiserin und Königin Zita. 3. Sultan Mohammed V. ([321]) [Abb.]: Schipperarbeit in den flandrischen Dünen. (322) [2Abb.]: (1)Im offenen Kampfgelände am Kemmelberge erbeutete schwere englische Haubizenbatterie. (2) Deutsches Lazarett am Kemmelberge unter englischem Feuer. (323) [Abb.]: Innenansicht einer deutschen Marketenderei in einem ehemaligen französischen Basar in Laon. Zu den besetzten Gebieten werden von der deutschen Militärverwaltung zahlreiche vorbildliche Einrichtungen zum Wohle der Feldgrauen geschaffen. In diesen Verkaufsstellen können sich die Soldaten zu erstaunlich niedrigen Preisen erwerben, was ihnen vom Heere nicht unmittelbar geliefert wird. So kostet hier ein grosser Eimer der besten Marmelade, die in den eigenen Obstverwertungsanlagen der Militärverwaltung hergestellt wird, nur 3 Mark. (324) [Abb.]: Bei der grossen Bagage in der Nähe von Dixmuiden. ([325]) Illustrierte Kriegsberichte. (326) Rückeroberung der k. u. k. Feldwache II am Monticellohang im herbst 1915. (326) Charakterköpfe der Weltkriegsbühne. 11. Storopadski, der Hetman der Ukraine. (326) [8 Abb.]: Bilder von der deutschen Feldpost im Westen. (1)Ankunft der Heimatpost im besetzten Gebiet. (2)Im Sortierraum eines Feldpostamtes. (3)Ausladen der Heimatpost. (4)Abfahrt der Feldpost für eine Kompanie. (5)Eintreffen der Feldpostsäcke in den Stellungen. (6)Verteilung der Feldpost an die Gruppenführer der Kompanie. (7)Austeilen der Feldpost im Graben. (8)Beim Lesen der Heimatgrüsse. ([327]) [4 Abb.]: (1)Leutnant Löwenhardt, erfolgreicher deutscher Kampfflieger und Führer einer Jagdstaffel im Westen. (2) Oberleutnant z. S. Walter Schmitz, erfolgreicher Kommandant eines in Flandern stationierten deutschen U=Bootes (3)Leutnant Menkhoff, erfolgreicher deutscher Kampfflieger Ritter des Ordens Pour le Mérite (4) Korvettenkapitän Eckelmann, Führer des U=Kreuzers, der im Sperrgebiet um die Azoren 48247 Tonnen Schiffsraum versenkt hat. (328) [Abb.]: Rückeroberung der k. u. k. Feldwache II am Monticellohang. ( - ) [Abb.]: Das Heldenstück eines deutschen U=Bootes (Kommandant Kapitänleutnant Steinbauer ) im Hafen von Carloforte auf Sardinien im Morgengrauen des 29. April 1918 ([329]) [Abb.]: Die Kathedrale von Amiens, deren figurenreiche Eingänge durch Sandsäcke geschützt sind. Nach einer französischen Darstellung von Ende April 1918. (330) [Abb.]: Englands Hilfsvöker: In der Schlacht an der Lys gefangene Portugiesen in einem Lager hinter der deutschen Front. (331) Die Durchbruchschlacht in Frankreich. III. Die Schlacht an der Lys. (331) [Abb.]: Kurze Rast deutscher Truppen auf einem Platze in Armentiéres. (331) [Abb.]: Deutsche Pioniere beim Wegebau während der Durchbruchschlacht im Westen. (332 - 333) Krieg und Vermessungswesen. (332 - 333) [Abb.]: Die ersten amtlich ausgegebenen Flugpostmarken der am 1. April 1918 früh um 5 1/2 Uhr auch für den öffentlichen Verkehr eröffneten k. u. k. österreichischen Flugpost Wien-Krakau-Lemberg. Die erste Ausgabe besteht aus drei Werten zu 1,50, 2,50 und 4 Kronen. (334) 2 [Abb.]: (1)Der erste deutsche Flugpostdienst. Vor dem Hause des Kurierdienstes in Brest=Litowsk, in dem sich die Lufpost=Annahmestelle befindet.(2)Der erste deutsche Flugpostdienst. Verladen der Postsäcke aus dem Automobil in das Postflugzeug. (335) Das Flugzeug im Dienste der Post. (335) [Abb.]: Das ehemalige französische Unterseeboot "Turquoise", mit dem kurz nach seinem Stapellauf der damalige türkische Marineminister Oschemal Pascha eine Probefahrt machte, das infolge wohlgezielter Kanonenschüsse des türkischen Unteroffiziers Müstedjik Onbaschi in die Hände der Türken gefallen ist. Es wurde in Gegenwart des türkischen Kriegsministers Ender Pascha und des Admirals Souchon auf den Namen Müstedjik Onbaschi" getauft. (336) Das von den Türken eroberte französische Unterseeboot "Turquoise". (336) [Abb.]: Die Beschiessung Laons durch die Franzosen. Den Einwohnern der weit hinter der deutschen Front liegenden französischen Stadt verursachte die Beschiessung durch die eigenen Landsleute grossen Schaden. (336) Die Geschichte des Weltkrieges 1914/18. Heft 197 (Heft 197) ([337]) [Abb.]: Fort Malmaison am Chemin des Dames; im Hintergrund im Aisnetal das brennende Vailly. ([337]) [Abb.]: Vogelschaukarte zur Schlacht um den Chemin des Dames Ende Mai 1918. ([338]) [2 Abb.]:(1) Generalfeldmarschall v. Hindenburg an der Spitze seines früheren Regiments. (2)Generalfeldmarschall v. Hindenburg verteilt Auszeichnungen an Mannschaften seines Regiments. (339) [Abb.]: Die Einnahme von Vailly durch Sturmtruppen der deutschen Kronprinzenarmee. (340 - 341) [3 Abb.]: (1)Blick auf Berry au Bac am Chemin des Dames von einer deutschen Blinkerstation aus am Morgen des ersten Angriffstags. (2)Deutsche Minenwerfer überschreiten nach erfolgreichem Kampf die ersten englischen Stellungen bei Berry au Bac am Chemin des Dames. (3)Die ersten englischen Gefangenen aus dem Kampfgelände des Chemin des Dames werden bei Berry au Bac durch Laufgräben eingebracht. (342) [4Abb.]: (1)General v. Winckler, dessen Korps am 28. Mai die Beste überschritten. (2) (343) [Abb.]: General d. Inf. Fritz v. Below, Armeeführer der Heeresgruppe Deutscher Kronprinz. (343) [Abb.]: Karte zum Vordringen der Deutschen an die Marne. (343) [2 Abb.]:(1) Der Chemin des Dames wird von deutschen Truppen überquert. (2)Eines der bei Pargny am Chemin des Dames von den Deutschen erbeuteten schweren französischen Flachbahngeschütze, die durch ihre tägliche Beschiessung Laons schwere Opfer unter der französischen Bevölkerung forderten. (344) [Abb.]: Erstürmung von Soissons durch brandenburgische Pioniere. ([345]) [3 Abb.]: Bei einem deutschen Bombenflugzeuggeschwader. (1)Oben: Deutsches Grossflugzeug, abfahrtbereit. - (2)Mitte: Vorbereitung zum Flug, Prüfen des Maschinengewehrs und Einfüllen des Benzins. - (3)Unten: Aufhängen der Bomben unter dem Flugzeug. (346) Illustrierte Kriegsberichte. (346) Gedanken über die Ukraine. (346) [3 Abb.]: Bei einem deutschen Bombenflugzeuggeschwader. (1)Oben: Deutsche Fliegerbomben verschiedenen Kalibers (von links nach rechts 25 kg, 50 kg, 100 kg, 300 kg) - (2)Mitte: Eine 300=kg=Bombe zwischen zwei 50=kg=Bomben in der Aufhängewvorrichtung unter dem Flugzeug. - (3) Unten: Rumpfvorderteil eines Grossflugzeuges mit den Sitzen für Führer, Beobachter und Maschinengewehrschützen. (347) [Abb.]: Feltre in Oberitalien. Vor dem Stadttor zur oberen Stadt. (348) [Abb.]: K. u. k. Kaiserjäger werfen die Italiener aus ihren Stellungen auf der Zugna Torta. ([349]) [Abb.]: Deutsche Fliegerfunker bei der Aufnahme von drahtlosen Meldungen, die von einem schwebenden Flugzeug aus gemacht werden. Der Mann rechts gibt dem Flieger mit der Signalpistole das Zeichen, dass Verständigung erzielt ist. (350) Nachrichtenmittel im Felde. (350) [Abb.]: Deutscher Meldehund bringt in schwerem Feuer eine Nachricht aus der vordersten Stellung. (351) Generaloberst Freiherr v. Hazai. (352) [Abb.]: Generaloberst Samuel Freiherr v. Hazai, Chef des Ersatzwesens der gesamten bewaffneten Macht von Österreich=Ungarn. (352) [Abb.]: Der Deutsche Kaiser und Generalfeldmarschall von Hindenburg begegnen am 28. Mai 1918 auf dem Rückwege vom Winterberg dem Deutschen Kronprinzen. ( - ) Die Geschichte des Weltkrieges 1914/18. Heft 198 (Heft 198) ([353]) [Abb.]: Deutsche Munitionskolonne auf dem Vormarsch zur Marne in schwierigem Gelände ([353]) [Abb.]: Deutscher Posten mit Panzerhemd in vorderster Stellung an der Westfront. (354) [3 Abb.]: (1)Gefangene Franzosen und Engländer an einem amerikanischen Sanitätswagen in dem von den Deutschen erbeuteten Lazarett Mont Notre Dame im Kampfgelände um Fismes. (2)Einer der zwischen Aisne und Marne erbeuteten vollbeladenen Proviantzüge, von denen der Gegner infolge des überstürzten Rückzuges mehrere zurücklassen musste. (3)Massentransporte von Gefangenen in der Zitadelle von Laon. Vom 25. Mai bis zum 14. Juni 1918 wurden die Fochschen Reserven allein an Gefangenen um 55 000 Mann vermindert. (355) [Abb.]: Aus der Schlacht bei Soissons: Erstürmung der Höhen westlich von Chaudun durch die Truppen des deutschen Kronprinzen. (356 - 357) [Abb.]: Deutsches Sturmwagengeschwader in Bereitschaftstellung für die Schlacht bei Reims. (358) [3 Abb.]: (1)Das von deutschen Truppen eroberte Fort St. Thierry bei Reims. (2)Aus der grossen Beute: Beim Vormarsch der Deutschen zur Marne fielen bedeutende Viehbestände in ihre Hände. (3)Von den Franzosen in Brand geschossene Häuser in Soissons. (359) [4 Abb.]: (1)Oberleutnant z. S. Dönitz, erfolgreicher Kommandant eines deutschen U=Bootes im Mittelmeer. (2)Kapitänleutnant Prinz Heinrich XXXVII. Reuss i. L., erfolgreicher U=Bootkommandant. (3)Kapitänleutnant Werner, erfolgreicher deutscher U=Bootkommandant im Sperrgebiet um England. (4)Kapitänleutnant Freiherr v. Loe, erfolgreicher deutscher U=Bootkommandant im Sperrgebiet um England. (360) Illustrierte Kriegsberichte. (360) Die Versenkung des englischen Dampfers "Eyklops". (360) [Abb.]: K. u. k. Oberleutnant Arn. Barwig, der meistausgezeichnete Beobachteroffizier der österreichisch=ungarischen Luftfahrtruppen. (360) Der U=Bootkrieg an der amerikanischen Küste. (360) [Abb.]: Versenkung des englischen 9033=Tonnen=Dampfers "Eyklops" in dem durch Sperren geschützten und durch Flieger bewachten Hafen von Augusta (Sizilien) durch das deutsche U=Boot unter dem Oberleutnant z. S. Dönitz (siehe Bild Seite 360), das trotz feindlicher Gegenmassnahmen unbeschädigt den Hafen wieder verliess. Im Hintergrunde der Ätna. (361) [Abb.]: Rast einer türkischen Kolonne auf dem Taurus. (362) Die englischen Angriffe auf die flandrische Küste. (362) [2 Abb.]: (1)Von der Ausbildung türkischen Landsturms vor einem Zeltlager bei Drama an der Küste des Ägäischen Meeres. (2)Türkischer Landsturm auf dem Marsche zur Kaserne. (363) [3 Abb.]: (1)Der englische Angriff auf den Hafen von Zeebrügge in der Nacht zum 23. April 1918 in schönfärberischer englischer Darstellung , durch die eine englische Zeitschrift ihre Leser über den Misserfolg des Unternehmens zu täuschen versuchte. (2)Das italienische Motorboot Grillo, das in der Nacht zum 14. Mai 1918 in den Hafen von Pola einzudringen versuchte und durch das Artilleriefeuer der österreichisch=ungarischen Wachschiffe vernichtet wurde. (3)Das ehemalige englische Schlachtschiff "Vindictive", das bei dem zweiten misslungenen englischen Handstreich gegen Ostende von den deutschen Küstenbatterien zusammengeschossen wurde. (364 - 365) [Abb.]: Doppeldecker mit zwei Motoren und drei Mann Besatzung. Unter dem Rumpf Aufhängevorrichtung für Bomben. (366) Fliegerwaffen. (366) [4 Abb.]: (1)Oberhalb der Tragflächen eines englischen Doppeldeckers angebrachtes Maschinengewehr. (2)Auf einem französischen Voisin=Doppeldecker angebrachte 3.8=cm=Schiffskanone (3)Eine in Blech geschnittene Shilhouette eines deutschen Flugzeuges als Visiervorrichtung an einem französischen Flugapparat, die das Zielen beim Luftkampf erleichtern soll. (4)Beobachtersitz eines deutschen Zweisitzerdoppeldeckers mit luftgekühltem Maschinengewehr, das, auf dem Ring um den Sitz schwenkbar, mit einem auf eine Trommel gewickelten Patronengurt versehen ist. (367) [Abb.]: Ein Kaiserschütze stösst einen italienischen Alpino im Kampf in eine Randspalte am Corno Scuro im Tonalegebiet. (368) Ein Kaiserschütze stösst einen Italiener im Kampfe in eine Randspalte (Tonalegebiet). (368) [Abb.]: Rast deutscher Truppen in Soissons. ( - ) Die Geschichte des Weltkrieges 1914/18. Heft 199 (Heft 199) ([369]) [Abb.]: Zwischen Aisne und Marne von den Deutschen völlig unversehrt erbeutetes Riesengeschütz. ([369]) [3 Abb.]: Zum siegreichen deutschen Vorstoss zwischen Montdidier und Noyon und zwischen Aisne und Marne. (1)Deutsche Artillerie mit Maschinengewehrbedeckung auf dem Marsch durch Fismes. (2)Maschinengewehre werden von deutschen Soldaten in einem zerschossenen Hause in Stellung gebracht. (3)Deutsche Kavallerie auf dem Vormarsch. (370) [3 Abb.]: Zum siegreichen deutschen Vorstoss zwischen Montdidier und Noyon und zwischen Aisne und Marne. (1)Erbeutetes Kleinbahnmaterial in Bazoches, dessen Wegnahme eine empfindliche Schwächung der Fochschen Armee an Kriegsmitteln bedeutete. (2)Deutsches Regiment in Bereitschaftstellung dicht vor Tracy-le-Val. (3)Deutsche Munitionskolonne, deren Mannschaften und Pferde mit Gasmasken ausgerüstet sind, durchquert ein vergastes Waldstück. (371) [Abb.]: Der deutsche Vorstoss zur Marne. Stosstruppen und Flammenwerfer überrennen die feindlichen Stellungen (links deutsches Sperrfeuer). ([372 - 373]) [Abb.]: Beobachter Leutnant Eisenmenger (X) und Flugzeugführer Vizefeldwebel Gund (XX), die während eines Beobachtungsfluges am 23. Mai 1918 mit sechs englischen Kampfeinsitzern ins Gefecht gerieten und dabei vier Gegner abschossen (374) [2 Abb.]: (1)Flugzeugabwehrmaschinenkanone, die kleine Granaten verfeuert. Die Geschosse sind mit einem Gurtband auf die links sichtbare Trommel gewickelt. Die Mannschaft ist mit Stahlhelm und Gasmaske ausgerüstet. (2)Flugzeugabwehrmaschinenkanone. Man sieht in der Trommel deutlich die auf einen Gurt gereihten Grananten. (375) Illustrierte Kriegsberichte. (375) Über den Flugabwehrdienst. (375) [Abb.]: Die Tote=Mann=Mühle in dem Waldlager der Argonnen. Links französische Soldatengräber, von deutschen Landwehrleuten geschmückt. (376) Ein Beobachtungsturm im Argonnenwald. (376) [Abb.]: Der "Mudraturm". Beobachtungstelle in einem Truppenlager im Argonnenwalde. ([377]) [2 Abb.]: (1)Generalmajor Linder, erfolgreicher Führer finnländischer Truppen gegen die Rote Garde in Finnland. (2)Brand der Roten=Garde=Kaserne. Die Gebäude der Kaserne wurden von den darin untergebrachten gefangenen finnischen Roten Gardisten selbst in Brand gesteckt. (378) [2 Abb.]: (1)Einzug des finnischen Generals Mannerheim in Helsingfors. (2)Das Gefangenenlager Lahti für 20 000 Rote Gardisten mit ihren Frauen und Kindern und etwa 6000 Pferden und Wagen. (379) Finnlands Befreiung. (379) [Abb.]: Vertreibung plündernder russischer Roter Garden aus einem finnischen Dorfe. (380 - 381) Der Wetterdienst im Kriege. (382) [3 Abb.]: (1)Oberes Bild: Ukrainische Flugschüler beim Aufstellen eines sogenannten Böenmessers zur Ermittlung der Windgeschwindigkeit. (2)Mittleres Bild: Ausbildung ukrainischer Flugzeugbeobachter im Maschinengewehrschiessen durch Zielen nach kleinen Pilotballonen. (3)Unteres Bild: Prüfen der Wetterlage vor dem Aufstieg. (382) [ 5 Abb.]: (1)Ablesen der Temperatur und der Luftfeuchtigkeit an den Apparaten in der Thermometerhütte. (2)Beobachten des Windmessers (Schalenkreuzanemometers) auf der Erde. (3)Behelfsmäßiges Messen der Menge des Regens. (4)Beobachten des Pilotballons mittels des Anschneidegerätes. (5)Der Luftdruckmesser und =schreiber. (383) [Abb.]: Deutscher Landsturm in Strohmieten. (384) [Abb.]: Einbruch österreichisch=ungarischer Truppen in die italienischen Stellungen am Montello. ( - ) Die Geschichte des Weltkrieges 1914/18. Heft 200 (Heft 200) ([385]) [Abb.]: Feier des 30. Jahrestages des Regierungsantritts Kaiser Wilhelms II. im Großen Hauptquartier. Im Vordergrund von links nach rechts: Der Kaiser, Oberstleutnant Bauer, Generalfeldmarschall v. Hindenburg und der Deutsche Kronprinz. ([385]) [Abb.]: Der Deutsche Kaiser im Gespräch mit einem gefangenen englischen Brigadegeneral auf dem Winterberg. (386) [4 Abb.]: Rastende deutsche Kolonne bei St. Leger. (2)Lager württembergischer Truppen bei Irles. (3)Deutsche Lastwagen, sogenannte "Raupe". (4)Auf einem Verbandplatz im Westen während der Schlacht. (387) [Abb.]: Aus den Kämpfen um Cháteau=Thierry. (388 - 389) [Abb.]: Das zerstörte Fort Condé, 8 Kilometer östlich von Soissons. (390) [Abb.]: Zerstörungen im Fort Condé (391) Illustrierte Kriegsberichte. (391) Die Schlacht zwischen Soissons und Reims. I. (391) [4 Abb.]: (1)K. u. k. Generaloberst Erzherzog Josef. (2)K. u. k. General der Kavallerie Fürst Schönburg=Hartenstein. (3)K. u. k. Generaloberst Freiherr v. Wurm. (4)Kartenskizze zur Schlacht in Venezien im Juni 1918. (392) [Abb.]: Die Truppen des k. u. k. Generalobersten Freiherrn v. Wurm (Heeresgruppe Feldmarschall v. Boroevic) erzwingen sich den Übergang über den angeschwollenen Piavefluss und nehmen die beiderseits der Bahn Oderzo=Treviso eingebauten Stellungen der Italiener. ([393]) [Abb.]: Der Piavefluss mit den Bergen Tomba und Pallone sowie den Höhenzügen gegen Bassano. (394) Kraftfahrer Matthias. (395) [Abb.]: Blick auf das Gebirge zwischen Brenta und Piave, den Monte Pallone. Monte Spinuccia und Monte Grappa. (395) Die neuen polnischen Briefmarken. (396) [Abb.]: General Knoerzer, dessen Truppen westlich von Taganrog 10 000 Bolschewiki vernichtend schlugen. (396) Die Minenwerfer. (396) [Abb.]: Bolschewistische Banden werden bei Taganrog durch deutsches Feuer nahezu vernichtet. ([397]) [Abb.]: Schematische Darstellung eines schutzfertigen Minenwerfers. (398) [3 Abb.]: (1)Durchschnitt durch das Geschützrohr mit Mine. (2)Zündvorrichtung (Durchschnitt). (3)Durchschnitt durch das Geschützrohr mit Mine, die mit einem Zünder für Zeit= und doppelte Aufschlagzündung versehen ist. (399) [Abb.]: Eingebauter schwerer Minenwerfer vor dem Abschuss. (400) Einband ( - ) Einband ( - )
Issue 26.4 of the Review for Religious, 1967. ; Confessions of Religious Women by J. A. Clarmont, C.Ss.R., and Sister M. Denis, S.O.S. 581 Chastity in Relig.i.ous Life by Ladislas M. Orsy, S.J. 604 Penance :~ Sacrament of Poverty by George B. Nintemann, O.P. 625 Poverty Today by Joseph J. Sikora, S.J. 638 ~ ReligiOus and the World by Bernard J. Kelly, C.S.Sp. 662 The Retreat Director by Paul J. Bernadicou, S.J. 672 Indwelling Dynamism by Thomas Dubay, S.M. 685 High School Retreats by Paul Pilgrara, S.J., and Carl Starkloff, S.J. 703 Liturgy as Symbol by Andrew Weigert 708 Missionary Formation by Sister Barbara Ann, S.N.D. 714' Confession and Growth by Robert L Faricy, S.J. 720 Survey of Roman Documents 725 Views, News, Previews 739 Questions and Answers 749 Book Reviews 758 VOLUM~ 26 NUMBER 4 July 1967 NOTICE TO SUBSCRIBERS During the first part of September, 1967, the editorial office of REviEw' ~'oR RELIGtOUS will be moved from St. Marys, Kansas, to St. Louis, Missouri. Consequently, the editorial office of the REwEw will be closed from Septem-ber 1, 1967, to September 15, 1967. The St. Louis address of the editorial office of the R~wEw will be announced in the September, 1967, issue of the R~vi~w. This change will not affect the address of the business office of the R~.vl~w in Baltimore, nor will the business office there be closed during the time the editorial office is closed. j. A. CLARMONT, C.Ss.R. SISTER M. DENIS, S.O.S. Confessions of Women Religious INTRODUCTION* The purpose of the sacraments is to sanctify men, to build up the body of Christ, and finally to give worship to God. Because they are signs they also instruct. They not only pre-suppose faith, but by words and objects they also nourish, strengthen and express it; that is why they are called "sacra-ments of faith." They do indeed impart grace, but, in addition, the very act of celebrating them disposes the faithful most effectively to receive this grace in a fruitful manner, to wor-ship God duly, and to practice charity (Constitution on the Liturgy, n.59). In this age of Christian renewal, it is important indeed that the liturgy of the sacraments manifest in sign and significance their primary purpose. As Christians we must be sanctified; we must build up the Body of Christ; and we must worship God. All these functions should be as meaningful as possible. They should be made as personal as possible. When we think of the sacraments as en-counters with Christ, we are speaking of personal re-lationships. The sacraments in themselves, because they are actions of Christ, are effective signs of sanctification. However, the recipients and the ministers of the sacra-ments have definite personalistic approaches in the sacramental liturgy if the greatest fruit is to be obtained and growth in holiness be effective. More especially is exterior and interior renewal neces-sary in the sacrament of penance. Here the encounter of the prodigal son with the waiting and forgiving Father is reenacted in the Christian's life. Is not this sacrament one of the most vital and important for the pilgrim Christian * The research fo~ this paper was done as part of the pastoral theology program at the Divine Word International Centre of Reli-gious Education; 260 Colborne Street; London, Ontario; Canada. Since the writing of this paper, Father Clarmont has died--may he rest in peace. Rev. J. A. Clar-mont, C.Ss.R., and Sister M. Denis, S.O.S., are students in pastoral theolog~ at the Divine Word Centre of Religious Education; 960 Col-borne Street; Lon-don, Ontario; Can-ada. VOLUME 26, 1967 + 4. 4. ]. A. Clarmont, C.Ss.R. Sister M. Denis, $.0;$. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS on his way to the God of all love and of all purity? Who has not stumbled on this journey to the fullness of eternal life? Who has not felt his daily faults as impeding growth in the Christ-life? Who has not felt the desire for the merciful Christ to touch and to make clean, to hear the consoling words: "Thy sins are forgiven." Am?rig the people of God who realize the importance of this sacrament are those women dedicated to God by the vows of poverty, chastity, and obedience. Because of their calling to be a sign of the fullness of the Christian vocation, these generous women seek a profound union with God through Christ in the Spirit. B~y laboring to build up the Body of Christ, they attempt to make of their lives a continu6us act of worship to the triune God. They, perhaps more than others, are conscious of their human failings, are desirous of offering a pure holocaust to God, are anxious to receive the sacrament of God's merciful pardon and~ encouraging aid with all possible meaning. They do wish to make the reception of the sacrament of penance a truly personal encounter with the glorified Christ in His saving acts. These convictions, coupled with sincere and frank self-criticism by many priest-confessors and sister-penitents, were the inspiration of this study on the confessions of women religious. Our purpose is not academic, but practi-cal. It is hoped that the present study will enable both the confessor and the sister to avoid stifling routine and to rediscover the unfathomable riches of this sacrament. In order to view the present situation on a factual basis a questionnaire (See Appendix A) was sent to a random sampling of priest-confessors and sister-penitents. No at-tempt was made to include both the confessor and the sisters of a given convent. The-returned questionnaires from sixty-s.ix p.riests and one hundred and thirty-three sisters inclu~ded a widely varied group as regards age, occupation,, and location. Many dioceses of Canada and the United States were represented. Detailed statistics will be found in Appendix B. The principal items on the questionnaire centered around the~ physical environment of the confessional; the number of sisters who would be going to confession at the same time and the corresponding number of con-fessors available; methods of examimltion of conscience and the confession itself; the place of spiritual direction; and value judgments with respect to the confessor's. attitude toward this priestly ministry, the sister's attitude toward the fionfessor, and the greatest benefits and diffi-culties experienced by both the priest-confessor and the sister-penitent. Finally, both confessors and sisters were asked to state .how the sacrament of penance could be made more meaningful for sisters. The primary purposes for the questionnaire and hence for this study were, first, to ascertain, as much as is possi-ble within the limits of this sampling, those factors which tend to hinder a meaningful reception of the sacrament; and second, to propose means by which the reception of the sacrament could be made more meaning-ful. In this study we shall confine our remarks to a sum-mary of those factors which tend to hinder a meaningful reception of the sacrament of penance. Positive sug-gestions, based on the questionnaires and other research, will occupy a later study. General Impressions Irom the Questionnaires The survey indicates that most of the priest-confessors have a deep admiration, sympathy, and wholesome con-cern for the sister-penitent. These confessors are conscious of the holiness attained and the holiness sought by these dedicated women. Many desire to help the sisters in their struggle for sanctity, both by the sacramental confession itself and by the opportunities for spiritual guidance provided by the sacrament. These attitudes were quite evident from responses td the question: "What do you find most satisfying regarding sisters' confessions?" By nature (womanly) they have the potentiality of being great women of God and for the Church. If they do not, per-haps it is because we have failed them. However, thirty-seven confessors were unfavorably im-pressed with sisters' confessions in general: The greatest difficulty in hearing sisters' confessions is over-coming the feeling that I 'am mired hip-deep in childish obstacles to the Christian life that I am incapable of changing. These priests expressed the realization and consequent frustration that, at the present time, many sisters' confes-sions are meaningless. When reading the sisters' questionnaires, the authors were impressed by the simplicity, candor, and utter honesty of the comments. Where the sisters are critical of others---be they confessors, superiors, and canon law itself--they are no less critical of themselves. The most evident conclusion to be drawn from these questionnaires is that the sisters, with the exception of five, are faced with many problems in their reception of the sacrament of penance. What is meant to be a sacra-ment of peace and joy is fraught with unpleasant diffi-culties and hardships, many of which are beyond their control: Confession is not a joyful encounter with Christ, but an obligation to be fulfilled. I hope advancements in the near future will help us to acquire the right attitude. 4" 4" 4" t:ontessions o! Women Religious VOLUME 26, 1967 583 Why Penance Is Less Meaningful Certain factors which tend to make the sacrament of penance less meaningful were identified in both sets of questionnaires. Table 1 lists the number of sisters and/or priests who cited these factors as problems. TABLE 1 Diffculties Encountered by Confessors and Sisters in the Sacrament oJ Penance Cited by 66 Confessors Cited by 133 Sisters Difficulty Routine . Time problems . Lack of freedom . Insufficient training . Examination of consci-ence . Impersonal relationship. Confessor not under-standing . . Environment . Rite . Numbe~ of Con-fessor 33 12 36 16 30 5 Difficulty Routine . Time problems . Lack of freedom . Insufficient training . Difficulty in confessing. Impersonal relationship. Confessor not under-standing . Parish priest for confes-sor . Lack of suitable direc-tion . Environment . Rite . Number of Sisters 53 .40 54 36 44 36 51 56 93 38 ÷ ÷ ÷ I. A. Clarmont, C.Ss.R. Sister M. Denis, S.O.S. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 584 ~ Only 23 sisters have their parish priest as confessor. 1. Routine One of the major obstacles to a meaningful reception of the sacrament of penance is routine. The frank answers to the questionnaire reveal clearly the feeling among confessors that most sisters' reception of this sacrament is mere routine ~nd thus utterly meaningless. Most feel the routine is due to its weekly celebration on the same day, and at the same hour, year in and year out. Sisters also are acutely aware of the malaise that comes from "the backlog of years of receiving the sacrament in a most uninspiring way with no conception of the living reality that it is." Routine seems to take the life and vital-ity out of this sacrament and add the "-less" to "mean-ing." Many point to either the interpretation of canon law or their constitutions regarding obligatory weekly confession as one of the chief causes of this routine, not-ing that weekly confession fulfills a law, but not neces-sarily a personal need: I'd likb to go when I feel the need. Canon law needs to .be revised here. The problem of routine seems to have pervaded every aspect of the sacramental process. Some sisters lament routine in their examination of conscience; others in the rite itself. Especially susceptible to monotony is the confession of sins: I tell the same old thing week after week. It makes me feel like a "phony" and because of this feeling, I hate to go. Also I feel that I am boring the priest. The confessor who continually gives the same penance and exhortation also contributes to the rite of routine. Generally speaking, sisters are aware of the devastating effects which accompany the routin~ rut--"the lack of growth in love'--and that the responsibility of avoiding routine lies heavily upon them. They readily admit that ignorance regarding the real meaning of the sacrament of penance is a major factor in routine. There has been a great tendency to blame the indi-vidual for approaching the sacrament in a routine man-ner. It is, however, our contention that a routine recep-tion of penance is only a symptom of other deeply rooted causes, some of which are inherent in the structures surrounding the sacrament itself. These are the causes which we intend to examine. 2. Time Problems Pressure of work and limited time when they can receive the sacrament--when the confessor comes~makes it harder physi-cally and psychologically to receive the sacrament with devo-tion and meaningfu.lness. The allotted time---too little and too often--also in-creases the danger of routine. Often the confessor must rush the sisters through, assembly-line fashion. Little time can be given for any personal concern, guidance, or words of encouragement. Busy confessors are often frus-trated trying to fit in to the tightly organized convent schedule. On the other hand, some sisters have noted that the time arrangement for confessions seems to be best for the confessor rather than for the community. In many places confessions are scheduled at the end of a busy day when mental and physical exhaustion render one "too tired to think." Or what is worse: Confessions are heard by our chaplain a few minutes before Mass in our chapel. Often preparation for confession is unnecessarily hurried under these conditions. One sister makes her examination of conscience "while out of breath after knocking several people down racing to get to confession on return from school." ÷ ÷ ÷ ~onlesslons ol Women Religious VOLUME 26, 1967 585 I. A. Clarmont, C Sister M. Denis, S.O.$. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 586 However, it is within the confession itself that time pressures ,make their gr.eatest assault: It (confession) seemed to be simply pushing the slide as quickly as possible with a 'minimum of necessary words on either side. Direction??? Two priests for over two hundred sisters in about three hours!ll In large convents time pressures are compounded be-cause of the great number of sisters and the inevitable long lines. One sister typically noted that the greatest difficulty she experienced in receiving the sacrament of p.enance was "the speed with which one receives the absolution and knowing that there ~are fifty people waiting." ~' Both superiors and confessors, in conjunction with the sisters concerned, should examine the confession schedule and ensure enough time for a meaningful re-ception of this sacrament. Any act that must continually be performed in as short a time as possible is bound to be considered of little" importance--and a sacrament is of infinite value. 3. Lack of Freedom Under present conditions, pressures of time have caused much of the confession routine. Causally linked to both problems is the almost uniform lack of freedom for the sisters to confess when, where, to whom, and as often as they wish. One should seriously consider whether or not this problem is at the root of most of the difficulties ;experienced by confessors and penitents. Compulsory weekly confessions, when perhaps sisters are not prepared, have nothing to relate, or are not in the mood, must have a deleterious effect on a fruitful and meaningful recep-tion of this sacrament that demands genuine faith, true sorrow, and a real consciousness of sin. The core of the problem is indicated in the following comments of a priest-confessor: The sacrament should be left up to the free choice of the sister. How, in conscience, can a rule or a superior tell one when to receive the sacrament? Expressing the same sentiment, a sister wrote: Let the sisters be prompted to go to confession by their own inner needs. They are mature women who can surely be trusted to get to the sacraments often enough. Even though the weekly legislation is weakening, most sisters are expected to go to confession at the appointed time. Often unnecessary tension ~s set up between personal conscience and obedience, especially when such legislation is part of the rule to which the sister has vowed obedience. It was quite evident from the question-naires that the majority of sisters, are not free in this regard. As an older sister pointed out, there seems to be some discrepancy between the theology of the sacrament of penance and present legislation concerning the reception of "penance: Since confession is not necessary, except for mortal sins, it would be well for some pronouncement to be made about it to clear away wrong ideas. More and more, the sisters want to take their places with the People of God and to be accorded the same rights, duties, obligations, and privileges: It is well to go to confession in the parish church as part of the People of God and standing in line with them. Some peo-ple seem.to be of the opinion that sisters never go to confession because we never have sins. If they onl~ knewlll For reasons which will be readily seen later in this study, sisters desire the freedom to choose their own confessor, which, of course, implies freedom of place: Each sister should have her own confessor. She should go where he is, if desired, and receive the sacrament in the way she finds most beneficial and personal to her, in a manner agreed upon by herself and the confessor. This mature desire is seconded by many confessors. Cloistered sisters, in particular, are deprived of any opportunities of freedom in regard to confession. One older cloistered sister stated that her greatest difficulty in the reception of penance was the enclosure "because you can't go to different priests:" Another sister in a different cloistered convent suggested that "cloistered sisters who haven't the opportunities available to active sisters be permitted to go to the parish church---or wherever they choose for confession to a priest,of their choice, on a day of their choice." Lacking all of these suggestions she pleaded for bishops to try to make it a point to choose competent spiritual men as confessors for cloistered sisters. As was pointed out by several concerned sisters, the rights of all should be respected. To pass from a rule of weekly confession to another rule of biweekly or monthly confession would still not solve the problem of lack of freedom in the frequency of confession: The few who feel the need of weekly confession and realize the great source of graces received are becoming uneasy. The confessor only comes every second week now, since he knows several of the sisters want it this way. This is depriving those who wish weekly confession many graces. There is no freedom in this case. Since our confessional is the chapel, there is no opportunity to go before Mass. 4- 4- 4- Conlesslons o# Women Religious VOLUME 26, 19~7 ÷ J. A. Clarmont, C.Ss.R. Sister M. Denis, S.O.S. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 588 4. Insufficient Training Without a theological knowledge of the religious life and its link to the ecclesial aspect of the sacrament of penance, how can the latter be a real benefit to growth in the Christian life? A thorough course on the sacraments in general, with a great emphasis on their relation to the sister's life of service and her spiritual life, is needed. Confessors have noted that many sisters are not properly trained concerning the purpose of the sacrament. Where is the blame to be attributed? Certainly, lack of proper training in novitiates, lack of personal meditation and study of the nature of this sacrament, and hurried preparation due to a lack of time are related causes. Many sisters have received little or no mature training to deepen their knowledge and appreciation of the sacra-ment of penance after the initial preparation for first confession preceding first Holy Communion: We lack training on the sacramental, biblical, and theologi-cal basis of penance. The fact that six sisters stated they found nothing bene-ficial in the reception of penance bespeaks a lack of in-struction: I must say I did more than smile when I saw this survey. It takes all the faith I have and even more to believe in the sacrament of penance. This has become more serious since I entered. Having been brought up with no explanation of it except the fact that it was a habit to go to confession once a month, it meant very little, in fact, nothing to me. Religious life has done nothing to give it more meaning. Instead, it is now a habit to go once a week instead of once a month. Such training should have been an integral part of every novitiate program. Beyond the novitiate there has been a dearth of instruction concerning the meaning of penance: No one has really explained the positive aspect of confession as an encounter with Christ. We need discussion with the confessor on the meaning and value of the sacrament. It seems to me that a whole education for both confessors and confessers is necessary. No doubt, steps are being taken in many areas to remedy the situation, particularly since the aggiornamento of Vatican II. 5. Examination of Conscience Some of the greatest criticism, from the confdssor, was the sisters' apparent lack of nnderstanding how to .ex-amine one's conscience as a religious, the inability to communicate any real openness of soul. Thirty priest- confessors felt that the sisters' examination of conscience was unrealistic. Their major criticisms center on the sisters' tendencies to majorize the minima: "They cut a hair in four." Often their confessions reflect petty violations of rule, a listing of imperfections and failings without consideration for the deeply rooted causes of faults: The sisters don't know what to look for and it is very difficult to get them to realize "sins" against one's neighbor, lying, cheating, pride, vanity, uncharitableness, selfishness are more injurious to their progress in sanctity than missing re-creation, failing to make meditation, impure thoughts and even action. To the confessor, the sister does not seem to develop her own personality in the sacramental context but reflects the thinking of her novice mistress and/or rule. The sacrament of penance designedly fulfills both a psychologi-cal and a spiritual need of the individual, but in the case of sisters, these needs are often served in a very super-ficial way: Their examination of conscience is real in the sense of following a taught and believed-in need, but hardly a real and basic human need. It is more the satisfaction of a conditioned (subconscious) need. Too often the examination of conscience is based on violations of the rule rather than violations of the gospel of Christ: Their desire seems to be to keep a clean slate rather than to live the spirit of the gospel. It would seem from the confessors' remarks that examina-tion of conscience, on the whole, is inadequate and fails to promote growth in sanctity. The sisters also admit that an inadequate examination ~f conscience is a deterrent to a meaningful confession. Some sisters state that their method of examination is too negative or too stereotyped; others feel that they are lacking in self-knowledge; still others find difficulty in deciding each week what is really sufficient important conscience matter. Several sisters expressed dissatisfaction with methods of examination that they were taught: I find examinations dwelling on faults, failings, and slighted points of rule are petty, extremely repulsive, and tantamount to nit-picking. Let's be more concrete: One sister who bases the ~examination of conscience on failings in charity states: This is not satisfactory to me, but I don't know how to remedy it and haven't reached the point.of discussing it openly with someoue yet. + ÷ ÷ Cont~ssions ol Women Religious VOLUME 26, 1967 589 ].4. ~larmon¢, ~ C.Ss.R. Sister M~ i DS.eOn.i&s, REV]EW FOR RELZGIOUS 590 All of~these difficulties point to a real need for reeduca-tion in this area. 6. Dil~iculty in Co~[essing Unique to their role as penitent, the sisters mention that often they are hampered by fear, reticence, human respect, and an inability to communicate in the confes-sional. Frustration is experienced by those who feel an inability "to manifest simply and clearly.one's weaknesses and spiritual state." On the other hand, there is the sister who apparently knows what to say but is hampered by "the fear of being too frank, thereby embarrassing the confessor and one's self." As one sister said: "I really do not think there is shortage of matter, but just that we cannot bring ourselves to be ourselves." In answer to the question: What do you find the greatest difficulty in your reception of the sacrament of penance?" a sister wrote: What and how to confess sins. There is plenty of matter for confession, but how can you verbalize the multitudinous fail-ures-- real failures? One sister said that she would like to express sins of omission l~ut felt that the confessor would not accept this as matter for a good confession. Another stated that she "would like to feel free to express myself in ordinary terms without the confessor becoming impatient." This difficu.lty persists in some, even with the best of condi-tions: I have difficulty in expressing my problems or difficulties in a clear and brief way even when I have the good fortune to have a confessor who is understanding. 7. Impersonal Relationship Today we hear much about personal relationships. Certainly it would appear that to make the sacrament of penance a means of spiritual growth there must be an interpersonal relationship between the sister-penitent and the priest-confessor, The obvious fact that two hu-man beings are united in the enactment of this sacra- - ment is too readily overlooked due to an "opere operato" mentality. Each person involved in this act of worship should relate to the other--as a communion of persons. But.,then, what about those who desire anonymity? Are the two contradictory? A relationship of concern, interest,. and desire to aid the penitent is sufficient, even though the sister is not known. However, for true spiritual guidancE, anonymity is a hindrance. Recognition of this lack of personal relationship is manifested in the remarks of the clergy: The dialogue is nil even though the confessor makes an attempt at the possibility of discussion on any matter that would ease any problems by the mere relating of them. There is also a desire for better relationship expressed by some confessors: ' Sisters of whatever type they are, with whatever problem they cope with, should be listened to closely, intently, pa-tiently. The confessor remains the key to the beneficial con-fessions of religious women. I am trying to make myself a better confessor by cultivating in myself greater love of God, a deeper insight into the nature of sin, and a better understanding of the person.s who are con-fessing. For most sisters, too, a lack, of true interperson.al re-lationship of the human level militates against a real understanding of the sacrament of penance as an en-counter with Christ. One sister even commented that because of the impersonal atmosphere, "confession can turn into an inhuman act." That the sisters object to being treated as "things" is evident in the following: Confession should be more of a person-to-person encounter, rather than a thing-to-thing. I don't feel that the priest is interested in me as an in-dividual, but in our community as a group. Whenever one speaks of interpersonal relationships, one must be aware of the important role played" by communication and dialogue: A greater sense of an interpersonal relationship is needed in confession, so that one does not feel that one is just another person with another uninteresting story. The biggest problem to my mind is the lack of commumcation between the confessor and myself. He doesn't seem interested in me as a person, so I cannot bring myself to talk to him. Attempts have proved fruitless. I feel that confession is basic to our spiritual life and think that it is high time dialogue with a capital "D" is possible with our confessor in particular, and priests in general. Great benefit can accrue from a genuinely human re-lationship: When I can open up to a confessor who is equipped to listen, I find that I at least can get close to experiencing a meeting with Christ. 8. Confessor Not Understanding When the confessor does not represent the under-standing and patient Christ,. the sisters' difficulties will be augmented. Does the priest himself feel capable? con-cerned? truly helpful? Earlier in. this study we mentioned the appreciation for the vocation of the sisters and for their zeal and holiness. There is a real desire on the part of un-derstanding priests, to help the sisters, to make confession an effective source of Christian growth: + + + ontesaons ot Women 1~eligious VOLUME 26, 1967 591 4. 4. 4. J. A. Clarmont, C.Ss.R. Sister M. DSe.nOi.sS,. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 592 I am intensely interested in helping religious and proclaim !oudly and often the deplorable injustice which, I feel, priests in general have perpetrated in regard to these tremendous women, and that for centuries. It starts with the kind of "bon-papa" assigned to postulates and continues right on through to the type of retired, nasty, selfish, old bachelor whom no one will put up with except "the dear good sisters." Most priests want to get out of having to hear sisters' confessions and are only too happy to have anyone at all take over the chore, even if it happens to be someone who is good for nothing else. Many priests are sisters' confessors, not by inclination, training, or talent, but by appointment. What could make confession more meaningless to the sisters than the necessity to confess to some priest who merely tolerates his task of hearing their confessions? Or looks upon it as a waste of time? Or feels inadequate for the situation? Those priests who are interested and willing to give the necessary time and effort should "specialize" as confes-sors of women religious. As a priest stated, among the qualifications for a priest-confessor of sisters should be "some knowledge of the psychology of religious women and of counseling along with common sense and compas-sion." It is questionable whether seminary courses in pastoral theology treat of this specialized apostolate. In answering the question: "Are you satisfied with your confessor?" sixty-one sistei:s replied in the negative. Sis-ters are particularly sensitive to the priest's attitude toward hearing sisters' confessions in general: For our confessor, as for most confessors whom I have en-countered, the hearing of sisters' confessions seems to be an unpleasant duty to be got through as quickly as possible and with as little personal involvement as possible. Such an attitude is bound to inhibit the penitent. Others commented that their confessor is one in the strictest sense only, that is, he listens to confessions and gives absolution. Some confessors seem "uninterested, uncon-cerned, and unwilling to be of assistance." An older sister wrote: In my forty-six years of confessions, I can think of three priests that stand out because they were interested and gave all the time one wanted, plus counsel. Further irritation is caused by a condoning manner which implied "that you were a good girl who did not really need confession--'Keep up the good work.'" In addition, impatience, abruptness, moodiness, oversensi-tivity, unapproachableness were cited by the sisters as un-desirable qualities in a priest-confessor. Sisters are distressed by the male mistake of not under-standing the feminine mystique. Neither native intelli-gence nor acquired holiness is a substitute for under-standing feminine psychology. In the confessional the priest is dealing with the whole person--body, soul, mind, feelings. In addition to understanding the psychological and biological factors of women, the confessor should be able to "get behind the externals" in order to understand what "women get frustrated over": The confessor should consider most religious as shy persons; and deal with them as you would a shy person. Those who appoint confessors should see to it that the con-fessor is one who knows what women are, how they function and why; that be knows and understands the cycle of a wo-men- the menopause. We had a confessor who knew nothing of all this and said so, and what is worse, didn't want to know. It's all medical, he said. Furthermore, the feminine expression of the religious life is as different from the masculine expression of the religious life as woman is "from man: If we only had an understanding priest who knew what community living involved. This would solve many problems. From a total of. forty-two sisters with diocesan.priests for confessors, only eighteen expressed dissatisfaction with the confessor since he had no personal experience of community life as lived by religious. Most of the eighteen stated that they would prefer a religious priest. Frequently sisters experience difficulty when the pastor for whom they work, especially in a small town, is their con tess or: It is undesirable to have the pastor or some other priest, who is in frequent contact with the sisters in a professional way, as confessor. It is very apparent that the person of the confessor plays an important role in contributing to the meaning-fulness of the sacrament of penance, without, however, the penitent abdicating her own personal responsibility: Each person needs to find her own personal response to God. The priest can suggest, but the decision must be your own. I have great sympathy for the priegt who has to be a con-fessor to sisters (being stoned to death with popcorn, as one priest put it), but I believe lie must definitely have the in-clination for it, a solid knowledge of feminine psychology, , and the knack of helping his penitents to be more objective in their outlook. 9. Lack Of Suitable Direction ÷ When discussing the lack of spiritual direction as a + factor in rendering the sacrament of penance less mean-ingful, we are adopting, in line with the replies on the. questionnaires, the broad meaning of spiritual direction, onfesslons namely, a personal or general exhortation directed to the Women Religious penitent. Xqhile it is beyond the scope of this study to examine theologically the relationship of spiritual direo 593 tion to the sacrament of penance, such a relationship will be investigated in a later study. Nearly all the confessors gave some spiritual exhorta-tion, either general or personal, and the latter particu-larly when needed or requested: I simply invite them after each confession to bring up any problem they might have before dismissing them. Compara-tively few do so--maybe two per month. General direction is quite useless, a waste of breath. It de-pends on the penitent whether I give personal direction. Some gave a short homily to the assembled community as preparation for the reception of penance. There were a few, however, who merely gave absolution. Only in a few cases, judging from the confessors' re-sponses can we attribute lack of direction as a source of meaningless confessions. However, it is in this area of confessional exhortation that we find the greatest dis-parity between the priests' and the sisters' remarks. Table 2 indicates the number of sisters receiving dif-ferent types of spiritual exhortation or direction in the confessional. TABLE 2 Types of Direotion Received in'the Confessional Type of Direction Number of Sisters General . 58 Specific direction . 42 No direction at all . 33 Of those receiving general direction nineteen sisters stated that they wished to have this type of exhortation continued; four sthted that they did not want any direc-tion. It is noteworthy that thirty-four of the fifty-eight~ sisters receiving a general type of direction desired to have the exhortation related more to the spirit and tone of each penitent's confession, instead of vague, impersonal re-,. marks on some loosely connected topic, such as the Holy Souls: 0f course, I want and need direction. Perhaps I'm just looking for a spiritual pat on the back at times, but I don't want a confessor with stereotyped answers. I want him to + make me think things out. + If we add to these thirty-four sisters, the forty sisters + who receive a specific type of direction and wish to con- I. A. (?larmont, tinue doing so, then there is a total of seventy-four sis- , c~s~. ters indicating a preference for individual direction in sister M. Oe,,is, the confessional. A sister who received personal direction s.o.s. stated: REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS At first I found it almost embarrassingly so, but it is of 594 great help, One sister receiving specific direction did not wish to have any at all; and another sister stated that she would rather ask for it when needed. Table 3, illustrating the helpfulness of the type of direction the sisters are presently receiving, is indicative of the sisters' preference for a more personalized exhorta-tion. TABLE 3 The Help.[ulness of Various Types of Spiritual Direction Degree of Helpfulness General Direction Specific Direction Total Possible 58 Total Possible 42 Helpful . 17 37 Not helpful . 21 1 Sometimes helpful . 20 4 Some of the nine sisters who stated that they did not wish to have direction of any type qualified their remarks as follows: No guidance wanted from this type of confessor. In some twenty years in religious life, I personally have met only one regular confessor who was genuinely interested in my prog-ress in holiness. From those receiving no direction whatsoever the fol-lowing remarks imply a sense of frustration or futility: Every week that I have gone to this confessor for the past five years he says, "Once again, Sister, leave it all to the mercy of God and for your penance say three Hail Mary's to Jesus in the Blessed Sacrament." He gives no spiritual direction for anything less than sins of murder! Only four receiving no direction indicated that they did not wish to have any; twenty-nine stated a desire for di-rection of some kind. The whole area of spiritual direction is a delicate one since both the "feast or the famine" extremes pose evi-dent difficulties for the sisters. They would like the con-lessor to be interested and helpful, but without making them feel compelled to reveal themselves. For the con-lessor to ask a lead question such as: "Is there anything else you would like to say?" is welcome and leaves the individual free. As shown previously, many sisters are shy and reticent in the confessional. Such a question would provide them with an opening. From the sisters' viewpoint there seem to be few priests who really understand what they mean when asking for direction: There seems to be a lack of understanding for our way of life--for the desire to grow in love and union with God. Most just can't take the time to bother, or if they waht to help, Conlessions ot, Women Religiott~ VOLUME 26, 1967 595 they can't understand about our life. Some of the younger priests seem to have more of an understanding of spiritual direction in the confessional than many of the older ones. They have caught the spirit of the Council and of the "inner renewal," not just external changes, and have taken special interest in the direction of sisters. Tliere is overwhelming evidence from the survey that the sisters included in this sampling wish to receive di-rection in the confessional as indicated by 122 out of 133 sisters. As was seen, the strong preference is for a more personal exhortation. 10. Environment The problem area that appeared most frequently on the questionnaires is that of the physical environment of the confessional, with ninety-three sisters and thirty-two priests reporting dissatisfaction with the present situation. Table 4 gives a break-down of this figure. TABLE 4 Changes Desired by Confessors and Sisters in the Physical Environment of the Confessional Desired Changes Priests Sisters Wish improvements in the tradi-I tional .confessional . I 16 40 Wish face-to-face confessions in an open room . ] 16 53 4- I. A. Clarmonk, C.Ss.R. Sister M. Denis, S~O.S. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 596 There was barely an aspect of the traditional con-fessional that escaped criticism. One priest dryly com-mented: o My experience is d, at while the sisters have built hospitals, schools, and motherhouses equal to the Taj Mahal, they have yet to build a decent confessional. Acoustics in most are poor. Severe criticism was leveled at the double confessional in which one sister said she "had been hearing confessions for years." For the deaf sisters this problem is acute. Poor placement of the confessional ranged from the front of the chapel where the sister "had to face the entire community when com-ing out" to the sacristy "where the sacristan had to be informed and evacuated for extra confessions." Both priests and sisters wished to dispel the dark gloomy at-mosphere in the confessional by more normal lighting. In short, "light, air, more room, and the opportunity to hear and to be heard" are needed. When referring to the type of confessional used, one sister noted that attitudes towards this beautiful sacra-ment could change, ':if the sisters were free to go to con-fession in the place they choose--a sunny, bright room or a closed confessional." Another asserted that any physical change which would make confession more of a sacra-ment of encounter would be helpful. A confessor wrote: I've already abandoned the confessional in the chapel for a portable in a small parlor where privacy is assured even for the hard-of-hearing, where I can look out at the birds, flowers, trees, and squirrels which remind me of the bounty of God whose largesse I am dispensing. For some, the focus of annoyance was the screen or grill in the traditional confessional: I simply cannot relate to a blank screen. It's torture trying to mumble your problems at a white screen. There appears to be relative unanimity among priest-confessors and sister-penitents in their mutual detestation of the confessional "box": ~ The gloomy secretive atmosphere of the confessional does not seem conducive to inspiring anyone with any 'particular joy at being the receiver of such a tremendous blessing. Let's get out of the sweat boxl Is it so necessary that women go to confession in a closed confessional? Can't canon law be revamped in this regard? After all, we say we meet Christ in penance. Why should a grill and darkness set His representative aloof from us? Many priests have decried the ordinary environment, that is, the confessional, as destructive of a personal re-lationship and meaningful confession: Have a place where sisters could be less formal and able to talk in a normal voice, not whispering. Thus they could see their confessor as a spiritual director and not a mere automaton dispensing sins in a machine-like way. Several suggested that confessions be heard in a counsel-ing room where privacy is assured and where both con-fessor and penitent can be at ease. The sisters also question the traditional confessional environment. External surroundings have a great in-fluence on one's attitudes and may have accounted for much of the fear which has accompanied the sacrament of penance for many sisters: Completely revamp the confessional. An across-the-desk or from-one-comfortable-chair-to-the-next would be much more conducive to sincerity and perhaps more practically effective. Christ met Nicodemus out on a rooftop, the adulterous woman in a temple courtyard, Zaccheus in a tree, the cripple at a public swimming pool, Dismas at a public execution. Why in the name of God, our Father, must He meet us in a dark, little, musty box with his hand in front of his eyes, his face turned away, through a screen or grill or even a plastic sheet? What's wrong with being face to face with His representative? in a lighted room? in a comfortable chair? in a relaxed and open manner. We talk about faith. What kind of faith do we show by hiding from the light and warmth of person-to-person communication? You can't take the light of faith and hide it + 4. 4- Conlessions o~ Women Religious VOLUME 26, 1967 597 4, 4. C.SsJL Sisger M. Den~s, $.0~. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS ~98 in a box, but put it out in the open. Penance should be a two-way dialogue with both priest and penitent brought closer to Christ by the encounter. Although these expressions are opposed to a sacred tra-dition of confessional anonymity, yet all of them seem to carry, that cry for a more meaningful interpersonal re-lationship with the priest-confessor. They honestly seek to have a setting that will be more natural, more tiuman, and more conducive to genuine help from this wonderful sacrament. A choice, however, should be left for' the penitent--either a face-to-face accusation or the privilege of anonymity. 11. Rite Our present rite of the sacrament of penance fails to convey the full import of this sacrament: Certainly penance has ceased to be "public" except in name only. Much must be done to restore penance to its place in the public worship of the Church. " We need a complete revision of the liturgy of the sacrament to fit the real needs and become a living sign in their daily lives. Many confessors indicated a desire for communal ex-amination of conscience, for a preparatory homily prior to the reception of the sacrament, and for general abso-lution. Thirty-eight sisters expressed dissatisfaction with the present rite of penance. Of the thirty-eight, twenty-five wished" to have some form of communal penance with optional private confession; seven wished to have some communal exhortation or rite followed by private con-fession; and six wished to have minor changes made in the present rite: It is hard to realize the ecclesial or community aspect of penance under its preseht form. General absolution would make the sacraxnent of penance much more meaningful for me, and I am not a coward or lack-ing in faith when I say this. The development of these suggestions will be con-sidered in a later study when we deal with those factors .that should lead to a more meaningful celebration of this sacrament. Progress is being made by liturgists to make all the sacraments more meaningful. Certainly their reception in the vernacular has helped, but many are still concerned about a truly ex.pressive rite that con-veys the true meaning of the sacrament of penance. Conclusion As stated in the beginning of this study, our purpose is' not academic but practical. As one confessor wrote to I think a great deal of talking, discussion, and beefs have taken place about weekly confessors for sisters. Now it is time for action. I would like to see something done about it. I hope your study leads to some practical results. I love the sisters and feel they deserve to find a greater degree of the ful-fillment in Christ's love which they sought when they embraced the evangelical counsels. It is sincerely hoped that those responsible for the con-fessions of women religious from the diocesan chancery office to the local convent will examine and attempt to rectify some of the problems surrounding the reception of this sacrament. We have tried to show how the various factors which militate against a meaningful reception of penance are interrelated and therefore cannot be considered in iso-lation. The most obvious problem for both confessors and penitents is routine, but the most basic problem is the lack of freedom regarding time, place, confessor, and frequency. If sisters were given the responsibility to see to their own needs regarding penance, then--given normal conditions--time problems, all the difficulties related to the confessor would be eased. The sacramental rite in its present form is neither in-structive nor indicative of the ecclesial purpose of pen-ance. In addition, a truly Christ-like interpersonal rela-tionship between confessor and penitent is impeded by the physical surroundings of the confessional itself. However, for the individual sister, despite all external obstacles, the most effective remedy for routine is a thorough updating and continued education in the theology of the sacrament and its practical application in her own life. Because of little or no formation, the sisters do not really understand how to examine their consciences realistically and hence have great difficulty in the actual confession. These shortcomings on the part of the sister-penitent, in addition to weekly confession when often there is no real need, are greatly responsible for the confessor!s negative attitudes towards sisters' confessions. Underly-ing most of these difficulties lies the inability of the priest-confessor and the sister-penitent to see and to accept one another in their individual roles in the Body of Christ. It was evident from the questionnaires that there is grave mutual misunderstanding between the priest-confessors as a whole and the sister-penitents as a whole. The priests do not seem to comprehend the seriousness of all the problems concerned to the same extent that the sisters do. Many priests admit they do not know how to use the sacrament of penance as an fective source of spiritual growth and development. Furthermore, the sisters often close themselves to re-ceiving the good intentions of the confessor. We feel in-÷ ÷ ÷ Contessions o] Women Religious VOLUME 26, 1967 599 capable of judging where the fault lies but would like to suggest that both the confessor and the sisters in a given location openly discuss the problems pertinent to their situation. We owe our sincere gratitude to the confessors and sisters who took the time to answer the questionnaires so thoroughly and honestly. It has been a difficult but instructive task reading the questionnaires, assessing various responses, and attempting to be as objective as possible. We hope that our later study will indeed com-plement this negative analysis with truly positive aids towards making confession more satisfying for both confessor and penitent, creating mutual respect, charity, and joy. APPENDIX A FACSIMILE OF THE QUESTIONNAIRE SENT TO CONFESSORS Dear Father: As part of our work in Pastoral Theology at The Divine Word Centre, London, we are making a study of the confessions of women religious. For this purpose we are asking your cooperation in completing the following questionnaire. Your frank answers and any other comments you care to make would be greatly appreciated. Use the back of this paper if necessary. All replies . will be held in the strictest confidence. Please return the completed form UNSIGNED. Rev. J. A. Clarmont, C.Ss.R. Sister M. Denis, S.O.S. 1. Age ____ Diocesan Priest ____ Religious Priest __ (Check one) 2. Number of convents to which you are the regular confessor: + ]. A. Clarmont, C.Ss.R. , Sister M. Denis, S.O3. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 600 Approximate number of sisters in convent ___ Location of content: City ___ Town or village ____ (Check one) Type of sisters: C!oistered.___ Non-cloistered ___ (Check one) 3. Are you the pastor and/or chaplain to these sister's? Yes __ NO --- 4. If the convent is large, how many other regular confessors assist you? ____ 5. What is your impression of sisters' confessions, in general? Please be sharp and specific. 6. From your experience in hearing sisters' confessions, do you think that their examination of conscience is realistic and adequate? 7. What type of spiritual direction or counsel do you give? (i.e., personal or general) 8. What do you find most satisfying regarding sisters' confes-sions? 9. What is your greatest difficulty regarding sisters' coqfessions? I0. How could the Sacrament of Penance be made more meaning-ful for sisters? 11. Are there any changes you would like to make in the physical environment of the confessional (location, type, lighting, acoustics, etc.)? FACSIMILE OF THE QUESTIONNAIRE SENT TO SISTERS Dear Sister: As part of our work in Pastoral Theology at The Divine Word Centre, London, we are making a study of the confessions of women religious. For this purpose we are asking your cooperation in com-pleting the following questionnaire. Your frank answers and any other comments you care to make would be greatly appreciated. Use the back of this paper if necessary. All replies will be held in the strictest confidence. Please return the completed form UN-SIGNED. Rev. J. A. Clarmont, C.Ss.R. Sister M. Denis, S.O.S. 1 :' Age __ Occupation 2. Location of convent: City ____ Town or village ___ (Check one) 3. Number of sisters in Convent __ Number of weekly con-fessors ____ 4. Diocesan priest ___ Religious priest ___ (Check one) Is he your pastor and/or chaplain? Yes ___ No __ (Check one) 5. Are you satisfied with your confessor? Please give sharp and specific reasons. 6. How do you make your examination of conscience? 7. What type of spiritual direction or counsel (i.e., personal or general) does the confessor give? Do you want this? Do you find this helpful? 8. What do you find most beneficial in your reception of the Sacrament of Penance? 9. What do you think is the greatest difficulty in your reception of the Sacrament of Penance? 10. How could the Sacrament of Penance be made more meaning-ful for sisters? 1 I. Are there any changes you would like to make in the physical environment of the confessional (location, type, lighting, acoustics)? APPENDIX B STATISTICAL DESCRIPTION OF SAMPLING Priest-Confessors One hundred and ten questionnaires were ~nailed out to con-lessors o[ sisters. Among the returns were sixty-four completed questionnaires, oue partially completed, one letter stating the con-fessor's views and two letters stating that the confessors concerned were no longer occupied with hearing sisters' con[essions. The sam-pling included priests from seven Canadian provinces and two from the United States with representatives from forty-five towns or cities in twenty-one different dioceses. ÷ ÷ + Conlessions o] Women Religious VOLUME 26, 1967 Twenty-six priest-confessors were under forty-five years of age and thirty-five were over that age; six failed to state their age. Thirty-two of the sampling were diocesan priests and thirty-two 'were religious priests. Thirteen stated that they were the pastor and/or chaplain of the convent in which they heard confessioa~s, while forty-five were outsiders; two were retreat masters. Table 5 summarizes the size of the convents in which die priests heard confessions. TABLE 5 Size of Convent to which Priest-Con.lessors are Appointed 19 priests heard confessions in convents of 10 or fewer sisters. 12 priests heard confessions in convents of 10-25 sisters. 12 priests heard confessions in convents of 26-50 sisters. 4 priests heard confessions in convents of 51-100 sisters. 4 priests heard confessions in convents of over 100 sisters. ÷ ÷ ÷ I. A. Clarmont, C.Ss.R. $iste~ M. D$e.0n,i$s., REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 602 Fifty-four priests were involved in hearing the confessions of non-cloistered sisters and five priests were involved in hearing the con-fessions of cloistered sisters. Thirty-three convents to which they were assigned as confessors are in the cities and twenty-two con-vents are located in small towns or villages. Certain discrepancies in the number of responses and the above totals are due to the fact that some priest-confessors failed to answer each requested item on the questionn.aire. Sister-Penitents ' ~ Out of a total of approxim.htely one hundred and sixty question-nalres sent to the sister~, one hundred and thirty-three were ~:e-turned, including thirty-three sister students at the Divine Word Centre. The sampling of one hundred and thlrty-three, although ~redominffntly Canadian, cuts across seven provinces, eight states, and represents sisters in twenty-six dioceses and eighty-one con-vents. The sampling was fairly equally divided according to age groups: sixty-six sisters were over thlrty-five years of age; sixty-six sisters were thirty-five or younger; and the age of one sister was un-known. Tables 6 and 7 indicate the occupations of the sisters and the size of the convents respectively. TABLE 6 Occupations o] Sisters Involved in the Sampling Occupation Cloistered . Teacher . Nurse . Social Worker . Administration . Catechist . Domestic . Missionary . Retired . Student . Novice . Unknown . Number 45 46 71 6 612811 TABLE 7 Size o.f Convents 18 sisters reside in convents of 5 or fewer sisters. 41 sisters reside in convents of 6-12 sisters. 15 sisters reside in convents of 13-25 sisters. 27 sisters reside in convents of 26-50 sisters. 32 sisters reside in convents of over 51 sisters. Eighty-one convents were located in the city; fifty-two in small towns, villages, or in the country. Ninety-one sisters indicated that their confessor was a diocesan priest. In twenty-three cases the priest was the pastor and/or chaplain; in one hundred and ten cases the priest was an outside confessor. " Conlessions o! Women Religious VOLUME 26, 1967 LADISLAS M. ~RSY, S.J. Chastity in Religious Ladislas M. Orsy, S.J., is professor of canon law at the School ol: Theology; Fordham Univer-sity; ~ Bronx, New York 10458. : REVIEW=FOR RELIGIOUS Whenever the documents of the Council refer to conse-crated life and mention the three evangelical counsels, chastity takes priority over poverty and obedience. In establishing this new, .or apparently new order, the fathers of the Council followed an ancient tradition and also ex-pressed better the internal cohesion between the three counsels. They followed an ancient tradition because from the beginning of the life of the Church, consecrated virginity was considered the sign and the fruit of a spe-cial friendship with God. They expressed better the internal cohesion of the three aspects of our consecration, because it is through virginity that a special union is established between God and a human person. Detachment from material wealth in the form of poverty usually follows the charism of virginity. Both charisms can bring greater fruit if they are inserted into the life of the visible Church. This insertion is made through dedication to works of charity in a community, which is in effect consecration in obedience: Among the three, chastity is nearest to charity; it is the most personal expression of our dedication to God. Before any further explanation, it is necessary that I should clarify my own terminology. There are two key concepts which have to be defined. One is chastity, the other is virginity. Chastity is a virtue which disposes us to the observance of God's laws in all matters concerning sexual life. It has to be present in those who are married and in those who are not. When a person abstains from marriage it is fre-quently said that he is practicing perfect chastity, mean-ing that he is abstaining completely from any use of his sexual faculties. The expression can be used provided no one concludes that the virtue of chastity cannot be perfect in married people. The virtue can be perfect in them al-though their abstinence from sexual life is not omplete.1 The term virginity usually means perfect chastity in those who preserve the integrity of their body. One could object to this definition that virginity is conceived too much in a material sense. It would be better to speak about the spiritual.sense of virginity which means dedica-tion to God in perfect chastity with the intention of pre-serving the integrity of mind and body. Christian virgin-ity in the full sense means a permanent state, the permanent integrity of mind, heart, and body for the sake of the kingdom of God. It is a spiritual virtue. It disposes for a deep union with God and it is the fruit of such a union. Its most important aspect is not in the ma-terial integrity of the body--in itself it could not be a sign of Christian virginity--but in the integrity and in the permanent dedication of the person to God in perfect chastity. .In other words, there is not much difference between perfect chastity and virginity, provided "integrity" means the integral dedication of a person in mind, heart, and body to God. They both mean the same. If we want to remain faithful to the tradition of Christian terminology it would probably be better to speak about virginity than chastity. I shall use the expression virginity when I mean perfect chastity. By both I mean the consecration of a human person to God in integrity of mind and body which excludes any use of the sexual faculties. When I speak about virginity, I refer equally to men and women. When the term celibate is used, it is equivalent to virgin. As I shall explain, virginity is a framework, a container, for a union with God. THE BIBLICAL BACKGROUND The inspiration from Holy Scripture for an under-standing of the virtue of virginity comes in two ways: through the express pronouncements of the inspired texts about virginity and through the example of Christ, His Mother, and His disciples. The' biblical doctrine of a deep and experiential union with God is certainly a help to understand virginity better. XThe term perlect chastity is a misnomer; it misleads the un-initiated and does not express well the thought of the specialist in moral theology. It misleads the uninitiated because it seems to imply that perfect chastity cannot exist in marriage. It does not express the thought of the specialist in moral theology, because if perfect chastity can be achieved by the use of the sexual faculties in mar-riage, the complete abstention from the use of those faculties should not be described by the same term. Even if we agreed, however, that the term perIect chastity should-be abandoned for the descrip-tion of the state of celibacy or virginity, time would be still needed for an agreement on the new terminology. + + + Chastity VOLUME 26, 1967 605 4. £,adislas M. Or&y, REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 606 Some express pronouncements about virginity in the Old Testament can be found in the life of Jeremiah who remained celibate in order to underline his prophecy. In the New Testament the main texts about virginity are in the Gospels of St. Matthew and St. Luke, in the Epis-tles of St. Paul, and in the Apocalypse of St. John. All through the Scriptures there is an ever deepening empha-sis of this virtue. The life of Christ, the,life of the Mother of God, and the lives of many of the Apostles are in them-selves demonstrations of the Christian value of virginity; The biblical doctrine of a deep experiential union with God is of capital importance for the understanding of the virtue of virginity. This union can be so captivating for a human heart that the person does not want to conclude any close union with a human person. The presence of God in him brings about a special fruit: he wants to re-main virgin. I shall speak mainly about the express references of the Bible to virginity, but I shall refer frequently to the union from which virginity originates,u Jeremiah the Prophet The concept of virginity developed gradually. Its earli-est roots are in the Old Testament. Christian virginity is somewhat foreshadowed in the life of Jeremiah. The prophet embraced celibacy and he himself explained the reason for it: The word of the Lord was addressed to me as follows: "You must not take a wife or have son or daughter in this place. For the Lord says. this regarding the sons and daughters to be born in this place, about the mothers who give birth to them, and about the fathers who beget them in tl~is land: They will die of deadly diseases" Uer 16:1-4). Celibacy in the life of Jeremiah was a prophecy by ~ The purpose of this biblical background is not to prove that the state of celibacy or virginity is an excellent way of following Christ, but to recall the biblical teaching for those who believe in the excellency of the gift. The relevant texts are fragmentary and their full meaning may not be immediately evident. The facts reported in the New Testament, such as the virginal life of Christ, the virginity of His Mother, do not lend themselves to lengthy explanations. They all have a pregnant meaning, though, which was clearly understood by the Church from the apostolic times and ex-ternally manifested by the praise of virginity. Within the scope of a short article the explanations of the texts had to be restrained to the most essential points. A detailed and fine analysis of The Biblical Doctrine o! Virginity by Lucien Legrand, M.E.P., is availa-ble in English, published by Sheed and Ward, New York, 1963. I am indebted to the author and grateful for his work. His analyses of the texts of St. Luke are particularly thought-provoking. Father Legrand stresses also the theological idea of virginal ]ecundity, but 15erhaps not enough the immediate apostolic meaning of the scriptural texts on virginity. The strongly apostolic character of virginity appears everywhere included in the meaning of the terms. deed. He was announcing to the people of Jerusalem that the day of judgn3.ent was coming. In order to demonstrate the proximity of the disaster Jeremiah did not take a wife. Through his celibacy he was crying out that the judg-ment of the Lord was coming and that all should be pre-pared for it. His celibacy had a prophetic value. Paul the Prophet The same thefiae is taken up in the New Testament by St. Paul/He is not concerned with the destruction of Jerusalem. He is concerned with the second coming of the Lord, with the universal manifestation of His glory. Paul is so full of hope that he wants to bypass the realities of this present world of shadows in order to center his at-tention on tl~e expectation of the Lord. He writes to the Corinthians: About remaining celibate, I have no directions from the Lord but give my own opinion as one who, by the Lord's mercy, has stayed faithful. Well then, I believe that in these present times of stress this is right: that it is good for a man to stay as he is (1 Cor 7:25-6). The "present times of stress" here is due to the fact that they were in expectation of the Pa~ousia, the day of judg-ment, the day of the manifestation of the power of the Lord. The underlying idea in the statement of Paul is that the very fact that he remains a celibate dec'lares not in words but in a deed that the real permanent values are in a different wgrld. The prophetic, aspect of celibacy is present in Paul's thought. But while Jeremiah was con-cerned in a somewhat negative way with the tem~poral ruin of Jerusalem, Paul is centered on the coming of the eternal kingdom of Christ. Thr6ugh celibacy he declares that this world is to be transformed into a new spiritual universe. Matthew and the Kingdom In the Gospel of St. Matthew the internal relationship between the state of virginity and the kingdom of God is described. The most important passage on celibacy follows the promulgation by Christ of the new law: a man shouId not divorce his wife. Then: The disciples said to him, "If that: is how things are between husband andwife, it is not advisable to marry." But he replied, "It is not everyone who can accept what I have said, but only those to whom it is granted. There are eunuchs born that way from their mother's womb, there :are eunuchs made so by men, and there are eunuchs who have made themselves that way for the sake of the kingdom of heaven. Let anyone accept this who can" (Mt 19:10-2). The key concept of the text is that to abstain from marriage receives its full mea.ning when it is done on .I. + + VOLUME 26, 1967 607 ÷ Ladislas M. Orsy, REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS behalf.o{ the heavenly kingdom. There is a close relation-ship between the kingdom of Christ and .that state of celibacy or virginity. It is stated also that no one can grasp this gift for himself but it is given to those who are ¯ able to accept what God offers to them. In other words, celibacy is a gift of God. Matthew means by the kingdom of heaven the fulfill-ment of God's promises, the presence of the kingdom foretold by the prophets, announced by John the Baptist, preached by Christ, and to be preached by the Apostles. Celibacy in itself would be empty and without purpose; it receives its meaning through the kingdom. The kingdom means the internal kingdom in the hearts of man and the kingdom to be spread through the preach-ing of the gospel. When a gift is given on behalf of the kingdom, all aspects of the kingdom have to be included. The gift is given to dispose the heart to receive the word of God and to strengthen the person to preach it. Both the sanctifying and the strongly apostolic aspects of virginity are there in Christ's words as reported by Matthew. This kingdom is partially present because Christ is present, and He opened His kingdom to all who repent and are ready to follow Him. It is also to come because the Spirit has not descended, yet on the Apostles and dis-ciples. The concept of virginity in Matthew's Gospel is a complex one: virginity is witnessing present reality and points to a future event. It is the sign of the kingdom present, and of the kingdom to come. The kingdom is present; for its sake one can be celibate. There is no need to wait. At the same time the prophetic value remains, since the fullness of God's promises is still to come. Celibacy points towards the eschatological fullness or per-fection. One could say that in the life of a celibate person reality and prophecy coincide. Virginity is a sign of the kingdom present here and now and of the kingdom to come when Christ appears in His glory. Let us note that virginity is not a condition to enter the kingdom but it is a special gift within the kingdom for., those who can accept it. Matthew makes it clear that he conceives celibacy as a particular gift given by God to some who are following Christ and are disciples of Christ. Not all followers and all disciples will have the same gift. .,In another passage, Matthew reports the saying of Christ that in the resurrection there is no such thing, as marryi~ng or°being given in marriage: For at the resurrection men and women do not marry;~ no, they are like the angels.in heaven (Mr 22:30). o In other words, the state of' virginity is~ the beginning of the same state of life in some whidh will be the ~hare of all who will enter the heavenly kingdom. In heaven there will be no need for procreation because the number 6f the chosen ones will have be~n completed. The king-dom of God will be there in its fullness. Marriage would be purposeless. It follows that the state of virginity is the beginning of the state of imniortality. Through it a person takes up his final status in the kingdom of God. Luke and the Following of Christ Luke leads us even further into the mystery of virginity. For Luke, as for Matthew, the kingdom of God has come with Christ. But Luke gives more thought to the relation-ship of a disciple to Christ; to the union that exists be-tween Christ and His follower." For him virginity is the sharing in a special way of the death and also of the glorification of Christ. Special way here means an indi-vidual vocation, not given to all believers. The most im-portant text is: He said to them, "I tell you solemnly, there is no one wh~ has left house, wife, brothers, parents, or children for the sake of the kingdom of God who will noLbe given repayment many times over in this present time and,~in the world to come, eter-nal life" (Lk 18:29-30). He who follows Christ by 1.eaving behind his wife, that is by taking up the state of celibacy, leaves this world and enters another one. He shares the condition of Christ who is leaving this world to enter into the house of His Father. The person who leaves behind hig wife and all that he has in this world shares the death of Christ. Another text from St. Luke proves that this is not an exaggeration: If any man conies to me without hating his father, mother, wife, children, brothers, sisters, yes and his own life too, he cannot be my disciple. Anyone who does not carry his cross and come after me cannot be my disciple (Lk 14:26-7). That is, there is an analogy between leaving behind one's wife and family and taking UP the cross. There is an analogy between celibacf and leaving one's own life and dying with Christ. To follow Christ means to leave this visible and tangible world and the persons or objects most precious to us and to go into an unknown world. To leave behind one's own wife is the sharing in the life of Christ; it is sharing His cross and His death. In Luke's Gospel the theology of: the life of a Christian as life in Christ is emerging. It is necessary to be :unite.d to Christ's cross in order to participate in His eternal life. Finally, as in Matthew's Gospel, in Luke's too, the king-dom has a dynamic character: it has to grow and expand. To become celibate for the kingdom'ssake means to tal~e a share in the building of the kingdg~n, in the saving acts of Christ--celibacy has an apostolic character and finality. + + + Chastity VOLUME 2~, 1.967 609 4- 4- Lad/s/as M. Orsy, S.I. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 610 Paul and the Glory o/ Godn The new theme of sharing the glory of Christ through virginity is best expressed by St. Paul in 1 Cot 7:25-39. He does not say that matrimony is wrong. On the con-trary, marriage is good. But he says: I would like to see you free from all worry. An unmarried man can devote himself to the Lord's affairs,, all he need worry about is pleasing the Lord; but a married man has to bother about the world's affairs and devote himself to pleasing his wife: he is torn two ways. In the same way an unmarried . woman, like a young girl, can devote herself to the Lord's affairs;' all she need worry about is being holy in body and spiyit. The married woman, on the other hand, has to worry about the world's affairs and devote herself to pleasing her husband. I say this only~ to help you, not to put a halter round your necks, but simply to make sure that everything is as it should be, and that you give your undivided attention to the Lord (1 Gor 7:32-5). Being holy in body and spit.it: the word holy is the key to the understanding of the text. When Paul uses the expression holy he uses it according tolthe Old Testament tradition. Anything is holy which has been sanctified by God through the presence of His glory and power, For the Israelites Mount Sinai was holy because the glory of God descended on it. The temple of Jerusalem was holy for them because the presence of God overshadowed its internal sanctuary which was called the Holy of Holies. A person who receives the gift of virginity is holy because the power and g~ory of God descended on him, over-shadowed him, and consecrated him. We should try to put ourselves into the mind of Paul. For him the Temple of Jerusalem had no more meaning. The sacrifices of the Old Testament came to an end and the holiness of God left the Temple. Now the holiness of God resides in every Christian and in a particular way in those who received the gift of virginity. Those who re-ceived this special gift are consecrated temples of God. Their lives belong to the. new cult of a new age, the age of the Spirit. They are overshadowed by the divine presence, therefore they are holy. In their lives a new cult, a new liturgy emerges, similar to that which will be the cult and liturgy of the eternal and immortal kingdom of God. In this sense the soul and the body of a celibate person has been assumed into the spiritual kingdom of God. Another approach to the theology of St. Paul on mar-riage and virginity can be made through the ~Epistle to a Xavier L~on-Dufour, S.J.0 published an excellent article on St. Paul's doctrine on marriage and virginity. He shows how in ~the mind of St. Paul marriage belonged to the earthly realities of the kingdom of God, and virginity to the kingdom to come. See "Mar-iage et virginit~ selon saint Paul," in Christus, v. 11 (1964), pp. 179-94. the Ephesians. Since for St. Paul marriage belongs to this transient world and is a temporal institution, it can stand as a symbol or sign of Christ's union with His Church. Paul is taking an earthly reality, marriage, to demonstrate and illustrate a heavenly mystery. Virginity is not an earthly reality, therefore it cannot be taken to illustrate something final. Virginity is a final reality in itself. It is the final state of God's chosen ones. It cann6t serve as a symbol for anything else. There is nothing be-hind a reality which is final. In the virgin the mystery of the resurrection is already present and alive because his soul and body have been consecrated by the Holy. Spirit. Paul states many times that it was the Spirit of the Father who raised Christ from the dead. It is the same Spirit who gives new life to a human person, vivifies him through the gift of virgin.ity, raises him from this world, and gives him the power and glory of the ~vorld to come: The life of virgins has an analogy with the life of God's blessed ones in heaven. , In St. Paul's theology to receive the, gift of virginity means to receive the strength and glory of the Spirit of the Father and of Christ ::in a special way. And the virgin belongs to God precisely because he has received this special gift. The Facts of Our Redemption To the analysis of these many texts a substantialremark should be added: the four Gospels, the Epistles, and the other documents of the New~ Testament.literally~ breathe the atmosphere of virginity. In the center of them is Christ who was virgin. He was born from a woman who remained virgin. Among the Apostles John was whom Jesus loved. John, too, was a virgin. St. Paul, perhaps the most dynamic among the Apostles, declares his intention to remain celibate. In the description of heaven in the Book of the Apocalypse those who are saved are described as virgins. The text witnesses the author's esteemffor the state of virginity:4 Next in my vision I saw Mount Sion, ~nd standing on it~a Lamb who had with him a hundred and forty-four thousan'd people, all with his name and his Father's name written on their foreheads. I heard,a so, und coming o.ut of the sky like the souhd of the ocean or tlie roar of thunder: it seemed to be the sound of harpists playing their harps. There in front of the throne they were singing a new hymn in the presence of the four animals andthe elders, a hymn that could only be learnt by the hundred and forty-four thousand ~ who had been re-deemed from the world. These are ~he ones who have kept their virginity and not been defiled with ~b6men; they follow the Lamb wherever he goes; they have b~n redeemed from amongst men to be the first-fruits for God and fdr the Lamb~ t Cf. Kittel-Friedrich, Th~ologisches Wb'rterbuch zum Neuen Testament, Band V, parthenos, p. 835. ° Chastity VOLUME 26, 1967 gll ÷ ÷ Ladislas M. Orsy, Sd. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS They never allowed a lie to pass their lips and no fault can be found in them (Ap 14:1-5). THEOLOGICAL REFLECTION Christian virginity is so closely connected with the in-carnation, with the distribution of graces in the Church, and with the presence of eternal life here on the earth that it has something of the nature of a. mystery. There-fore it cannot be fully explained by concepts and defini-tions, although they can be of help. However, images and symbols from our Christian tradition can take over where the notional knowledge ends; and they can convey a deeper understanding of God's gift. Some clear theological principles will help to .prepare the. ground for this understanding: (a) Christian virginity is not identical with divine char-ity. If it were, the kingdom of God would b.e reserved to virgins, and to virgins alone. But the kingdom is open to all men of good will whether they be married or virgins. Since charity is infused into our hearts by the Spirit, every man who is called to live by charity is called to live in the Spirit. Therefore,, the union with the Spirit of God is not the privilege of the virgins. All are called to a divine union. (b) Virginity removes "'some obstacles which might draw a person away [rom the fervor of charity and the perfection of divine worship, (Lumen gentium, 44). Frankly, this is a negative principle. Yet it has a real meaning. It expresses that virginity is dying to this world in order to be raised to a.nother one. The dying is neces-sary because the internal dynamism of a human person is far from being fully balanced. In many cases it centers on human persons and on temporal care with such an intensity that it is not able to rise to a generous love of God. The mystery of the cross is shining through here. (c) Virginity helps a person to derive more fruit from his baptismal grace. It is not the baptismal grace. Chris-tians are baptized for a life of charity, and not that of virginity. But virginity can help in developing thee bap-tismal grace by creating an internal dynamism which turns a human person fully and continuously toward Christ and eternal life. A human heart can be great enough to love God alone. Virginity introduces a certain alertness and sensitivity to the. inspirations of the Holy Spirit, a certain readiness to follow them. (d) Virginity is the fruit of baptismal grace. There is no spiritual gift which is not rooted in some way in the baptismal grace; in the personal presence of the Spirit in a Christian. Virginity is a special fruit, it is given to some and not to all. The reason for giving it to a de-termined person is hidden at the depth of God's thoughts; we could never find it. Since the gift of virginity is rooted in the baptismal grace, it carries the mark of Christ's death and resurrection. These few theological principles do no more than to clear the ground for further thought. They will also bring some clarity into the coming explanation--or should I say--contemplation of Christian virginity. Man Was Created to Have a Companion To balance the abstract principles it is good to turn to a basic fact of human life. God made man to have a companion. This need is built into a human person's body and soul. It comes from God Himself, and no man can change it: The Lord God said: "It is not good that the man should be alone. I will make him a helpmate" (Gn 2:18). This need is fulfilled in marriage, which is a deep personal union between man and woman. They become one flesh, as St. Paul says; and what is even more impor-tant, they should become one spirit. The physical union of their bodies should be an expression of their spiritual union. Marriage is not perfect unless the union ex-tends to the two persons' mind, heart, and body. When this union exists between a man and a woman, it be-comes so absorbing, so absolute that it excludes any simi-lar union with a different person. There follows the duty of mutual fidelity. Human nature can be enriched by one union, but it is too limited to have a marital union with more than one person. The union in marriage is holy. Christ Himself made it a sacrament. St. Paul has chosen it to be the symbol of Christ's union with the Church. Marriage is in fact so good and so fulfilling for a man or for a woman that it would be unwise to refuse it in ordinary circumstances. It can be wise however to accept a call from a divine Person who promises love and companionship in a way that no human being can give. When God Offers Himself to Be a Companion to a Human Person From the fact that man was created to have a com-panion, now we turn to an existential event. It is the irruption of a new experience into a human life: God offers Himself to be the one and exclusive companion of a man. It happens in a new encounter between God and man; it is the offer of a covenant. It comes from the jealous God of Israel. Let us see its terms.5 ~This experience happens substantially to anyone who decides to take up the state of celibacy or virginity, since no one can do so without first realizing the overwhelming value of a friendship 4- 4- 4- Chastity VOLUME 26, 613 + + + Ladislas M. Orsy, S.l. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 614 Companionship has a special sense here. God is the friend of every Christian, of every human being. Son'/e-times, however, He wants to keep up a special friendship, a refreshing and exhilarating friendship with a human person through a personal conversation or dialogue, through the communication of His kno~wledge and of His love, through union which excludes distractions and too deep roots in this world of shadows. The human person will not be immediately holier for this offer, but he will have a source of holiness if he accepts God's gift in faith and fidelity. The companionship offered carries the seal of God's immensity; He reveals something of His wealth and riches. He does not mislead the person; from the begin-ning it is clear that He is a spiritual being and that His friendship moves on a transcendent plane. What He offers is a communion in His Spirit, the sharing of divine things in a divine way. The offer attracts the whole hu-man person, it appears as satisfying the deepest of human aspirations, It is an experience of God's presence. It is overwhelming. It takes possession of a human person. Jeremiah's words in his confessions could be applied to it: You have seduced me, Lord God, and I have let myself be seduced: you have overpowered me: you were the stronger (Jer 20:7). It is the irruption of divine strength into the life of man. When God concludes this special companionship with a man, any other deep union with a human being, as happens in marrizige, is excluded. The result of God's invitation, or, to use the biblical term, of God's seduction, is that a new type of spiritual union is concluded between God and man. A personal conversation begins and a dia-logue. Knowledge and love are being communicated and man is enriched by it. But, since a human being is lim-ited, he cannot contract a human union, that is marriage, which would in its own way be deep and absorbing, too. Therefore, the right conclusion of this special visitation of God is consecration in virginity. Virginity becomes the fruit of God's call, fi'amework of God's presence, and the best disposition to hear God's words in silence. Through virginity the heart and the mind, the soul and the body are established in a silence, with God. However, this realizatiou may be implicit and inarticu-late, and the person may not be fully aware of it. In a reflexive way he may know only that he wants to be a priest or a nun. But if his vocation is a genuine one, theologically there cannot be any doubt that an inspiration .of the Holy Spirit preceded his desire and that the inspiration was perceived. This obscure and initial encounter with God will have to develop later into a clearer and more penetrating experience of God's presence in a Christian per- SOIl, in a sensitivity, in which communication with God is made easier. No wonder if a man does not want to con-clude a marriage in these circumstances. Of course, God's companionship is spiritual. But the spiritual grace is infused into the whole person, into the soul and the body as one, and it begins to give a new balance to the whole man, including his body. That is why a man who has no companion ac.cording to the law of his nature can appear happy, balanced, and relaxed. The spiritual is holding the material in equilibridm. Return to the Bible: Mary and Paul The specific gift of virginity consists in a particular strength which balances the natural instincts of the body in a spiritual way. There is an experience and there is a new strength infused into a human being. A description of this call and of this communication of strength is given by St. Luke through the words of Mary in the Magnificat. Mary declares in it that she experienced the communica-tion of a particular strength from God which kept her virgin and made her mother. Therefore she is full of joy ¯ and is praising God: And Mary said: My soul proclaims the greatness of the Lord and my spirit exults in God my savior; because he has looked upon his lowly handmaid. Yes, from this day forward all generations will call me blessed, [or the Almighty has done great things for me. "Holy is his name, and his mercy reaches from age to age for those who fear him. He has shown the po.wer of~ his arm, he has routed the proud of heart. He has. pulled down princes from their thrones and ex-alted the lowly. The hungry he has filled with good things, the rich sent empty away. He has come to the help of Israel his servant, mindful of his mercy according to the promise he made to our ancestors of his mercy to Abraham and to his descendants for ever (Lk 1:46-55). All through the prayer there is a declaration that Mary had an experience, and it was the communication of a particnlar strength from the Spirit of' God. It kept her virgin and made her mother: There is a sense of fulfillment, of elation, of deep gratitude in this prayer. The Creator and His creature found each other in a new relationship. The gift of virginity includes the experience of a new type of union with God which is a communication of strength. Without this experience no one could ever Chastity VOI;UME 26, 1967 Ladlslas M. Orsy, .~ REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 616 d~clare that he wished to be a virgin because he simply would not know that God offers this gift to him. Paul also describes the effect of this call and of this communication of strength:; I would lik~ to see you free from all wdi'ry. An unmarried man can devote himself to the Lord's affairs, all he need worry about is pleasing the Lord; but a married man has to bother about the-world's affairs and devote himself to pleasin~ his wife: be is torn two ways. In the same way an unmarried woman, like a young girl, can devote herself to the Lord's affairs; all she need WOrry about is being holy in body and spirit. The married woman, on the other hand, has to worry about the world's affairs and devote herself to pleasing her husband (1 Cor 7:32-4). , What Paul is saying is that the unmarried men and women receive a new freedom to enjoy God's presence-- His glory and His power in them'. Also they: are free to, plan how to bring the good message of the Gospel to others. A new strength frees them from human bonds and gives them divine energy. Living in union with Christ is the ~ift of all the elect. Virginity is the gift of some; it is a framework for this union. About the Union That Gives Life to Virginity The union which is enframed by virginity is the'corn-mon union of all Christians with the thre~ divine Persons. The specific gift of virginity is a certain transparence of this union in our consciousness, an obscure experience of God's personal presence, which is so strong in its weak-ness that it calls a man away from human companionship and installs him in "God's re-creating friendship.No per-son could desire virginity, unless he found another per-son who is more lovable than any man. The union with God takes place on a spiritual level; it is not a material communication. It strengthens the spirit of the human person who receives it, but in no way fulfills his natural desire to be one with a human com-panion. Yet, it makes the man whole, and the spiritual abundance that he receives reverberates in the body so much that there is a decreasing sense of frustration 'and an increasing experience of fulfillment for the whole person. Natural instincts do not die, but they begin to learn to give way to new impulses which come from the Holy Spirit. In other terms, God gives a spiritual gift, but this gift is never transformed into a material medi-' cine, The physical and psychological laws of human nature remain in operation; ther~ is no miracle. An example will illustrate my thought. When the. Holy Spirit inspires a person to take up fasting for the sake of the kingd6m, for some spiritual g6od, the Spirit is not promising that the person ~oncerned will not be hungry. He will be. The Spirit is effectively pledging Himself only to give a new spiritual strength that helps to bear the hunger for some greater good. However, the spiritual strength will balance the whole person and may make him happy and relaxed even if hungry--provided the fasting remains within the limits of prudence. Similarly, the spiritual union with God from which virginity originates does not fulfill the desires of the body. They remain unfulfilled. But the Holy Spirit lifts the whole man into another, spiritual world where the grace of God enriches even the body. Virginity ls an Anticipation of the Grace of Our Resurrection With the Resurrection of Christ and the coming of the Holy Spirit, God's glorious kingdom entered into our human history. With the dawn of the first Christian Easter and with the day of the first Christian Pentecost, a new glorious age began, an age that God the Father had prepared from all eternity, revealed through His Son, and perfected by the sending of His Spirit. In this new age, to which we belong, immortal glory and power is being distributed among the children of men through the Holy Spirit. Heaven meets earth, eter-nity joins time. The grace of virginity, as it springs from charity, belongs to this age. Those who are baptized in Christ died in their baptism with Him and were raised from the dead in Him. The glory and power of His Resurrection is on them; it heals them, strengthens them, and makes them long for the manifestation of the glory of the children of God that is hidden now. The gift of virginity is a small share in the glory of the risen Christ. St. Paul says that the body of Christ was vivified by the Spirit; the Resurrection was the infusion of the strength of the Spirit into the inert body of Christ. The grace of virginity is the infusion of the strength of the Spirit into a mortal man, the infusion of a spiritual strength that makes the body more alive than it ever was; alive with a new spiritual strength in a new spiritual kingdom. Virginity is the sharing of the grace of the risen Christ, a small anticipation of our own resurrection, a spiritual grace that vivifies the body, the manifestation of the hidden glory of God's children. Hence the transformation. Those who are virgins are anxious about the affairs of the Lord. The point of gravi-tation of their life is in a new world. Hence the spiritual alertness of the whole person to the inspirations of the Spirit, the sensitivity of new light and fuller love. The eternal kingdom of God is present in this temporal ÷ ÷ ÷ Chastity VOLUME 26, 1967 ÷ ÷ + Ladislas M. Orsy, ~ S.]. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 618 world; the divine gift is carried in a container made from clay; This circumstance does not change the nature of the gift, but it :should make the person who ,received it cautious. Virginity Is a Dynamic Virtue The gift 0f virginity could be easily conceived as a static, perfectly finished gift, which once given stays with the person forever, provided he does not willingly lose it or destroy it. Nothing is further from the truth. The parable of the mustard seed applies to virginity, as to any other Christian virtue. In the beginning it is a small seed: it needs the. evangelical good soil to grow and to develop. As a young plant it is tender ~ind sensitive: it needs help and protection. But when it grows into a large tree it can stand alone, it can weather the storm, and it can give shelter to many. The dynamic character of the virtue of virginity is rooted in our union with the Trinity. The union is not a' static gift. Once given, it is there to develop steadily. The impact of God's presence on the life of a Christian should continuously increase; the love of God that was infused into his heart should help him to grow into the full stature of Christ. Since virginity originates in this union, it has the same dynamic character as the union. The union of the Virgin Mary ,~ith the Holy Spirit was perfect; therefore the strength of her virginity was perfect too. A similar law applies to other human beings: the strength of their union with God is reflected in the strength of their virginity--if they received this gift. No exception is 'possible: virginity cannot be stronger than the union. It will be plain human and Christian wisdom to draw th& practical consequences. There are no two persons who are equally gifted, there are no two persons who are equally strong. Each one should honestly assess his gift and live accordingly. When the good seed of virginity. is sown into a human nature which is full of emotional turmoil and imbalances, the seed can be killed easily-- Christ our Lord says so. The growing plant will need care and attention. If it is not given, the plant may perish. But what wise man would build a wall to protect a strong, fully grown tree? The tree should stand free so that the weary pilgrims on their way to the new Jerusalem can see it from afar and can find shelter and protection. under its strong branches. ¯ The wisdom in preserving virginity is in sensing and following the progress indicated by the Spirit. To seek too much human fulfillment while the gift of virginity is taking.root may cut short a developing special friendship with God. The, friends of God were always trained and tested in some sort of desert, It may have been symbolic, it may have been spiritual, but desert it was. It can be bypassed only in the imagination of some, neverin real-ity. Not even Christ bypassed it. But when the gift of virginity develops, it is a light that has to shine, it is leaven that has to be put into the mass, it has to sanctify our world. Therefore, apart from par-ticular and specialized vocations, the virgins should meet the people of God and talk to them about the kingdom: that it is here. They should announce the good news in a loud voice (the Gospel uses the expression, "on the rooftop"), and they should ~ommunicate the love and charity that is in them to every human being. Such bibli-cal ideas should help wit.h the problem of the revision, of the law of enclosure or the involvement of consecrated persons in this world. To enclose a light can be a sin against the Spirit, Some will ask, no doubt, is there not a danger that the light might be extinguished sometimes? There is such danger and it can be taken for granted that there will be lights which will fall victim of the darkness: But.the answer is not in enclosing all the lights behind strong walls, but in letting even more lights to shine so that the world can see the sign of God's presence on the earth. The aim and purpose of consecrated virginity is to make the communication of God's love easier. Virginity has a meaning only "for the sake of the kingdom"-Zthe kingdom to be spread. To make the preaching and the teaching of the kingdom more difficult for those who are consecrated persons is to reverse the hierarchy of Chris-tian values. It would mean to imprison the love of God for the sake of precautions. Virginity in ordinary circum-stances is given for the sake of better dedication to an apostolic task, for a better communication of graces. The Aposiolic Finality o[ Virginity The value of virginity is not in itself. It is in its rela-tionship to our union with Christ and to His kingdom. Virginity is like good soil [or the union: those who are not married are anxious to be holy in body and spirit, and they are anxious about the affairs of the Lord (see 1 Cor 7:34). Every Christian is a disciple and an apostle of His Master. It follows that the union that he has with Christ has to be deepened and has to :be communicated to others. .It is in this~ communication that the apostolic finality of virginity comes to the fore. Not in the simple and somewhat crude, sense alone that because a virgin has no family, he is therefore free in time and space to meet others. Nor only in the sense that he can be better dedi- + + + VOLUME 26, 1967 619 cated. True, when it is a question of going to foreign lands or to persons afflicted with contagious diseases the celibate priest is in a better position than the married one. Yet, the substance of the question is not there. It is in the intensity of God's love that can develop in a virgin and can be communicated with a freedom that only virginity can give. This freedom is primarily in-ternal: God's message flows through a humanmind and heart and is not interfered with by our human ways of thinking and doing. The union given to a Christian is a dynamic gift: it has to be communicated--the kingdom has to expand. Virginity is the best vehicle given for this expansion. It is thus that the saying of Christ about celibacy "on behalf of the kingdom" receives its full meaning: it includes the spreading 9f the kingdom. Therefore, seclusion within a cloister or an enclosure remains a specific vocation: holy and legitimate, blessed and praised by the Churcl~, but not ordinary. The com-mon evangelical rule is that the virgin and the celibate has the vocation to facilitate the propagation of the king-dom. Any other interpretation would suffer from an in-ternal contradiction. The cult of virginity is valid in the context of apostolic life: it is given to facilitate the com-munication of God's message. I say this with profound respect for those who have a different vocation and have to serve God within the cloister. Their virginity exists to carry an intense prayer life and to serve the kingdom's cause through prayer. It is through prayer that the apostolic finality of virginity is fully present there. + + + Ladislas M. Orsy, REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS Community Life and Consecrated Virginity It is natural that those human persons who receive the special gift of virginity like to come together and like to form a community. Such a community itself should be marked by the virtue of virginity in its internal relations among the members and also in its external relations with others. Internally, within the community, the gift of virginity should free each of the members from human anxieties and make him more able to spread the love of God. Therefore personal communications should be easier and more relaxed than in any other type of community. The purpose of the members should be the introduction of each other into the mystery of the union with God. We come back to the same principle: the meaning of virgin-ity is to increase the love of God and the expansion of it. Practical consequences abound. Overstressed silence can paralyze this communication, and so can restrictive prac-tices in matters of meetings and correspondence among the members of the same religious institute. Such prac- ticds have an opposite purpose to the one that God has given to virginity. Virginity is given to free the person, even externally in human relations, and not tobuild a wall round him. Also the way of life of the community should reflect the impact ¯ of the grace of virginity on them as a .community. It should favor a delicate sensitivity to grace which is so characteristic for virginity. The community should have an integrity of mind and spirit in all common actions, an integrity that is a dedication to the inspirations of the Holy Spirit. Briefly, the atmosphere in the community should favor an all pervading union with God. Happiness and relaxa-tion are of primary importance in creating a common disposition for God's grace. Strains and tensions are probably the most common impediments to God's work-- even if strains and tensions are the result of common ob-servance. The human faculties become paralyzed and are not able to perceive God's graces, still less able to sustain a loving attention to Him. Man is a social being, and can-not be anything else. By renouncing the close companion-ship of marriage, he is not renouncing his social being. Therefore, he needs a happy and relaxed community life with all the freedom that virginity can add to it. If any-thing, the ~gift of {,irginity makes a person more social than he ever was: it opens him up to all. The spirit of friendship is favored in a good commu-nity. And in saying this, I am moving on biblical grounds, and I am faithful to Catholic traditions. Nowhere in the Bible is friendship condemned; it is praised in many places, and it is present in the lives of many good persons. The history of the Church is full of the history of great friendships; There cannot be a healthy relationship with God without a health); relationship with human friends. However, in 'individual cases the natural and super-natural resources that a person has should be taken into account. If someone is strongly rooted in God's grace, friendship becomes a source of grace too. If someone is not sutfi-ciently rooted in God's love, the balance of natural in-stincts and supernatural gifts is precarious in him, and he may approach the best opportunity for friendship with a confused mind and unruly emotions. Each co.mm.unity, as each person, needs wisdom to know the limitations of its strength. They need determination to protect them-selves when it is necessary, .and supernatural courage to discard unnecessary restrictions. The friendship of those who are consecrated persons can be best described as the friendship of travelers. They all go and look in the same direction. The friendship + + + ~lmstity VOLUME 26, 1967 6~1 Ladislas M. Orsy, REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 622 between a man and a woman which develops into mar-riage can be described as the friendship of dwellers. They look at each other. A sign of a good friendship is also that it does not have a sl~irit of exclusiveness. On the contrary, it wants to expand. The friends are eager to share what they have with many others. The better friends they are, the less they are involved with each other. They are in-volved together in others. Perhaps this is the place to mention that virginity can be destroyed by overprotection. A virgin renounces mar-riage, but he does not renounce social and commun, ity life. If, in order to protect virginity, genuine and happy social relations are destroyed, a person is deprived of one of his most basic human needs and native rights. There-fore, a fundamental sense of frustration is bound to arise in him causing tension and unhappiness. This may lead to the conviction that he had no vocation to virginity, which in these circumstances would be a false conclusion. However, since the frustration persists, a young man may leave the seminary, or a young woman may give up re-ligious vocation. The gift of virginity was destroyed by misguided good will. It does not follow in any way that sentimental and futile social relationships should be fostered: it is toward health that we aim and not to a new type of illness. A community of consecrated persons will have to consider also what the right balance should be in its relationship with those who do not belong to the community. The greater the impact of grace on the community and the closer its union with God, the less enclosure they will need; the less the community is rooted in union with God, the stricter the enclosure ought to be. It could also be said: the happier the community, the less restrictions are needed, because the internal happiness will anchor every person to the community and will ca.ll him back when he is away from it. But it will take a barrage of rules to keep an unhappy community together, since all natural (and even supernatural) forces will pull the per-sons away from it. The Gift of Virginity: Sanctification of the Person, Sanctification of the Church Virginity could be looked at as a purely personal gift, given for the sanctification of an individual. True, vir-ginity could exist without being inserted into the ex-ternal, visible life of the Chur.ch, in fact, without the Church knowing about the gift at all. A person is fully entitled to accept the gift of God and remain silent about it. Virginity could be looked at also as a gift for the sake of the others only. A sign that leads others to eternity, but which is not for the sanctification of the one who received it. Both approaches are one-sided. All gifts in the Church are for both, the sanctification of the person who receives it and for the good of the whole Church. Abraham be-came the friend of God and the forefather of all believers. David was chosen to be a king according to Yahweh's heart and to fulfill an historic mission through consolidat-ing the union of the twelve tribes of Israel. The gift of the Spirit in Mary made her the immaculate and holy Mother of God. The Apostles were chosen for a mission, and they became the close friends of Christ, sanctified by His Spirit. The two aspects cannot be separated, or only on a notional level. Speculating about essences one can cer-tainly say that a grace is given for the sanctification of the person only, or for the good of the community only. But in God's existential approach such separation can hardly exist. A grace given to an individual immediately flows out to sanctify the Church, and the grace given for the welfare of the community touches first the heart of the person who receives it. Lamp without Light The essence of virginity is that it carries our fragile union with God. It protects, it defends, it shelters this union. The tragedy whicli may happen to some who are consecrated virgins is that the virginity is there but the union remains lifeless: there is no dynamic growth and development in it. The framework exists, the content is too weak. Such a person is like a lamp with no light. Consequently he does not radiate light; he leaves his surroundings in darkness. This is a tragedy that could happen to a consecrated person. He may keep the integrity of heart and body but at the same time his internal life will not know the light and love of the Holy Spirit. Frequently, he will take ref-uge in an extreme legalism. In such a case virginity is nearly meaningless. It could not be called a true sign. The essence of a sign is that it connects two persons or connects persons with different places and objects. An empty virginity does not connect anyone with eternal life. The lamp has to be filled with oil to give light. Conclusion It is easier to see now why virginity has the primacy in our religious consecration. Through virginity a special bond is established between God and man: they become companions. The grace of virginity is a spiritual grace; yet it vivifies the body and gives a new balance to it. + + + Chastity VOLUME 26, 1967 Therefore it is the anticipation of the grace of resurrec-tion, the manifestation of the otherwise hidden glory of the children of God. The other aspects of our consecra-tion follow virginity. A human person who entered a, new; glorious, and spiritual world through virginity will not want to be the slave of material and temporal things. He will vow freedom by professing poverty. Also he will recognize the living Christ in the Church; and, as a rule, he will ask for a deeper association with the visible Church by dedicating himself to works of charit~ in a religious community. In this way he will share the glory of the risen Christ, and he will do the saving work of the mortal Christ. .' ' + 4- Ladislas M. Orsy, REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS GEORGE B. NINTEMANN, O.P. Penance: Sacrament of Poverty Here is the message of the Amen, the faithful, the true witness, the ultimate source of God's creation: I know all ab6ut you: how you are neither hot nor cold. I wish you were one or the other, but since you are neither, but only lukewhrm, I will spit you out of my mouth. You say to yourself, "I am rich, I have made a fortune, and have everything I want," never realizing that you are wretchedly and pitiably poor, and blind and naked too. I warn you, buy from me the gold that has been tested in the fire to make you really rich, and white robes to clothe you and cover your shameful nakedness, and eye ointment to put on your eyes so that you are able to see. I am the one who reproves and.disciplines all those he loves: so repent in real earnest. Look~ I am.~standing at the dqor, knocking. If one of you hears me calling and opens the door, I will come in to share his meal, side by side with him. Those who prove victorious I will allow to share my throne, just as I was victorious myself and took my place with my Father on his throne. If anyone has ears to hear, let him listen to what the Spirit is saying to the churches? What was the Spirit saying to the churches (vhen He inspired the author of Revelation to "write to the angel of the church in Laodicea"? In essence it was the spirit of the 'anawim, the spirit of poverty. "You say to yourself, 'I am rich, I have made a fortune, and have everything I want,' never realizing that you are wretchedly and pitia-bly poor, blind and naked too." Laodicea, the last of the seven Apocalyptic cities, was renowned for its wealth which made it doubly hard to practice the spirit of-pov-erty. Here is how it is described: With banks so illustrious that Cicero selected Laodicea to cash his letters of credit, with a medical school so famous as to have the names of its doctors on coins and its eye oint-ments exported throughout the Mediterranean world, with demands for its soft violet-black glossy wool giving it a steadily aAp 3:14--22 (All scriptural quotations appearing in this article are from the Jerusalem Bible unless otherwise noted). George B. Ninte-mann, O.P., writes from St. Albert's Priory; 2833 32nd Avenue South; Min-neapolis, Minnesota 55406. VOLUME 26, 1967 625 4. 4. 4. George B. Nintemann, O.P. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 626 growing market for tunics, a perspective for spiritual goods would easily go out of focus.~ To understand and apprecia.te tl,)e spirit of the "anawim we have but to consult the magnificent work of Father Albert Gelin, P.S.S., The Poor of Yahweh. In his [ore-word to the English translation Father Barnabas M. Ahem, C.P.,~ another authority on the 'anawim theme, has these laudable words to say: Of all that Father Gelin wrote, The Poor O] Yahweh will probably live longest in the minds of men. He here develops a theme which looms large in modern study of the spirit of the Bible. He treats of the "anawim, "the poor and needy," who rise out of the pages of the Old Testament as the true people of God. The pattern of their holiness forms the blue-print for the Scriptural portrayal of the great saints of Israel: MoseS, Samuel, Jeremiah, Anna and Judith. The voice of the 'anawim is resonant in the prayerful pleading of the songs of the Psalter. Their spirit fills the souls of the ho!y ones in the New Testament: Joseph and Mary, Zachary and Elizabeth. In the Matthean form of the Beatitudes, the "anawim model of holiness is described and codified as the ideal Ch'ris~ian character.' Father Gelin sur~marizes his study with these sigi~i~icant words: We b~ve tried to give a concrete description of this mystical lineage o{.:Israel, so anonymously eloquent in the psalter, but which also inciudes famous names like Jeremiah the author of the book of Job, and above all Mary, the lowly maid who at the threshold of the New Covenant recapitulates all the spiritual depths of the'. Old. Poverty thus understood is a modality of faith. It is abandoned, trusting and joyous, closely akin to humility~ It shows itself in an attitude of religious waiting'. Th~ beatitude of the poor in Matthew's Gospel is fo- Cused on this fundamental disposition, and its various aspects are continued in the critique of pharisaism so central in the . Gospel, as well as in the parable of the children, which is, as it were, the antithesis of this critique. These two poverties, effective poverty and spiritual poverty, are concretely connected. Historically the second is rooted in the first. As a matter of fact, to enable spiritual poverty to flourish, the Essenians bound themselves by a vow of poverty.~ And Christ confirmed what tradition had discovered. None of these biblical lessons were nor should be lost. Without pre-tending to extract from the Bible an economic treatise, we have no right to forget the social results of its religious principles. Jesus did not claim to organize the world, but he was actually speaking tomen of flesh and blood and we knox4"where His preferences led. Evangelical poverty, as He practiced it, continues in the ~William G. Heidt, O.S.B., The Book oI the Apocalypse (Col-le~ eville: Liturgical Press, 1962), p. 46. ~See Cross and Crown;~ 1959, pp. 278-91 (reprinted in Barnabas M; Ahem, C.P., New Horizons [Notre Dame: Fides, 1965], pp, 46- 61). ~ Albert Gelin, P.S.S., The Poor ol Yahweh (Collegeville: Liturgi-cal Press, 1964), p. 6. ,~ Church as an unmistakably clear sign of an understanding of His spirit.~ The sinner is truly a poor man, one who is in need of God's loving help. This loving help has merited the special word mercy. "God, be merciful to me a sinner," is the cry of this poor man. The tremendous need .which the sinner has of God:s help can be gathered from the traditional Christian pedagogy of speaking of sin in terms of death. This utter helplessness strikes us whene~er we kneel before the re-mains of a loved one. Only God could restore life to the stilled bodyI And the same is true of the one who is dead in sin; of himself he is powerless. For his revival he must become another son of Naim touched by' the love of mercy incarnate. No one seems to question the mortal sinner's need for God's mercy. But not a few seem to close their eyes to the need which all sinners have; that is, there seems to be a relu~c'tance to approach the sacrament of mercy unless one is guilty of something serious.It is hoped that a considera-tion of the sacrament of penance in .the spirit of the "anawim will brin. g about a certain reevaluation, or at least ~ome Second thoughts. Perhaps some of the i.nsensitivity to the' sacrament of penance can be traced back to a distorted notion of what a sinner really is. For some it seems that,, a sinner is synonymous with one who is guilty of sin. Th~ sense of guilt has clonded the sense of sinfulness. Could it be more than only slightly significant that the publican prayed, "God, be merciful to me a sinner," rather than, "God, be merciful to me because I have sinned?.~' The point that is trying to be made is t~ha, t although one may not be guilty of sin here and now h~ is still a sin'ner. Being a sinner is the very essence of our. human condv tion: "You know I .was born guilty, ~ Sinner from~the moment of conception" (Ps. 50). And St. John writes in his first letter: If we say we have no sin in u~, ,we are deceiving ourselves and refusing to admit the truth; but if we acknowledge our sins, then God who is faithful and just will forgive our sins and purify us from everything that is wrong. To say that we have never sinned is to call God a liar and to show that his word'is not in us." Father Louis Monden, S.J., in Sin> Liberty, and Law, has this to say regarding the sinful condition: Generally it is only when every support of" his own being falls away that man consents to abandon his reliance on self and to appeal to God in a liberating "Thou." Frequently the VOLUME 26, 1967 Ibid., pp; 111-3. 1 Jn 1:8-10. + George B. N intemann; ~ O .P . REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS brutal, humiliating shock of sin is for man the only way out of' the illusion of his complacency and the myth carefully nurtured by social conventions of his respectability and decency. But it is not the 'mere fact of sin which produces the shock, but the shattering impact of th~it fact on the illusion of virtue and irreproachability in which he was living and the ensuing awareness of sin. An awareness of sin which is at the same time the awareness of his own dereliction, the experience of his own inability to stand before God by his own power, the sense of his sinful involvement with the evil of the whole of humanity in which he is trapped, and the realization of his utter unworthiness to be loved by God. At the exact moment when he sins that awareness cannot be present. It would make sin impossible. Only detested sin, sin redressed by contrition, can feed that awareness and transform it into a conscious need for salvation and the welcoming of grace . That a man begins to feel himself more and more a sinner as be commits fewer sins is not based upon a pious exaggera-tion or illusion. It only demonstrates that sin is the lowest stage in a process of experiencing his distance from God and his unholiness in the presence of God's love which in the saint turns in a more undivided way. But this is an accepted despair which involved a total expropriation of self and a complete submersion, in the midst of one's helplessness, in the saving and sanctifying mercy of Gbd. Thus no one has been more deeply aware of the need for redemption, no one further removed from every kind of pharisaical pride, than lvlary, who was wbolly without sin. Precisely because of her spotless purity she was the most completely surrendered to God and became likewise the most fully understanding of all human dereliction, the "refuge of sinners." ~ It is worth repeating that being a sinner and being guilty of sin are not the same. One who is guilty of sin is obviously a sinner but the reverse is not necessarily true. The sinner-condition, in the wide sense in which we are thinking of it, is simply the creature-condition. What follows then is that one is in need of God's mercy not ?nly until he is washed of his sins in the sacrament of penance but until he is completely raised with Christ in glory. We ~a~re.in 'need of God's mercy until the day of final resurrecuon. The whole man, body and ;Soul, must enter into the Passover mystery. A confusion on this point seems to be evident in the way in which many penitents approach the sacrament of penance and make their accusation. Most often it is a matter of what one has done rather than what he is be-cause of what he has done. The idea seems to be prev-alent that sins are forgiven rather than the sinner. Sins seem to be looked upon as some sort of undesirable baggage which 0n~ leaves in the confessional rather than a change in one's personal relationship with his heavenly Father. And the resultant forgiveness is looked upon as the taking away of sins in the sense that one's garbage is taken away rather than the gesture of our heavenly ~ Louis Monden, S.J., Sin, Liberty, and Law (New York: Sheed and Ward, 1965), pp. 149-50. Father loving us even though we are sinful. The figure of the father in the parable of the prodigal , son imme-diately comes to mind; he,loved his son in spite of his wretchedness and with his unfaithfulness, he loved him simply because he was Iris son; he forgave and overlooked his past but he did not change it! This is God's attitude toward us in the sacrament of penance: He accepts us with our sins and sinfulness~ the very mystery of divine forgiveness. Our heavenly Father loves us simply because we~ are, His sons. The notion which we are "trying to express is closely associated with the scriptural ~notion of hamartia. Father Bernard Hiiring, C.Ss.R., explains it well: The biblical, hamartia is no~ merely the single sinful act, but also the evil condition resulting from it, the state or condition of perdition, the, evil disposition and attitude which is estrangement from God. What is dreadful is not merely the sin as an act, but the personal root, the evil disposition from which further individual sins (of course, through free consent of the will) grow. Conversion means conquest of the old man of sin, held captive by sin (this is the carnal existence, the existence through the flesh, the sarx), in order to attain a new ahd spiritual (pneumatic) form of life created and guided by the spirit of God. The convert must renounce every sin, not merely any and every sinful act, and every habitual sinful action, but first and foremost the whole mpde of his existence. His heart must be changed. He must be entirely transformed in disposition and inner attitude. Obviously man is not equal to this task if he relies on. his own resources: one who is estranged from God, far off from Him, dan be brought ,back to God only if God Himself comes to him with His grace. Hence, to turn from perdition, from the loss of God and the loss of salvation, which are inherent in the state of sin, one must unreservedly accept the dominion of God which comes to man in Christ through the spirit of God. ~ The first thing that man can contribute toward his con-version is the acknowledgement.that he has not merely done evil deeds, committed sins, but that he hirhself is evil; that he stands in need of redemption and complete spiritual trans-formation? It is no understatement to say that many Christians lack a proper understanding of sin and sinfulness. For too many of them Christ is not really seen as a Savior, at least a Savior here and now; it is more an attitude of He will sav
Issue 24.4 of the Review for Religious, 1965. ; JEAN GALOT,~ S.J, Why Religious .Life?. A Contemporary Question Why does the religious life exist in the Church today?* A number of religious, both men and women, are asking themselves this question. Promotion of the Christian laity has ilIuminated the saintly role .that the layman is to play within the Church and has called attention to the contribution he is to make in the consecration of the universe. But ~f sainthood is the normal goal of the layman, why bother to seek holiness, in the religious life? Christians are gradually .coming to understand dearly.that the layman' is to pursue perfection' in his own. way. Consequently, 'it is becoming less clear why perfection is to be sought in the convent or the cloister. More particularly, the development of conjugal spirtuality has revealed the value and nobi!it~i of Chris-tian marriage~the riches of the sacrament that elevates £amily life to a supernatural level. Hence souls who thirst for God can. seek the divine presence in married life. Is there any reason, then, to renounce marriage tO adhere to the Lord in the religious life? Furthermore, apostolic services which have been the traditional works of rdligious are being efficiently pro-vided by laymen. Teaching arid nursing, social service ahd home care, these are apostolates which laymen are performing with remarkable competence. The apparent equality in terms of service, whether rendered by laymen or religious, gives rise to the question: Why emer religious life with a view to an apostolate which can be accomplished as well in the laystate? Moreover, the lay apostolate may appear superior. He who is directly engaged in the world is more capable of penetrating today's human milieu to deliver Christ's message naturally and efficiently, i Many religious communities do not give the impression of being adequately adapted to our age. Young people ¯ This article, which first appeared as "Pourquoi la vie religieuse?" in Revue des communautds religieuses, v. 37. (1965), pp. 20-34, has been translated by Raymond L. Sullivant, S:J.; 4Mont~e de Four-vi~ re; Lyon V (Rh6ne), Franco 4- Jean Galot, s.J., is professor of dog-matic theology at Co]l/~ge Saint-At= bert; 95, chauss~e de Mont - Saint - Jean; Ee.genhoven - Lou-yam, Belgium.:. VOLUME 24~ 1965 505 REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 506¯ who desire to reflect Christ in the world are reluctant to set out upon a path where constraining barriers separate them from the rest of humanity. They believe that by remaining laymen they Will be able to adhere to the Church and to God's own People in a more vital. -way, thereby giving apostolic expression to their exist-ence. . The recruiting crisis which .a number of congrega- .tions are experiencing makes the problem stand out in even greater relief. Are these communities in step with ¯ the contemporary Church? Is not religious life as a whole crippled by decrepitude? Does not the life's de-creasing ability to attract young people indicate that congregations are no longer in step with pre.~ent dhy mentality and that they have outlived their usefulness? One could answer that the signs of age affect. only the exterior forms of religious life. But are not these forms the manifestation of a spirit? Does not the rapid expansion of saintli,ne~s among the laity oblige religious to raise the question: Is a vision of the Church without ¯ the religious life conceivable? Could not the religious state be a form of holiness which, having played a cen-tral role in Christian life for centuries, could now dis-appear to be replaced by other.forms? The fact that the Council accorded special atten-tion to these problems, that its i resolution expressed the desire to see religious life develop with the life of the Church by adapting to the present day world, suffices to orient the answer to our questions. But a serious obligation exists to explore the problem in order to analyze the true meaning of religious life and its reason for being.1 Let us begin by considering the juridical structure which we customarily believe to form the framework of religious life. Canonically speaking, the state is constituted by the profession of the vows of poverty, chastity, and obedience. But let us attempt to trace the life blood to its source--to the gospel from which it springs and from whence life flows. In other words, let us briefly, determine the place which Christ wished to reserve for the religious life when He founded His. Church. x The diversity of recent publications on the subject attests to the need and widespread desire for a searching inquiry into the doctrine of religious life. We shall limit ourselves to two collective studies: La vie religieuse clans l'Eglise du Christ (Bruges: Descl~e de Brouwer); Les religieux au]ourd'hui et demain (Paris: Cerf, 1964); and to two .individual ones: Soeur Jeanne d'Arc, Les religieuses darts l'Eglise et ¯ darts le monde actuel (Paris: Cerf, 1964); Gustave Martelet, S.J., Saintetd de l'Eglise et vie religieuse (Toulouse: Editions Pri~re et Vie, 1964). The last work mentioned, while brief, is outstanding for its depth of thought. How Was the. foundation effected? The first two chapters of St~ John's Gos.pel are extremely revealing in this respect. , This evangelist who employed the most perspective in writing an account of the life and work ¯ of Jesus and who, while supplying historical memories, reflected on their meanirig more than any otiier, places us, immediately after the hymn praising the Incarnation and after the witness of John the Baptist, before a double'image: Jesus 'sets about calling His disciples, He then accompanies them to the wedding feast of Cana where He ,operates His first miracle. Everything happens as if Christ had determined, from the begin-ning of the public life, the .two states which He wished to combine in His Church: the consecrated life, inaugu-rated by inviting the disciples to follow Him, and the mar-riage state, recognized while symbolically revealing His intention of tramforming it, of renewing it by grace. Jesus first institutes the consecrated life. He begins by requesting simple men to attach themselves com-pletely to His person. It is by the adhesion of two dis-ciples who have decided to follow Him and to share His company that the life of the Church is inaugurated. When the evangelist tells us that the first two disciples dwelled'near Jesus from that day (Jn 1:39), he advises us of the~e£act hour, "the tenth 'hour," in order to call attention to the importance of the event for-he has described the first day in the life of the Church.~ For the first time, a community of disciples is formed around the Master. We can realize the immediate relevance the e~ent assumes for the establishmentof the Church, this state of life in which one is entirely consecrated ¯ to Christ, a state to which certain souls receive a special call. The Apostles lived in this state, instituted in the number of twelve by Jesus, not simply in view of a preaching mission, but first of all to facilitate an inti-mate adherence to the Master; they are designated by Christ "to be his companions and to go out preaching at his command" (Mk 3:14). A similar concern attracts a more numerous group of disciples--and a few women who accompany Christ offering Him their existence and theii" devotion. The characteristics of this state are sufficiently clear from the Gospel without there being a question of + juridical organization as such. The central factor in ÷ "following'' Chr!s~ implies .complete submission out of ÷ regard for Him, a break with one's family, a renounce-ment of the trade practiced until then and of material Religious Life goods. It involves a community life.p01arized on Christ, "VOLUME 24, 196"5 = At least, it is the first day of the Church in process of formation; the Church will not be completely constituted Until Pentecost. 507 closer association with His redemptive work and apos-tolic mission. Fr6m these diverse aspects one can dis-cern ¯ the elements which will later constitute religious life: union 'with Christ through obedience~ chastity,. poverty, common life, and dedication to the apostolate. It is not yet a question of the religious life properly speaking, for as it was instituted by Jesus, the conse-crated life is not specified a~cording to determined forms, nor is it organized according to ;i single struc-ture. But it is inaugurated in keeping with a general principle, a" principle which will serve as a basis, in cen-turies to come, foi- various kinds of life--that of bishops and diocesan priests, that of religious and members of secular institutes, and that of various types of consecra-tion in the world. .÷ + + ~ean Galot, REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 508 The Place oI the Counsels in the Complete Religious Lile The Gospels open perspectives on consecrated life, this state which Christ desired for the foundation of His Church. Scriptm:e invites us to definereligious life in terms which go beyond the three evangelical counsels: poverty, chastity, and obedience. There has been a wide-spread tendency to adopt too n~irrow a concept of religious life, making .it consist in the mere practice of the three counsels and the profession of the three corresponding vows. It i~ true that on certain occasions Jesus makes a special plea for poverty, for separation from one's family; or He .underlines the value of renouncing marriage. But these diverse elements draw their meaning from attach-ment to His person, an attachment that is immediate and exclusive. It is this tie which constitutes the central reality of the consecrated life. To consider the three "counsels" separately constitutes poor methodology and incurs a risk of arriving at a negative definition of the religious life which amounts to a refusal of the world. It is important to keep the summons: "Come follow me" foremost in mind, as it combines in a' logical synthesis the various demands of poverty, chastity, and obedience. One could object that the attachment to Christ is obviously presupposed in the vows, that this requirbment underlies the three counsels. Nevertheless, what is fundamental is enhanced by being clearly 'expressed---by Being set forth not ¯ merely as a suggestion, but in explicit ~ind concrete terms as the complete and primordial object of the commitment. Hence the religious life is not to be too exclusively r~duced to the three counsels. In keeping with evangel-ical indications and the experience of religious life itself, other features of ~he state deserve, to be emphasized in the. same degree: the total gift of self .to Christ; com-munity life; the consecration of one's entire existence to the Church and to the apostolate. ~ As a result of our attachment to Christ, we must stress the value of community life where the Master's precept of mutual charity i:ari find integr~il fulfillment. Religious life tends to translate this ideal of love into strong ties of solidarity and teamwork~ . Wholehearted commitment.to the apostolate, whether by prayer and sacrifice or through activity, also warrants being considered essential to the religious life. At times during conciliar debate, one. received the impression that the religious life was recognized and esteemed because of the personal holiness which it fosters and that insu~cient attention was paid to .the consecrated person's vigorous participation in the Church's evangelizing mission. It is fortunate that certain fathers called attention to the apos-tolic aims of religious life--not failing to recall the effec-tive witness value of these aims and the contribution of religious to missionary expansion. It is especially impor-tant to understand that the apostolic effort is not simply one of the fruits of religious life, nor the simple manifesta-tion of the sanctity which the state encourages, For re-ligious profession by its very essence entails a genuine com-mitment to the apostolate and involvement in all the activities which such a commitment implies. Thus to characterize the ;religious life in terms of the development of the interior life alone would constitute an incomplete assessment. While assuring such a de-velopment by an intimate adherence to Christ and by a regime of prayer, the religious must not be less con-cerned with the apostolic ascendancy of Christ over humanity. It is desirable that the very terms of reli-gious profession express this apostolic commitment de-liberately as well as underline a total attachment to Christ and to fraternal charity within the community. The Essential Reality of the Church Thus it is as a state characterized by preferential love of Christ, by community, and apostolic love that the consecrated life would appear to be included in the very foundation of the Church. By considering the three counsels alone, the ecclesial role of religious life is less apparent; the vows of poverty, chastity, and obedience would appear only under the aspect of individual as-ceticism, or they may be considered as a simple enrich-ment of the Church rather than principles of a form of life which constitutes a necessary element of the Church herself. The Savior wanted the consecrated lives of His disciples and women followers to form the cornerstone of His Church, the very first stone. ÷ ÷ ÷ l~ligiou~ Li~v VOLUME 24, 1965 509 ÷ ÷ ÷ lean Galot, $.]. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 510 To gain insight into Christ's will, let us recall what the Church permits us to see in the depth of her being--in revelation. The basic aim of salvation's plan is to establish a :covenant between God and humanity. A new covenant, an ideal one, was announced by the prophets, particularly by Jeremiah and Ezekiel. At the Last Supper the Savior manifested His intention to found this covenant by His sacrifice and to render it forever present by the Eucharistic service. Now the covenant is fulfilled not between God and each individual but be-tween God and the community of His disciples founded by Jesus, a community destined to regroup all of hu-manity in unity. The Church was instituted as the community of the covenant. The great value which the consecrated life has for the covenant community is immediately discernible. Cove-nant signifies the union of man with God. In the consecrated life, this union is a~sured in the most im-mediate, direct ~ay. It is not an attempt to unite with God through the mediation of terrestrial goods but through a way of life in which the basic value is Christ Himself, all other treasures being renounced. Nor is the adherence accomplished through the mediation of hu-man love as in marriage. Every affection is focused upon Christ in person. Consequently, the covenant is inti-mately bound up with this, and the Church fulfills her-self in depth as she should truly be. Mankind enters the covenant founded by Jesus through human persons who attach themselves to Him directly and completely. The foregoing truth is revealed in a particularly strik-ing way by the consecration of virgins. By this means the Churcli assumes concretely and fully her identity as Bride of the Savior through the virgins who profess to live 'for Christ alone by reserving their heart entirely for Him.3 The covenant was originally announced through prophetic oracles in the form of matrimonial union, and Jesus chose to fulfill these oracles by pre-senting Himself as the Groom. According to St. Paul, the Church is His Bride; redemption itself is envisaged as the act of love par excellence, the model of conjugal love: "Husbands, love your wives as Christ loved the Church and gave himself up for her" (Eph 5:25). The Church's act of attachment to her Spouse is manifested most integrally in the action of those souls who were regarded from the very earliest times as the brides of Christ, those who vow him a virginal love. The basic reality of the Church involved in this consecration is thus revealed in the bond uniting the Bride to the divine Spouse. s This truth is made remarkably clear by Father Martelet, Saintetd de l'Eglise, pp. 37-9; 51-3. Community charity is another element of the basic reality 0f the Church. The mutual love arising from the supernatural adherence to Christ which unites the mere- ¯ bers of the Church arose in the community of disciples who surrounded the Master, and it tends ~o develop most genuinely .and c0mplet~ly~ in religious c0~amunities-- ¯ where the Church's fulfillment is expressed in exterior actions, thereby permitting the greatest growth of inti- ¯ mate charity. And .finally it is tO be pointed out that apostolic d~namism is not superimposed on the Church from without but is a part. of her very reality, as the event of Pentecost shows. The Christian community, at the mo-ment when it was officially established as the Church by the power of the Holy Spirit, was constituted in a state of apostolic expansion. The grade received from .above transformed and sanctified the disciples causing them to radiate their testimony in the milieu where they were called to labor. Similarly, the consecrated life by chan-neling all the forces and resources of human' existence in the service of the apostolate, fulfills the Church's mis-sion in a most integral manner. If one recalls the most fundamental aspects of ihe consecrated life, one must- conclude in consequence that they are the. integral realization of the. Church in keep-ing with her fundamental marks: covenant community, imutual union, zeal of apostolic expansion in the world. In fact, one recogr~izes the marks of the Church accord-ing to the classical enumeration: holiness through union with God, unity, catholicity, and apostolicity. The com-parison indicates.the extent to which the consecrated life is a necessary constituent of the Church. The ~Religious Li[e andHierarchical Structure It is important to clarify the position of the conse-crated life in the Church. In its diverse forms (including the religious life, the most important of these), it does not enter into the hierarchical structure, the latter being concretely determined by the sacrament of order. It occupies no degree of order Within the hierarchy, nor can it be inserted between the clergy and ,the laity as an intermediary state. The question has recently been raised: Does the religious life belong to the structure of the Church?. One must respond in the negative inso-far as the.hierarchical structure is envisaged. But.there is also a spiritual structure of holiness and charity which is essential to the Church and of which the religious life is an indispensable element.4 The two structures are, ¯ It would appear'perhaps excessive ~o define with Father Martelet .($aintetd de l'Eglise, p. 102) the "hierarchical pole" as the'love of Christ for the Church and the "charismatic pole" by the Church's ÷ ÷ VOLUME 24, 1965 .4" Jean Galot, S.J. REVIEW FOR" RELIGIOUS 512 furthermore, closely related; and the religious l~fe,' as all of Christian life, submits to the direction of the hierarchy. It is' dependent on those whom Christ wished to be the shepherds of the community. Yet this dependence does not exclude a certain auton-omy in the sense that the hierarchy is destined .neith6r ¯ to create no~ to dominate.the religious life. The fact that religious institutes, have seldom been inspired or fot~nded by the hierarchy warrants reflection.5 Marked by charismatic origins, most. institutes have been founded by a layman or a priest who developed a .~ensitive aware-ness of. the Church's quest for holiness or of one of her particular and pressing needs. The founder wished to structure a kind of life that would meet this need and attract disciples in his steps in order to. perform a ~pecific work more perfectly. The religious life was ¯ thus formed "from below," from a stimulus produced by the Holy Spirit in the soul of the founders. The hierarchy's role has been to approve the society and its work and to utilize the spiritual and apostolic re-sources which religious put at its disposition for the pastoral task. The wisdom of the Church .and her leaders is to be admired for safeguarding this autonomy of religious life and for recognizing .therein an authentic action of the Holy Spirit which was to be "respected. Thus reli-gious life, within the whole of Christian life, testifies that in:keeping with God's plan divine lights andener-gie~ communicated to men are not exclusively reserved to the hierarchy, that the Spirit continues to breathe where it will--upon simple members of the Church as well as in the soul of her shepherds. The specific purpose of exemption is to permit a more "universal development of the inspiration which gives rise to religious institutes,~ As we have pointed out, exemption does not aim to withdraw religious life from the control of the hierarchy ' but rather to rehder its members more freely accessible for the service of the love for Christ, for the charismata imply Christ's love which is de-sirous of spreading throughout humanity and religious life entails a special love on the part of the Bridegroom. It is rather a question ¯ -of .two aspects of union or mutual love. One concerns the social organization of the Mystical Body and the other its spiritual life. ~ Father Martelet (Saintetd de l'Eglise, p. 96) judiciously observes that the bishops who have exerted an influence on the religio.us life have done it'less in virtue of their office than as a restilt of the spirit-. ual fashion in which they exercised it: St. Basil, St. Ambrose, St. Augustine, St. Fran(is de Sales. e It seems to us that exemption does not aim simpl~ at guaranteeing charismatic inspiration, as Father Martelet believes (Saintetd de l'Eglise, pp. 99-I00), but rather thai it assures the universality of a form of holiness and of apostolic endeavor. universal, government" of the Church, the Pope and. the college of bishops. In fact, exemption concerns only the lbcal hierarchy, the government of a particular, diocese. For religious life normally tends to assume dimensions whiqh surpass diocesan confines, it aims to promote a ffni~,ersal form of holiness which will respond to the aspirations of a .large number .of souls in the Church; it wishes to estab-lish communal charity, to. unite Christians' of several ~.r.e.gions or~countries. It seeks to develop apostolic woi:ks which cross frontiers and ~o expand, most especially into mission .areas. This .universality. which justifies exemptioh, far from robbing the Church. of religious life, renders, the latter more coextensive with the Church as a whole, making it a more integral part of the uni-versal Church. The important role played by religious in missionary expansiofi testifies that exemption has guar.anteed "a more universal evolution of the Church and rendered personnel readily accessible to the will of the sovereign pontiffs. " Religious Life and Sacramental Structure. Difficulty in determining and 'evaluating the role of re-ligious life within the Church may result from the fact that the state is not founded on asacrament. There has been a tendency to compafe the religious state ~ith the priestly or marriage states, giving preference to the latter because of their si~cramental origin. Is it possible, in fact, tO say that religious life derives from a sacrament? We must affirm that it falls within the development of baptismal effects and develops ac-. quisitions received" through baptismal, consecration. The baptized person belongs to God and shares in divine holiness. This sharing finds full expression in the reli-gious life. ' Nevertheless, religious life, which is a response to. a special call from the Lord and which has ex-tremely elevated objectives, cannot be fully explained by the effects of baptism alone. The life arises from ~charisms which surpass the life of the baptized; and it involves commitments which, while fulfilling the baptis-mal promises to the maximum, go far .beyond whai is required of other Christians. . We must, then,, recognize that the religious life as such does not result from a sacrament. It is true that the entire life of the Church is affected by the sadraments-- but there are also extrasacramental influences within the Church. Just as the hierarchical structure does not enjoy a monopoly of the Holy Spirit's inspirations, the. sacramental structure enjoys no monopoly of the sources of grace. The sacraments are not to be conceived as the only principle¯of sanctification. Experiences in the ÷ ÷ Religious Li]e VOLUME 24, 1965 gean Galot, S.]. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 514 life of the Church and in the individual lives of saints reveal the importance of extrasacramemal grates, and the .numerous divine interventions in humhn history not be limited to the. sensible signs which ,constitute .the seven sacraments. There is no inferiority implied for. the religious life in its inability to be traced to a. sacramental origin. There would be no p0intl in drawing.a comparison with the priestly state, a reality of a.different order. The priesthood regults from a sacrament because it is destined to assume liturgical and pastoral functions. within the Church. To fulfill such functions is not 'the purpose of the religious life. Let.it suffice to mention that the two states are united in the case of many religious. They cannot, consequently, be opposed. . On the other hand, the comparison of the religious and marriage states is legitimate. Why is the first a sacra-m~ nt while the latter is not? If one recalls that the Councilof Trent proclaimed the superiority of the state of virginity oyer that of marriage, it may appear sur-prising that virginal consecration is not the object of a sacramental ceremony. Yet the very reason for the superiority of virginity enables us to glimpse a response to our problem. Virginity tends to realize the nuptials of Christ and-the Church directly, while marriage is only. a sign of this union, realized through the media~ tion of the human person of the partner. Profession attaches the ~eligious to Christ Himself as .the Spouse. It is therefore through plenitude not default that pro-fession is not a sacrament~ As a sign or symbolof Christ and the Church, marriage is a sacrament; as a reality of nuptials in which Christ becomes the authentic Bridegroom, virginal consecration is not a sacrament. Profession is not of the order of a sign but that of the reality signified. It thereby anticipates the future life where there will be no sacraments because the sign.s will hax;e.given way to the spiritual reality they represen.ted. Thus while marriage symbolizes the union of Christ and the Church in view of the latter's realization through human intermediaries~ virginal life accomplishes this union directly through anticipation of the celestial life. From this viewpoint, virginal consecration can be con- .sidered paralle! to martyrdom. What is called the bap-tism of blood goes beyond the sacrament: it is no longer a sign of the death of Christ but the reality of this death as lived by the disciples of Jesus. Rather than being a symbol of the passage from death to resurrection, it accomplishes this passage to blessed immortality. Vir-ginal life, through a kind of death to the flesh, inaugu-rates the passage to the immediate possession of the Groom in spiritual intimacy. Hidden Holiness and Bearing Witness In characterizing ~he ieligious life's .essential role in the Church, there is frequently a tendency to evaluate it in terms of testimony given: as a result of their con, secration, religious are called ~ost especially ~o bear witness to Christ, to. His sanctity,.His charity, His ¯ chastity, His obedience, His' apostolic zeal. We gran.t that this witness value is of considerable importance, but it .is not primordial. Testimony a~ises from. the .visible aspect which the religious life must assume, and it manifests the .exterior influences re-sulting from this visibility. But the first contribution of religious life is invisible, fulfilling a role which can be called ontological and helping to nourish and to develop the very reality of the Church. It is the Church's hidden sanctity which is enriched by religious life,-the secret union of the Church with Christ consummated ¯ by virginal consecration. The Church's invisible apos-tolic, efficacy is increased by the prayers, sacrifices, and the other activities which the religious state entails. One must consequently avoid restricting the problems of religious life within the narrow perspective of testi-mony. It may happen that poverty in certain institutes is profound and genuine, and yet scarcely any witness value may be apparent as a result of circumstances or some particular feature of observance. The fidelity of a chaste heart is interior; numerous acts of charity and obedience in religious life are not visible to ChriStians outside the cloister, and these acts should not become public. A certain preoccupation with testimony is legiti-mate, but it should neither diminish nor obscure the more essential will to live in all sincerity the demands of the consecrated life under the eyes of the Savior alone in "order to belong more exclusively to Him. Ex-cessive concern for testimony could lead to the erection of a facade at the expense of the humble construction of the reality of the Church. Furthermore, the contribution of the consecrated life to the holiness of the Church enlightens the religious as to his ecclesial respomibility. It should quicken his conscience to the.repercussions of his mo~t secret life within the. Church; even those acts which are witnessed by no one are destined to-sanctify humanity, to enrich the Church as a whole. The existence of. a ~eligious makes, no sense except within the framework of con-structing the Mystical Body of Christ. This activity should be first of all hidden and silent. Witness value follows as the second feature of the religious' contribution, to the sanctity Of the Church. It is this visible aspect, .the aspect of the sign,, which has inclined theologians to refer to the religious life as a + + + ¯ Religious Li]e VOLUME 241 1965 515 4. 4. 4. Jean Galot, REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS "saci'ament." r There is no doubt that in the Church. the religious life contributes a f~ndamental.kind of witness. It is of a nature which ~timulates Christians in their efforts toward~ holiness and influences non-Christians by rendering them sensitive to the force of the evangelic.al message. This testimony is above all concerned with the abso-luteness of God. The consecrated life gives .eviden.ce that God .deserves to be loved above all things--to the point that man should 'abandon all to adhere to Him and to promote the extension of His kingdoha. It. is also a witness to prayer, especially in the con-temPlativelife, bu~ in. the active religious life as well. At a time when the value of man tends to be measured in terms of the visible efficacy of action, it is important that special attention be given to prayer. The testimony of communities established on the basis of Christ's charity encourages other Christians to place no limit on. love for one another. And there is the test!mony Of poverty, chastity, and obedience, as witness which encourages lay people in their journey on the road of detachment and unselfishness, of conjugal, chas-tity, and of submission to Church authorities. Finally, there is the witness value of apostolic' activity Which. stimulat.es .zeal throughout the entire Christian com-munity. This reaction is apparent today in many mis-sionary fields where laymen in ever-increasing numbers are following the example given by religious. The Value of Religious Life and Adaptation While attempting to establish the place of the religious state in the life of the Church, We have answered in global fashion the questions, raised in the introduc-tion to this article. We shall now summarize the im-portant points to .bring the answers sharply into focus. It is true that laymen should pursu, sainthood. We are to rejoice that the Christian layman today is in, creasingly conscious of the nobility Of his state and the demands of' perfect.ion which this role entails. In addi-tion, according to Christ's plan, a more complete form of holiness, that of the consecrated life, is necessary the Church and must develop within her. The Gospel call: "Come follow me" is ceaselessl~ repeated in all ages to attract certain of the faithful to .make a fundamental contribution to the formation and expansion of the Church. Direct union with the. Savior is irreplaceable. ' It can be achieved by the complete abandonment of goods and family, the consecration Of all one's forces ~ See J. M. R. Tillard, O.P., "Religious Life, Sacrament of God's Presence" and "Religious Life, Sacrament of God's Power," REVIEW FOR RELigiOUS, V. 23 (1964),'pp. 6-14; 420-32. and activities to the apostolate. These actions are facil-itated by community life founded exclusively on the love of Christ. Since marriage is to be considered the sign of the nuptials of Christ and the Church, all the importance which is legitimately attributed to this sign also en-hances the value of the religious life where.the nuptials with the divine Spouse become a reality. Souls who ardently search for the presence of the Savior can find Him through a human intermediary, but Christ is en-countered more dynamically through the direct adher-ence of virginal consecration. The two approaches are on a different level: the religious life anticipates here on earth that possession of Christ without an inter-mediary as it will be accorded in the celestial state. As for apostolic services, laymen can assume them on a basis of equality with religious insofar as exterior action and efficiency are concerned. But nothing can re-place that holiness in the service of the apostolate re-sulting from the consecration of one'~ entire being to the Lord. Wherever apos.tolic activity is animated by a more complete love of Christ and a more devoted love of neighbor, it acquires a superior value and its invisible apostolic efficacy ig considerably increased. If we keep in mind that the apostolate is a means of com- 'municating holiness, the role that the consecrated person is to play in the Church's apostolic life becomes imme-diately evident. His contribution cannot be considered as the mere equivalent of that of other Christians. The apos-tolate is to be judged according to its soul rather than its external works. Religious institutes are making a great effort towards adaptation. It is hoped that these efforts will pro, duce a vital thrust towards encounter with contemporary hu-manity. That such an effort may require painful sacri-fices of those religious who are imbued with traditional practices is readily conceivable, but the generosity ¯ characteristic of the religious state is capable of making sacrifices. Thanks to such a spirit we can hope that the re-ligious life will occupy that vital role within the Church and the marketplace which our Lord accorded it. 4. 4- 4. VOLUME 24, 1965 JEAN DANIELOU, S.J. The Placeof Religious in the Structure of the Church Jean Dani~lou, S.J.; 15, Rue Mon-sieur; Paris 7, France, is professor of theology at the Institut Catholique of Paris. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 518 One* might wonder why the Council in The Constitu-tion on the Church treats religious life along with the hierarchy and the laity. The reasons for this are pastoral. Religious, men and women, contemplatives or mis-sionaries, are in fact an essential component part of the Church. The eminent place which women occupy in the Church is particularly under the form of religious life. Besides, inasmuch as religious life is a total consecra-tion to God, it appears as more than ever necessary in a world which tends to construct itself outside of God, because without worship the world of the future would be an inhuman world. Finally, from the ecumenical point of view, the neglect of religious life by the Council would be incomprehensible in view of the fact that it has always held a respected place in the OrthodoxI world and that Protestantism is now rediscovering it. But these reasons would not be absolutely decisive if religious life did not constitute an essential part of the structure of the Church. Furthermore, the primary ob-ject of the Council is, as Pope Paul reminded the Fathers in opening the second session, to give the Church the opportunity to define her structure. If religious life was only one form in the history of the universal vocation to holiness in the Church, it would be acceptable to treat it as such. But this precisely appears contrary to the whole tradition. Certainly all aspects of the Church are ¯ This article appeared originally in Etudes, February, 1964; it was translated by Sister M. Janet, c.s.J.; Archangel College; Engle-wood Cliffs, New Jersey. 1 See o. Rousseau, "Le r61e important du monachisme dans l'Eglise d'Orient," in II monachesimo orientale ["Orientalia christiana ana-lecta," n. 153] (Rome: Pontifical Institute of Oriental Studies, 1958). in a sense mutually shared: there is a universal priest-hood; there is a Universal interdependence of the Christian people; there~is a universal vocation to holi-ness. But each one of these aspects also presents its es-tablished form. This is true of the hierarchy and of the laity;, we wish to show that it is also true of the relig.ious state. The first question is that of the basis of the religious state in the New Testament itself. In reality there is no ¯ divine right to the structure .of the Church except inso-far as it rises from its institution by Christ and the Apostles at least in its beginnings. How does this affect our question here? This is the problemof the evangelical counsels. We must examine it rigorously. But first we must note that we are speaking here of the evangelical counsels in the strict sense, that is to say, not insofar as they mean a universal call to Christians to an evangeli-cal life of poverty, "chastity, and obedience, but insofar as they point out the proper means to realize this call, means which establish a particular state of life to which all are not called. What is there concerning this in the New Testament? ~ It does not seem that the three counsels, as held by traditional teaching, are on the same plane. Poverty ap-pears above all as the expression of the primacy of the kingdom of God which must be preferred to all else. And this disposition is eSsential to the Christian 'voca-tion. Nevertheless, the principle of poverty as expressed in" a particular state of life is clearly indicated. Hence, the words of ChriSt to the rich young man, even if they .express first of all the primacy of the Gospel over the Law, undoubtedly suggest also that the evangelical ideal can be expressed in the form of an effective renounce-ment of the possession of material goods which consti-tutes in itself a state of life which is more perfect. "If you will be pbrfect, go, sbH all that you have and follow me" (Mt 19:21). Like pove~'ty, obedience is first of all the expression of the primacy of the divine will. It finds incomparable expression in the obedience 6f the Son to the Father; and in this sense, it is the Christian vocation itself. But this obedience can also take the form of a renouncement of self, determination related to that particular resolu-tion of the divine will which is precisely the effective renouncement of property and of marri~ige and which is not demanded of all. It is in this sense that St. Paul speaks, concerning widows, that is, women consecrated to God, about fidelity. Indeed, he blames those women who have violated "the promise they have made" (1 Tim 5:12). Obedience appears then as the very form of a life consecrated to God inasmuch as-this life ex- 4. ÷ 4- Place o~ Religious VOLUME Z4, 196S 519 .÷ ¯ .lean Dani~lou, S.]. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS presses the definite promise to submit oneself to a cer-tain state of life rather than as a special observance which would be added to other states. This is then al-ready what will later become monastic obedience. And it is more obedience to a rule than to a person, the su-perior having only .the duty of being the guardian of the rule. Nevertheless, poverty and obedience as expressio.ns of a state in life are only. suggested by the New Testament. This is in contrast with virginity consecrated to God which is taught b'y Christ Himself as a mystery to which only certain souls are called. The disciples ask Jesus: "If such is the condition for marriage, it is better not to marry." And Jesus replies: "That conclusion cannot be taken in. by everybody, but only by those who have the gift" (Mt 19:10-1). Very clearly then, here is a special state which is not a component of the Christian vocation in itself. Elsewhere, it is about virginity that Paul uses the word counsel; and this is the only case where the word appears in this sense in the New Testament (1 Cor 7:25). The distinction between a commandment, which is addressed to everyone, and a counsel, which is a call from the Lord to some, is here clear. Furthei"more, the existence of virgins consecrated to God in the primitive Christian community is attested to by the New Testament. This is the case of the four daughters of the deacon Philip (Acts 21:9). The text says' precisely .that these virgins were prophesying. This description gives authority .to add another element to the matter of the New Testament origin of the religious state: virginity appears in connection with the charis-mata and so constitutes a link with the action of the Holy Spirit in the community. This fact is also attested by the Didache. Therefore, this charismatic aspect will remain a characteristic of the religious state. The fathers Of the desert and the stylites are charismatics. The great religious orders are of charismatic origin. They witness the liberty of the Spirit in the heart of the Christian community. Benedict, Fr.ancis, Dominic, Ignatius, and Teresa are. expressions of the charismatic action of the Spirit in the building of the' Church alongside her hierarchical action. The orders which they founded are the necessary institutionalization of these charismata to assure the permanence of their presence in the Church. Therefore, the New Testament attests to the existence of a state of life consecrated to God, related to the charismata, and expressing itself above all in virginity. But does this state constitute an order properly speak-ing, comparable to the laity or to the hierarchy? Theie is place for an objection here. It is evident that the New Testament includes a call to the practice of the evangel-ical counsels. But is. not this call something personal which can be addressed to clerics or to the laity and does not constitute a special order? In this case, it would be this call alone which would be primary and would have its source in the New Testament. The realization this call in the form of the religious state would only be an historical development. This question leads us to examine more closely the teaching of the New Testa-ment and of early tradition. This examination reveals to us the presence in local communities from the. beginning of: a special order, alongside the hierarchy and the laity, which is char-acterized by a total consecreation to God. In this sense, the New Testament speaks of a consecrated celiba6y, the order of widows (1 Tim 5:3-16). This order is Pa{allel to the order of presbyters (5:.17-20). Therefore it really was an order in the heart of the community. The function:of this order, from its origin, is that of the religious sta~e: "The woman who is. indeed a widow, bereft of all help, will .put her trust in God and spend ¯ her time, night and-day, Upon the prayers and petitions that belong to her state" (5:5). Later the place of the order of widows will be compared to that of an altar in the church.2 They represent that.continual prayer which is a pillar of the community parallel to the hierarchy and which still today makes up the irreplaceable char-acte~ of the contemplative life in the Church. BuL very early, the virgins 'who existed from the be-ginning 'in the community constituted also an order by virtue of their resemblance to that of the widows. Doubtless it is in this way that we must understand the word of Ignatius of Antioch, speaking of "virgins called 'widows.' " In any case, one 6f the most ancient rituals that we possess, the Apostolic Tradition of. Hippolytus of .Rome, which dates from the beginning of the third ¯ century and represents a much older state, enumerating the different orders of the Church, mentions virgins after priests and bishops, but before subdeacons and lectors,. A text of the same ritual distinguishes three categories in regard to the discipline of fasting: virgins and widows, laity, and bishops. No text is more clear on the distinction of the three orders.3 At the same period, at Alexandria, Clement and Origen give witness to the existence of an order, of virgins and of ascetics. Therefore it is certain that, in the words 6f Plus XII, "according to the apostolic fathers and the oldest ec- ~P~lyca~:p, Letters, 8, 2. 8 See J.-M. Hanssens, La liturgie d'Hippolyte ["Orientalia christi-ana analecta," n. 155] (Rome: Pontifical Institute of Oriental Studies, 1959), pp. 153 and 372. Place ot Religious VOLUME 24, 1965 52! ]ean Dani~lou, S.]. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS . --- clesiastical writers, it can be easily established that in different churches,' the followers of a life of perfection constituted an order and a class in the society." 4 At first, this state of virginity" or celibacy was lived in the local church community where it constituted a special group. Beginning in the fourth century with Anthony, the ascetics separated themselves from the community and retired into solitude; hence, the ,her-mit's. life was identified with the practice of the coun-sels. Soon, others, following Pachomius and Basil, organized communities of ascetics and began the cenobiti-cal life. These two constituted, arid continue to .consti-tute in the Orient, the monastic order formally distinguished from the hierarchy and from the laity. This appears in a manner particularly clear in the Ecclesiastical Hierarchy of pseudo-Dionysius the Areop-agite at the end of the sixth century; in this' work, monastic life is treated at length as an order in the Church along with th~ hierarchy. In the West, religious life developed in multiple ways according to constitu- ¯ tions approved by the Church, but everywhere and al-ways, "the .public profession of the evangelical counsels was counted among, the three principal ecclesiastical orderL" 5 What is fundamentM is that throughout all these de-velopments the effective, practice of the evangel!cal counsels has always been presented under the form of an "order," having its own law in the Church whether it is a question of "widows" of an apostolic community or .of religious congregations today. The forms of the "ordo" have been very diverse. They continue this di-versity today, from.the orders with solemn vows to the secular institutes. But if we look at them from the theological instead of the canonical point of view, we see that these forms spring from the same source in the Church. This definition of the practice of the evangelical counsels as a rule in itself is ~xpressed by the. fact that the Church does not consider it as legitimate except when she recognizes it; evidence for this can be seen even as .far back as .Ignatius of Antioch Where he says that anyone who wishes, to practice virginity must so advise the bishop. Hence, the practice of the evangelical counsels isestablished in.a state of life which has its own rights and duties. From this, we also understand the fact that the Church has always fought the tendency to generalize the effective practice of the counsels and to consider them as essential to Christianity.Such a tendency was very strong in the first centuries in partict~lar, and * Provida Mater, Acta Apostolicae Sedis, v. 39 (1947), p. 116. B Provida Mater, Acta Apostolicae Sedis, v: 39 (1947), p. 106. against it the Church has always defended marriage not only as legitimate, but also as constituting a real vocation to sanctity. In. fact, .she has always supported the ~ight to private property and to wealth. In this way, she set the foundation for an authentic.lay spirituality to be considered as develOping in line with the vocation of the laity in the Church .and not as a participation in the religious life as the only vocation to'sanctity. But at the same time, she als0 founds the religious state as a state of life in itself,-distinct from the laity and from. the priesthood not only by its function in the Church but also by its means to sanctity. Therefore, it is clear that the evangelical counsels can be partihlly lived outside the religious state since each aspect of the Church participates in some way with the others. But they are then a sort of equivalent to the religious state. In other words, the practice of the evangelical counsels is not bound to the essence of the lay state nor to that of the priesthood. On the contrary, it is bound 'to the essence of the religious state. So, it would be erroneous to speak of the vocation to the counsels as universal and to see in religious life only their principal form. This is. contrary to truth. It is the religious state which is the normal f.orm of.the practice of the counsels. Therefore, the religious state is the. proper object of a chapter on the counsels. The celibacy of priests in the Westei-n Church poses a special problem. I~ appears, in fact, to be distinct from a partial participation in the ideal of the counsels, and to be situated in a direct line with the vocation of the ¯ priesthood. Now, this vocation is defined above all as that of the pastor who gives his life for his flock. Celi-bacy appears here not considered in itself, as is the case for religious life, but as a consequence of priestly life in its fulfillment. That is why it is essentially in the study of the priesthood and its duties that celibacy is to be situated, not in the study of ~he effective practice of the evangelical counsels. The priestly celibacy would other-wise appear as an imperfect participation in something which religious practice more perfectly. To this point we have established that the origins of the religious state were instituted by Christ Himself and that the effective practice of the: evangelical coun-sels did indeed constitute a way.of life,, an "ordo," .dis-tinct from the laity and from the priesthood. It remains to show in what sense it is part of the structure of the Church. This is already apparent, in the facts. For Hippolytus of Rome, the order of virgins was part of the structure of the local Christian community. And this form of consecrated virginity may very well be re- + ÷ Place o] R~ligious " VOLUME 24~ 1965 523 4. .4. 4. lean Daniilou, S.]. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 524 .appearing in our day, as in'the case for the "Auxiliaires de l'apostolat." The religious state is recognized by canon law ag one of the three orderswhich make up the universal Church.° The experience of bishops attests that where monastic life does not yet exist, the Church has not established-firm roots. Then, too, it is char-acteristic of a living Church to bring forth vocation~ to a life of the counsels. On the other hand, it is clear that religiou~ life does not belong to the structure of the Church in the same way as the h!erarchy, although it is essential to that structure. First, it can be said that the religious state is not part of what is, strictly speaking, the condition re-quired for th~ existence of a Church. A Church cannot exist without priests who distribute the sacraments and the word of God nor without people to receive them. But the hierarchy and the Christian people are the minimal conditions. If we envisage the Church in her fullness, in her integrity, to quote Monsignor Weber, then it is necessarily composed of lives consecrated to God. These lattei; are the sign of the very flowering of the community. As long as they remain unborn, the community is not fully complete. And now we take up the characteristic of the aspect of the structure of the Church which corresponds to the religious state. It is concerned with the purpose of the Church which is holiness, as Plus XII wrote in the con-stitution Provida Mater.~ This purpose evidently con-cerns all Christians. But, it implies a communal expres- Sion which will manifest itself not only individually but also in the very structure of the Church. This purpose, which is perfect union with Christ and which will not be consummated until our life in heaven, is already visibly signified in religious life. That is why thb liturgical consecration of virgins symbolized, from the times of the first Christian community, the nuptials of Christ and the Church: ,lust as the hierarchy is the or-gan by which the life of the risen Christ is communi-cated through the sacraments--and withou't which this life would not be commhnicated--and just as the sacra-ments create a milieu of grace vhere holiness is possible, just so, the religious state is the expression of the perfec-tion ofthis holiness by creating conditions which favor the flowering of the gcaces given by the sacraments. But the purpose of the Church is not only the sancti-fication of Christians but the glory of God. Here again, the religious state, especiall~ under the monastic and contemplative form but also under the apostolic form,. ~ See also Provida Mater. Acta dpostolicae Sedis, v. 39 (1947), p. !16. r Provida Mater, Acta Apostolicae Sedis, v. 39 (1947), p. 115. is the expression, at once communal and personal, of this end of the Church. Through the Divine Office, it perpetually represents the praying Church before the Trinity. It thus app.ears as a necessary function of the whole Body. "The Church," said Berdyaev, "cannot exist' without bishops and priests,~.bfit.she lives'and breathes through the martyrs and the ascetics." The Council is founded on the prayer of the Carmelites as much as on the authority of the bishops. This function of adora-tion appears even more vital for the Church and for the entire humanity as the world today separates itself from God and tends to smother itself in introversion. The function of monasteries as places of recollection is even more necessary for lay people as they are more involved in the world. Finally, another function of religious life is its eschatalogical significance. It appears as a foretaste of the life of glory that lies beyond our terrestrial tasks. In this sense it constitutes a reminder to men, engaged in earthly cares, of their real end. By detachment from riches, from pleasures, and from ambitions, it shows that worldly goods are not reality; it turns our gaze to-ward heavenly goods. Here again, the intensity of the religious life will determine its effectiveness as a coun-terbalance to worldly attractions. In ce}tain epochs, its attractiveness was such that it magnetized even the most powerful energies. It represents an advance guard of the Church which the laity needs to maintain the difficult balance between a life absorbed by the tasks through which they sanctify themselves but which at the same time are a heavy burden on them. Having said this, we have defined the religious state in itself, but it remains irue that the religious state is no more separated from the tasks of the Church. than the priestly state or the lay state. In this sense r~ligious par-ticipate in numerous cases in the priesthood and in the episcopacy and hence are introduced into the hie~'- archical ministery; furthermore, women religious carry a large part of the responsibility for building up the universal Church in their work of the apos.tolate, espe-cially to women. It is impossible to define limits in an absolutely rigorous way. But this is why it is first of all necessary to distinguish definitively the "states." It is in the measure that the religious state is first of all recog-nized in its nature, its function, and its own mission, that its participation in the communal life of the Church will be manifested more easily. 4- Place ot Religious VOLUME 24, 1965 SISTER HELEN JAMES JOHN, S.N.D. Rahner on Roles in the Church + 4. Sister Hden James John, S.N.D., is stationed at Trin-ity College; Wash. ington, D.C. 20017. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS Recent discussion on all sides points toward a general redistribution of responsibilities in the life of the Church. Laymen are taking on tasks previously re-served to the clergy, as theologians, missionaries, leaders in Catholic Action; they are increasingly consulted in matters of Church teaching and government. Women are less and less silent in the Church as the days go by; they have gained admiss, ion~ to the ~anks of the theolo-gians, petitioned for their own representatives at the Council, even attracted serious theological attention to the question of giving them holy orders. The Council itself has given greater dimensions to the office of bishop and may well authorize a married diaconate in some parts of the world, and in the Western Church we have seen a few real instances and heard a vast amount of discussion of married priests. In the United States the active orders of women have long been running their own aggiornamento through the Sister Formation Movement and the Association of Major Superiors, and of late they have been exhorted by Cardinal Suenens to realize more fully their position as "auxiliaries of the clergy" and called on by Michael Novak to enter the mainstream of secular life. When sweeping changes are to be made, it is pecu-liarly important that the people making them should understand the.meaning and purpose of the institutions to be changed. In the matter of roles in the Church it has long been customary to appeal too the definitions of canon law; this will no longer suffice, for the ongoing discussion looks precisely to effecting changes in that law. What we need now is a theological perspective; and this is precisely what Karl Rahner has to offer. From his numerous, often technical, essays and conferences, we can assemble the main lines of a coherent and illumi-nating theology of vocations. This doctrine will not pro- vide cut and dried solutions ' to our current problems; Rahner endears himself to our own generation by his willingness to raise questions to which the answers are not indexed in Denzinger. But he can help us mightily to see just what is at stake in the decisions which must be made. Rahner's key principle iia this area is universal and unequivocal: "Through sacramental consecration and empowerment every Christian, in the Church is consti-tuted, qualified, and in duty bound to a position and task of active co~esponsibility and work inside and out-side theChurch." l~His further explorations into the meaning of the layman's situation, the official hier-archical apostolate of the clergy, and the eschatological witness proper to the religious are all to be understood as explications of this central theme. Layman, cleric, and religious alike are active members of the Church, called ¯ to take their special parts in the Church's.own task-- to make manifest in .the world the victorious coming of God's grace from on high. All the functions of all Christians are encompassed in the unique function of the Church herself which is to .be "the body of Christ, the enduring, .historical presence of His truth and grace in the world, the continuing efficacy of the incarnate Word in the flesh." What distinguishes the layman from the cleric or the religig.us is that he keeps, as his permanent life-situation, the place in the world which is his independently of and prior to his membership in the Church. This place in the wo~rld is determined by the individual's historical situation, his nation and,family, his natural abilities and interests. What constitutes him as a layman is the fact that he retains this place in the world for his Christian existence. By baptism, the layman is commissioned to bear witness; precisely in this place, "to .the truth, of God, to God's fidelity, and to the hope of eternal life." This means that the life-task of the layman cannot be conceived in terms merely of organized religion--Holy Name Sunday, fund-raising, and the like. It must be seen as the revolutionary realization that he is called to manifest the truth and the love of Christ in all the dimensions of his life--in his family, his profession, his participation in the political and cultural life of his community. His pla~e in the world provides the material for his Christian existence and lays upon him a respon, ~ibility which no one can assume in his stead. The special mission of the layman, then, will be found not in Catholic Action but in the action of Catholics; his fundamental obligations come to him not "from 1 Nature and Grace, trans. Dinah Wharton (London: Sheed and Ward, 19~3), p. 87. Italics Rahner's. ÷ ÷ ÷ Roles in the ¯ Church VOLUME 24, 1965 527. 4. 4. Sister Helen .lames $ohn, $.N.D. REVIEW FOR REIAG~OUS above," from the hierarchy, but "from below," from the requirements of his being in the world. The widening horizons of human experience--the secular sciences/the arts, technology, political life--are today calling for a ¯ radically new kind of Christian response. For ih a completely new historical sense, the "world" has, really only now, begun to exist, i.e. the world which man him-self has brought forth out of n~iture; ultimately, this world can be christianized only by the one who has fashioned it, viz. the layman.' This Christianizing of the temporal constitutes the "lay apostolate" in Rahner's strict sense of the term--a mission in the life of the Church for which the layman. possesses real autonomy and the strict duty of leader-ship. And it follows from this definition that the lay apostolate cannot be organized from above by a kind of ecclesiastical "state socialism." There are, and there should be, associations of lay Catholics by which they seek to aid each Other in the accomplishment of their mission; but the nature of the task itself rules out the possibility of its being mapped out in detail on an a priori basis. Hence there, is need for whav Rahner terms "a supernatural existential ethics," which recognizes not only the validity of abstract moral principles but also the direct claim of God upon the unique personal re-sponse of the Christian in his concrete situation. Among the practical consequences which Rahner draws from this view of the layman's vocation, two perhaps 'are of special interest and relevance. The first is posi-tive: There .is need for full recognition of the autonomy of the layman in those areas where his proper mission lies. To use Rahner's own example: Conscientious laymen who are editors of magazines should not have to ~sk themselves, as apprehensively as is sometimes the ¯ case, whether the opinions expressed in their periodicals are are agreeable to those in high places or not? Negatively, the limit of the layman's proper mission is set by his being-in-the-world. The work of th~ lay aposto-late is not, essentially, the work of recruiting, convert-ing, warning, or exhorting (which work is characteristic of the official hierarchical mission), but the dynamic witness of his own Christian life. The formation for this apostolate thus consis~s not in the kind of drilling geared to train aggressive militants of a basically "Salva-tion Army" type, but education for the vital interior Christianity which alone can express itself in the witness of an authentically lived Christian life. ~ Theological Investigations, v. 2, trans. Karl H. Kruger (Balti-more: Helicon, 1964), p. 349. ~ Theological Investigations, v. 2, p. 351. ¯ In contrast to the layman, the "cleric" is one whose basic and permanent life-task lies in the hierarchical ministry of the Church, that ministry which represems, in and for the Church, "Christ's po.sition as Lord in relation to the people of the Church." The. cl~ri~ shares in the mission and the power to form Christians' and to maintain and strengthen the Christian community. For the sake of this mission,' the "official" apostle must be sent out. He is called to give up his original place in the world, to leave:his nets and house and lands; .for his apostolic mission claims his whole existence. He 'is sent to spaces and dimensions of human existence which are not naturally his own; and to these he brings his mes-sage not simply as bearer of his own Christianity, but as the messenger of .Christ who must deliver his message not only in ~eason but also and especially out of season. This concept of the official hierarchical ministry, it should be noted, is considerably wider than that which limits it to men in holy orders. Edward Schillebeeckx, O.P., for. example, regards deacons, priests, and bishops as the only partic!pants in the hierarchical ministry. In Rahner's analysis, ho.wever, this ministry involves the exercise of two distinct types of power: the sacramental, "priestly" powers communicated by ordination and the ¯ "prophetic" power~ of ruling and teaching in the Church. In the divinely instituted office of bishop, the two ai'e inseparable; the bishop is at once high :priest and successor to the "Apostles. Yet in other instances, Rahner maintains, these powers can be separated and subdivided. The test case which he uses '~o clarify this point is that in which a layman should be elected pope: possessing by his election the plenitude of the power of jurisdiction, he could hardly be said to remain a lay-man while awaiting ordinationt The practical consequence of this theoretical position is that all who actually share either in the power of orders or in the mandate of ruling and.teaching are to be considered as ~'clerics." The official ministry is not then limited to priests. Catechists, missiona.ries, and theologians, women as well as men, married people as well as celibates, receive with their apostolic mission a new status within the Church. Certain limitations On the pow0:s which a woman may exercise arise from the fact that in the higher offices (that is, the episcopate) the powers of orders and of jurisdiction are noimally joined. And Rahner sees the restriction of holy orders to men as a matter of divine institution.4 On the other hand, the celibacy of priests in the Western Church is to be understood as the taking over of an essential ~ See Theological Investigations, v. 2, p. 321. However, lately there have been rumors that Father Rahner has changed his mind. Roles in the Church VOLUME.24; 1965 529 4. 4. 4. Sister Helen ]ames John, S2V.D. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS aspect of the religious life rather than as a quality of the priesthood as such. This view of the hierarchical apostolate looks toward an increasingly clear and officially constituted .diversity of ministries among the. "clergy," for the accomplish-ment of tasks which lie beyond the ~cope. of the lay apostolate as defined above. The rule which Rahner introduces here is simple but often overlooked: "If someone is entrusted with a task, he should be allowed to fulfill it" (Rahner's italics). And he goes on to. ex-press the hope that as efforts are made to act upon this ¯ rule, we shall see the gradual disappearance of the in-stinctive tendency of priests to lord it over their non-ordained colleagues in apostolic work. As this occurs ¯ and as areas of responsibility become more clearly de-fined, it should become less difficult to recruit mature and qualified Christians for professional engagement in Catholic Action "and other ecclesiastical endeavors. Nor does Rahner limit this suggestion to the filling, of gaps in the lower echelons arising out of the shortage of priests. He would like to see people today who would play the same role in the Church as ,did, iri their time, Tertullian, Origen, Clement of Alexandria, and 'Cathe-rine of Sienal" As the layman's task is to bear witness to Christ pre-cisely in and through the ,activities of hissecular life by the loving and faithful ac.complishment of duties which have their .own natural significance, so the spe-cial calling of the religious is t6 make manifest .in his life the transcendent and eschatological dimensions of divine grace. The kingdom of God has already come in Christ; and the center of Christian life, even while we await. His coming in glory; has been set beyond this world. Thus, to be true 'to her own essence, the Church must present herself as having here no abiding city~ as awaiting the x;eturn of her Lord. This aspect of the Church comes to realization, as it were sacramentally, in communities of religious. Religious Orders are a social expression of the charismatic and'enthusiastic element in the Church. a representational part of the victorious grace of God that has come into the world, which draws man beyond the field of his own possibilities and incorporates him into the life of God himself? Since the eschatol6gical dimension, of Christianity consists precisely in the fact that the Christian's life is centered beyond the realm of natural values and mean. ings, the realm directly accessible to human experience, it cannot manifest itself in natural morM activity. For such activity expresses the natural perfection of man's own being; thou.gh this .may be .inwardly divinized by "The Motives of Poverty," Sponsa Regi,~, v. 33 (1962), p. 349. grace, itcannot of itself show forth, outwardly the transcendent love by which it is informed. The only possible human manifestation of this aspect of grace is found in the renunciation of positive and .lofty natural values ."for the sake of the Kingdom." It is' of the es-sence of the evangelical cduns~ls that th6y cannot be .justified within the framework of a natural morality;. tO sacrifice, the possession of m~terial goods, the noble . joy of marriage, and One's own personal autonomy Would be sheer madness if the meaning of man's life were to be realized within this world. The special .role of the re-ligious in the Church. is thus, in the famous words of Cardinal Suhard, "to be a living mystery, to live in such a way that one's life would not make sense if God did not exist." By religious profession, then, a Christian does not add a properly new vocation to the common, vocation which all receive in baptism. Rather, he binds himself by vow to live out, even externally, at all the levels of his life and in its total meaning, that entrance into the redeem-ing death of Christ which is begun for every Christian in baptism and which is at last achieved by God's grace in his death in Christ. The religious wills to express outwardly in the concrete circumstances of his life his inward assent to the constant prayer of the first Christians: "Let grace'come and let this world pass awayl" Accordingly,. he makes his desire to die with Christ, to become a fool for Christ's sake, the central factor in the existential shaping of his life. The vows of poverty, chastity, and obedience derive their total meaning from the invitation of Christ to come follow Him; they are rooted and grounded in His proclama-tion of the kingdom. In consequence, Rahner has little use for all those considerations, beloved of spiritual writers, which would recommend the counsels, to us as the avoidance of dangers to the practice of virtue or as the "heroic" moral achievement of something more perfect simply because more difficult. The only justification for the religious life lies in its concrete expression of the act of faith in the coming of God's grace from on high. Thus, religious poverty is meaningful only insofar as it fosters a radical readiness for the kingdom of God. By selling his goods and giving the proceeds to the poor, the Christian expresses his belief in the kingdom which unites all men in brotherhood and love; he gives visible testimony to his recognition that God's grac~ is the only ultimate fulfillment of human life. The same essential motive and meaning lies at the heart of consecrated virginity. Rahner rejects without hesitation any proposal to regard virginity in itself as a 4- + Roles in the Church VOLUME 24, 1965 53! 4" 4. 4. Sister Helen ]ames John, S.N.D. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS self-evident ideal. The vow of chastity has its source in sacred history, in the virginity of the Mother of God, of whom he.writes: Her virginity, and the origin of our Lord without an earthly father, signify one and the same thing, not in.words, but in easil~ unddrstood terms of human life: God is the God of freely bestowed grace, who cannot be drawn down from on high by all.our endeavors, whom we can only receive as the inexpressibly freely given gift of himself.6 The celibacy of the religious is m~ant to give existential expression to an inner altitude of expectation, of recep-tivity, of awaren(ss that Ultimately only God's free.ly given grace is important. Likewise, in this context, religious, obedience is by no means a canonization of the natural virtue in the ab-stract as the simple willingness to execute the will of.an-other. Nor does it in a0y way relieve the subject of responsibility for what he does; an act is no less the sub-ject's own for hav!ng been comrfianded. Rather, the vow of obedience relates to the totality of the life of the counsels; by it a man accepts a permanbnt life-form giving him a Godward orientation. What is at stake here. is not simply thb readiness to carry out particular com- .mands but the free decision to embrace a life that is not primarily concerned with the tangible realiza-tion of worldly objectives, but which through faith makes the expectation, of hidden grace the ground of existence, and trans, lates this faith into act. The man who accepts obedience as the authentic out-ward expression of his faith in Christ makes of his whole life a practical anticipation of the situation in which every Christian faces death-~the command of God to move on and to leave all, to allow ourselves in faith to be ab-. sorbed in the great silence of God, no longer to resist the all-embracing nameless destiny which rules over'us.7 Thus the whole life of the religious is meant to be a visible participation iia the death of Christ. Just as no one can replace the layman in his task of manifesting the presence of God's grace in the various spheres of secular life, so no one can replace the religious in his witness to the world-transcending character of that grace. Thus Rahner is clear in his opposition.to any practical proposal which would abandon the e~chato-logical witness of the vows for the sake of greatex~ effi-ciency even in apostolic tasks. The lived manifestation of transcendent grace is no less essential to the life of the Church than is the preaching of the Gospel; nor 6Mary, Mother of the Lord (New York: Herder and Herder, 1963), p. 69. 7 "Reflections on Obedient:e," Cross Currents, v. 10 (1960), p. 374. may we assume that all tasks which must be accom-plished by the Church ought ipso facto to be accom-plished by religious communities. On the other hand, the celibacy even of diocesan priests in the West and the apostolic work actually done by religious communities do manifest an inner'connection, though not a neces-sary connection, between the religious and the clerical vocations. In the Ignatian spirituality common to so many active congregations of men and women today, the ideals of "indifference" and of "seeking God in all things" are firmly rooted in the ground of the monastic tradition. Far from evading the folly of the cross, these ideals give radical recognition to God's transcendence by requiring from the religious a readiness to follow the call of God's will wherever it may lead, to have in grim practice no abiding city--not even in the. stability of the monastery. The specific details of the life of religious-- like the life of all Christians--will be shaped by the demands of individual or communal vocation; but they will fail in their dominant purpose if they do not make visible and convincing a rugged and radical Christian nonconformity to the standards of this world. It hardly need be pointed out that the line between these vocations are fluid and that each represents by its special witness factors which are essential in every Christian life. Thus every Christian must," in some measure, lead a life both of humanly meaningful ac-tivity and of supernaturally motivated renunciation; laymen may be entrusted, temporarily or on a part-time basis, with properly clerical tasks, such as those of the CCD instructor or of the subdeacon at a high Mass. The celibate priests of the West and the active congre-gations of men and women (most of whom, under Rahner's definitions, would seem to qualify as "clerks regular") unite in their lives in permanent fashion the apostolic mission of the cleric and the eschatological witness of the religious. In a host of situations, layman, cleric, and religious are called to collaborate in the achievement of the same end--that is, the total educa-tion of Catholic youth or the solution of social problems. And by the unity of laity, clergy, and religious, not only in the sacramental unity of worship but in their visible collaboration in the life of the Church, the Church achieves even at the levels of everyday moral and social existence a quasi-sacramental showing-forth ofthe inner meaning of all Christian life--divine love, ever filling the whole world and ever pointing beyond it to the world to come. Roles in the Church VOLUME 24, 1965 533 KEVIN D. O'ROURKE, O.P, Revising Canon Law for Religious Father Kevin D. O'Rourke, O.P., is Dean of Theology at the Aquinas In-stitute of Theology; St. Rose Priory; Du-buque, Iowa 52002. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 534 What* policies and principles should govern the forthcoming revision of the canon law for religious? What changes must be made in the law to enable religious to better accomplish their role in the work of renewal within the Church? Changes in law should be made only for the betterment of the common good, and they should flow from principles which are invoked to correct weaknesses or problems in organization or activity which are harming the efforts directed toward the com-mon good. An honest appraisal of the present day struc-ture of religious communities, of their apostolic efforts, and of the attitude many religious have toward law, re-veals problems and attitudes which seriously endanger the efforts religious are making to sanctify themselves, the Church, and its people. By openly recognizing and ac-knowledging these attitudes and problems, the principles which will correct and solve them may be found; and these are the principles which should govern the revi-sion of the canon law for religious. ~ Even the casual observer realizes that one grave prob-lem in religious communities is a lack of respect for the law. Canon law, and the canon law for religious in particular, has fallen into ill repute. In the period since World War lI, a spirit has :arisen which seeks to belittle Church law. By many, canon law is equated with "mere 1.egalism"; and a dichotomy between the law of the Spirit and the written law of the Church is often proclaimed or intimated. To a great extent, this attitude flows from, or at least coincides with, a general spirit of disrespect toward all authority. But on the other hand, there seems to be a definite shortcoming in the canon law itself which may occasion and promote this attitude. ¯ This is the text of a talk given to a group of midwest religious canonists at a two-day conference held at the Passionist Retreat House in Detroit,' Michigan during Christmas week, 1964. Adaptation of religious communities to present-day mentalities and needs of the apostolate is another serious problem calling for revision of the law for religious. One doubting that the organization and apostolate of religious communities are attuned to successful modern apostolic activity, need only consult the writings of the last four popes. Time and time again, they have called for adaptation of the-structure, mentality, and apostolic activities in line with the needs of contemporary so- Ciety and with the mind of the founder.Just as the Church, through Vatican .Council II, seeks to evaluate and update its o~ganization and activity, so religious communities should bring about themodifications which will enable them to do their work well in the contempo-rary world. With the Church, religious.communities are in need of apostolic renewal. The modifications in organization and apostolic ac-tivity which, religious communities .must make can be ~uccessfully accomplished only through a revision in the law. True, a 9hange in attitude has already occurred in many religious and many religious communities. Some individuals and some religious groups have al-ready made. the adaptations which renewal demands. But the common good, the good of all communities and all individuals, can be assured only through a change in the law. Therefore, religious communities will not be truly renewed, nor will they fulfill their potential in the Church, until their laws are renewed in accord with the needs of the apostolate. A consideration of.the cultural .pattern presently ex-isting in the United States reveals another distressing situation. Religious are not influencing the minds of men as strongly and dramatically as they should. In former times, religious were. among the intellectual leaders of. their society. Often they were the best edu-cated people in the community; even if their thought was rejected, it was at least well known. Those who did not agree with them were aware of them; and before acting contrary to the opinion of the ~eligious thinkers they had to attack and, .if possible, refute their opinion. Hence many and bitter arguments and disputes arose between secular and religious figures. Today, however, our teaching.draws no such attacks; it can be ignored as the doctrine of people who are not in touch with the times. SecuIar thinkers.n0 longer bother to refute the thought 0f religious thinkers; they merely declare it ir-relevant to the important matters of life.~ The point is not to deprecate or criticize in any way the energy, zeal, or apostolic spirit of" the many dedicated religious 1 Hence the theme of Dietrich von Bonhoeffer in Letters From Prison and of John A. T. Robinson. in Honest to God. 4. + Rcoising Canon VOLUME 24i 1965 ÷ ÷ Keoin D. O' Rourke, O~P. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS men and women working in America today. But on the other hand, if we reflect that there are about two hun-dr~ d thousand religious men and women working for Christ in the United States, it'hardl~ seems that we are influencing the Catholic and non-Catholic community as'we should. We seem to be able to preserve the faith, but we are weak when it comes to enriching it or spread-ing it. In order to solve these briefly outlined problems which tend to destroy the vitality of religious communities and seriously hamper their apostolate, three principles must govern the revision of canon law for religious. Integration with Theology The first principle i~: Remove the de facto separation between canon law and theology. Competent theologians and canon lawyers, while allowing canon law its own rules of interpretation, always. recognized that canon law is an integral part of theology and, as such, subject to the more general principles of that science. In other words, competent Scholars have never forgotten the need for integration between these two sciences. Nonetheless, even these scholars have not insisted a!way~ upon this integration in practice, nor have they sufficiently im-pressed it upon others. Reintegrating canon law with theology does not mean ~hat we should change our present formof Church law or the rules of interpreation. Stating the finis legis in the law, or changing the brief manner in which it is now stated, would be a mistake. Our system of writing and interpreting laws has been worked out through trial and .error over th~ centuries; to tamper with it now would cause confusion and lead to further disrespect for the law. The reintegration of canon law and theology should be accomplished through a process of education. Pre-ceding the Code there should be a statement explaining canon law not as a burden but as an instruction given. us by the Mystical Body of Christ to lead us closer to our divine Savior. Our law should be explained as a fulfill-ment, rather than a limitation, of Christian liberty. In the Code itself, especially in the section De religiosis, there should be some kind of statement that canon law legislates only the minimum, the safeguards of Christian activity. A statement such as the following from Hiiring, for example, might serve to make clear in what sense observance of canon law fits the total Christian life. As lbve implies obedience, so it implies l~(w, and love and law are essentially and mutually interchangeable. Obedience of love is surely more comprehensive than mere legal obedience for" mere observance of law is the lowest degree of obedience. Mere legal obedience.is not yet in the shadow of love. External laws are no more than universal regulations and therefore basically only minimum requirements. Universal rules cannot in fact even prescribe what is highest and best, since the best is not universal and cannot be demanded of men universally. On the contrary love by its very nature strives for the highest and best and seeks the most perfect manifestation of its ideals in action. How can one who does not fulfill the minimum requirements of law progresstoward that which is higher and better? Since the minimum requirements ar~ basic for the fulfillment of the law of love, love may never violate or ignore the law. At the same time one who truly loves may not remain'at the lowest level of obedience and be satisfied with the bare legal minimum.' Moreover,' whenever fitting,' tracts of canon law should be introduced by theological texts, whether Biblical, systematic, or pastoral, . which clearly point out the inti-mate relationship between the observance of some par-ticular law and growth in the spiritual life. To maintain that the Code of Canon Law is directed to the salvation of souls when it seldom mentions spiritual motives or values is rather inconsistent. Just as the Fifth Book of the Code of Canon Law is more clearly understood within a spiritual framework by reason of the pastoral imroduction from the Council of Trent, so other tracts of the Code could be given greater definition and .pur-pose through Similar introductions. The encyclicals, the councils, the works of the Fathers and great' theologians, provide ample sources for these texts; and using them in the Code would demonstrate the historical .continuity of our present-day law. Placing these readings before the various tracts on law may not appeal to the legal mind, and there is little reason why it should. But we must realize that canon law cannot be judged only by legal standards alone; canon law is also pastoral theology, and therefore it must be presented in a way which makes it good theology as well as good law. . Through this approach, basically one .of education, many canonical instruments could be restored to proper perspective. The relationship of superior to subject, one that should be founded upon the relationship of Christ and Hi~ friends, would become clearer; the tensions between Secular and re.ligious clergy could be resolved in favor of a more effective apostolate; the observance of the vows would be more meaningful and make a much greater contribution to charity; the place of prayer ond the apostolate in the life of the individual religious could be more clearly understood and effec-tively realized; and many other p~oblems of policy and practice which trouble re.ligious communities today would at least be alleviated. ~ Bernard Hiiring, C.Ss.R., The Law of Christ (Westminster: New-man, 1961), w 2, p. 94. ÷ ÷ ÷ Revising ~,anon VOLUME 24, 1965 537 K~in D. O'Rourk~, O.P. REVIEW FOR RE£1GIOUS. 5~8 ¯ :$ubsidiarity. The second, principle might be stated as .follows: Apply the principle o[ subsidiarity to the government of religious communities. This principle requires, posi-tively, that the society which is the Church offer to the individual the help toward his goal which he Cannot provide for .himself, and negatively, that the Church so far as it is a society restrict itshelp and control in the areas where the individual carl provide for himself (W. Bertrams, S.J., "De pringipio subsidiaritatis in. iure canonico," Periodica, 46.[1957], p. 13). Abraham Lin-coln put the same thought this way: "Never let govetn-ment do for some one what he can do for himself"; and Pope John XXIII put this forward as one of the basic principles of good government (Pacem in Terris, n. 141). Clearly, insofar, as the Church is a governing body, this principle 'should be paramount, Religious communities, therefore, since they are legal .individuals, should be allowed'to direct and provide for themselves, insofar as is possible. Application of this principle does not mean that re-ligious communities should be completely auton6mous. There must b~ some contact and control exercised by the Holy See, especially over those communities that are directly subject to it, or else the common good would suffer. But the extent to which this control is now exer-cised far exceeds, the needs of good and responsible government. Consider, for example, the regulations in regard to alienation' and debts, the extent of the Quin-quennial Report and other regulations which through the O years have tended to centralize the governnient of religious in the Congregation of Religious. The concept of collegiality and the formation of na-tional episcopal conferences.are a reflection of the prin-ciple of subsidiarity and the fact that the Church is beginning to recognize the contribution of this principle toward good government. Applying this principle to the government of religious communities would pave the way for a national conference of religious .superiors which would have jurisdiction to coordinate and direct the apostolate of religious in accord with the general directives of the Holy See. Through a conference of religious superiors possessing jurisdiction, religious could be represented .in the national episcopal confer-ence; common pr6jects, such as testing and formation centers for candidates could be established; norms for combining existing theological, schools could, be out-lined; and the'rivalry and lack of contact which at present exists among religious communities to the detri-ment of the apostolate could be removed or at least alleviated, Even more important is the applicati~)n of this prin-ciple at the provincial level: In too many communities, especially in communities of religious women, there is a centralization of power in the provincial superior. In these communities, local superiors are not~ allowed to grant dispensations from the constitutions even for good reasons; and all appointments and permissions, even the more insignificant ones, are made by the .provincial su-periors. Local superiors, often mature people who would govern well, .are restricted to doing nothing that is "not in the book." Examples of the lack of subsidiarity are too well known to need repetition. Perhaps in times past there might have been some justification for such a con-centration of power; all. religious were not educated, and imprudent permissions might have resulted if too much power had been given ~o local superiors. But to-day, the religious vocation demands a degree of ma-turity in each individual; this maturity can be fostered 'and will. flourish only if subsidiarity is expressed in the general and particular laws for religious. Professional Competence The third principle is:. The active religious in the modern wo~ld must be a competent professional. This principle is perhaps the most important and far reach-lng of the three. Implicit in this principle is the need for a new mentalit~ insofar as the apostolic life of re-ligious is concerned. Moreover, realizing this principle requires that the formation o~ religious for the aposto- !ate be so ordered that greater stress is placed upon maturity than upon conformity. In the .past, profes-sional competence and the corresponding professional mode of organization which must be pre~ent to.produce professional competence were not so important because the society in which the Church existed and even flourished was not dominated by professionally compe-tent people. But now it is; the people who control ideas, the people with whom religious must compete for men's minds, are professionally competent and work in an atmosphere where the professional mode of organiza-tion dominates. Unless the Church integrates profes-sional competence into the total concept of the religious life, there will be no true adaptation of religious com-munities to meet the apostolic challenge of our times. Stressing the need for professional competence does not mean that religious should be judged solely by the technical exceUence with which they teach or. carry out. ¯ the apostolate. We all know that God accomplishes more through the virtuous than through those who are merely technically competent. No~ does it mean that all. re- Revising Canon. + ÷ ÷ Kevin ' D . O' Rour lw, O.P. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 540 ligious must have die ability-to do their professional work as well as their non-Catholic counterpart. But stressing professional competence does mean that we must adapt ~ new mentality, a mentality which will allow those who are able to. do so to excel as professionMs in their apostolic activities and thus have a much greater influence upon the minds of men.3 The mentality of professional competence is con-trasted to the present apostolic mentality of religious organizations by Joseph Fichter, S.J., in the following mann'er:4 Organization involves: 1. centralized leader-ship, 2. emphasis on procedure, 3. simp.lification of tasks, 4. little initiative, 5. corporate r.esponsibility, 6. imper-sonal relations, 7. ascribed status, 8. service to the system. The professional mode of organization, on the other hand, requires: I. leadership of expertness, 2. variabil-ity of proceduresl 3. totality of tasks~ 4. broad initiative, 5. personal responsibility, 6. close colleague relations, 7. achieved status, 8. service to the client (Religion as an Occupation; Notre Dame Press, 1961, p. 224). In other words, if someone becomes a competent professional in an apostolic religious community in America today; he or she does it in spite of the system not through and because of it. The apostolic spirit of the religious group. centers more .upon conformity than upon initiative. For this reason we have remained upon the fringe of those who influence society; at times one of our members may move into the influence group, that group of profes-sionals who are respected for their ability and wisdom; but we must all admit that this is not the ordinary case. What part of changing the apostolic mentality of re-lig! ous could canon law play? Changing a mentality, it seems, is accomplished only through non-legal means, for 'example, through an enthusiastic movement. Yet, any change in attitude or mentality, if it is to make a stable and lasting contribution to the common good, must be incorporated into the law. Enthusiasm may sur-vive and contribute to the common good for one genera-tion or two, but only through the law can we perma- 8 Notice ihat the need for a mentality of professional competence is confined to the apostolic effort of the community. The bureau-cratic mentality, or the stress.upon conformity, is necessary insofar as the common life is coficerned or else chaos would result in the ~ommunity. There will always be, therefore, a tension between con-formity and initiative in the life of an active religious, but it seems that in our time, the tendency to conformity has overcome initiative ¯ and hence apostolic life is severely hampered. ~Father Fichter states ihat the re.ligious mode of organization resembles thd bureaucratic, but in using this word he does not in-tend to convey the pejorative overtones that this word implies. Bu-reaucratic organization is necessary and good for some societies ~nd their activities but not, it seems, for the religious society in its apostolic effort. nently, maintain the benefits of enthusiastic movements. The liturgical movement, for example, changed the thinking of many in regard to the liturgy; But ~he change in mentality was 0nly put into .practical effect through the new law on the liturgy promulgated by Vatican Council II. Through ~he law, then, it must,be made clear that the training of religious should be so designed as to develop maturity.Supeiiors and subjects alike should be instructed in the need for personal responsi-bility and the development of initiative. By framing legislation which allows for~the development of profes-sional competence through rather than in spite of re-ligious life, we will most certainly assure that religious will adapt to present day needs of apostolic activity. This thinking is not foreign to the mind of the Holy Father. When speaking ab6ut renewal in the Church, Pope Paul VI said: Let us repeat once again for our common admonition, and profit, the Church will rediscover her renewed youthfulness not so much by changing her exterior laws as by interiorly assimilat-ing her true spirit of obedience to Christ and accordingly by ob-serving those laws which the Church prescribes for herself with the. intention of following Christ. Here is the secret of her renewal, here her exercise of perfec-tion. Even though the Church's law might be made easier to observe by the simplification of some of its precepts and by placing confidence in the liberty of the modern Christian with his greater knowledge ofhis duties and his greater maturity and wisdom in choosing the means to fulfill them, the law neverthe-less retains its essential binding force (Ecclesiam Suam). The significant words here are: "the Church's law might be made easier to observe by. placing confidence in the liberty of the modern Christian with his greater knowledge of his duties and his greater maturity and wisdom in choosing the means to fulfill them . " This principle is not restricted to lay people; it applies to religious as well. By stressing this note of personal responsibility in all laws which concern the discipline and training of religious, significant progress will be made in forming the type of apostle who will win the world for Christ. Arguing for the adaptation and implementation of this principle does not in any way mitigate the need for ready and prompt obedience to the mind of Christ; rather it increases it. Nor does this principle signify a departure from the traditional interpretation which pictures religious obedience as a conformation of the intellect as well as of the will of the subject to the intel-lect and will of the superior who takes the place of Christ. Neither does it propose a false dichotomy be-tween law and love as motives for observing the law, as some do. Nor does it naively imply that religious should 4- ÷ Reoising t~anon Law VOLUME 24, 1965 determine what course their training should take, as though those who are .in the process of training are al-ready mature religious. Rather, this principle seeks to stress that in the process of training, maturity and ini-tiative must be tho?oughly developed so that active re-ligious can carry the message of Christ in a way that will have great impa~t upon the world. In a word, the prin-ciple of professional competence opts for a system of formation and an active apostolate which will feature religious maturity integrated with religious obedience, an apostolate and formation that will depend more upon the initiative and personal responsibility of the individual religious [or fulfillment and perfection than upon conformity to the group or direction by a su-perior. These, then, are the three principles which seem to be basic in any meaningful revision of canon law. If the revisers o~ the Code are interested in putting patches upon an aged and venerable, garment, then principles of revision need not be discussed or applied; but if they wish to face the problems of religious life and the apostolate head-on, .if they wish to update and adapt canon law to modern needs and situations, then princi-ples such as those stated above should be used when re-vising the canon law for religious. Kevi. D. O'Rour/~, OJ). REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS MOTHER M. ANGELICA,'P.C. One Heart and One Soul At the third session of the Vatican Council, a sum-mary of the Council document on religious had only a very passing reference to contemplative orders. These brief paragraphs reiterate the necessity of renewal and rejuvenation in these institutes. The fact that we are not engaged in the active life does not exempt us from necessary and careful examination and reevaluation of certain secondary details in. the general structure ofour life. Before we accomplish tl~is renewal, we must first of. all realize that when the Church speaks she is speaking to her contemplative religious as well as to the faithful. Thechanges in the Mass and the like should be made not merely to show our obedience but that we may reap those abundant fruits Which these changes seek to pro-mote. The reluctance Of cloistered communities to com-ply with the directives and ~changes promoted by the -Holy See seems to reflect a certain misunderstanding of the nun's place in the Church. Because of long-stand-ing privileges and constitutions, nuns fail to realize that the changing mind of the Church must affect them as well as it affects the laymen. In their rightful place as the loving heartof Holy Mother Church, they should be solicitously alert to her need of them as a power-house of prayer and of vigorous activity loving God and their neighbor With all the strength and talents at their command. Contemplative life is completely penetrated by di-vine charity, which inspires its actions and rewards its effbrts. In a world of turmoil, we are to be the example of the spirit and love of the first Christians.A nun filled with love cannot help'but show that love; "and this love wil! foster in the monastery a beautiful family spirit a family spirit which makes each sister feel loved and free to love in return. Where love governs a monastery and union with God is the ideal of all who live there, for-malism and regimentation are' washed away by the h,ealthy lifestream of common charity. What exactly is the family spirit, and why is it so The Reverend Mother M. Angel-ica, P.C., is the ab-bess of Our Lady of the Angels Monas-tery; Route 4--Box 66 Old Leeds Road; Birmingham, Ala-bama 35210. VOLUME 24, 1965 ÷ ÷ Mother M. Angelica, P.C. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS different from prevailing, conditions in many monas-teries? What changes can be made that would be com-mon to all contemplative orders while leaving to each its own distinctive spirit and aim? This article is a fam-ily project in which each nun has made a contribution in some way, and the following suggestions are the re-sult of this common effort to open the windows and let in the fresh air. Although a monastery is governed by the superior and her council, all professed nuns--at least, solemnly professed--should share in that govern-ment. When this is the case, the nuns learn to take their rightful place in the community as mature and intelli-gent women, using all their mental and physical re-sources to aid the abbess and help relieve her in some measure of her many burdens and to share her respon-sibilities. There are .many advantages to this .arrange-ment; for example, a strong bond of unity ties the nuns together and unites them as true.daughters of the mother God has given them; warm bonds of friendship and understanding prevail where sisters feel that their sug-gestions and opinions are appreciated and valued; obedience is made more reasonable and easier when the nuns know they are all pulling together for a common good; they feel that the monastery belongs to them as theirhome--as in truth it does (this realization should do away with the necessity of asking permission to ob-tain needed articles, personal or otherwise, from the common store--they are entitled to this trust and free-dom). The family spirit must embrace the whole world but especially members of the active orders. In religious life we are not competitors. When we begin to think that one life is higher and another lower, we have failed in our concept of the Mystical Body. We all belong to the same religious family; we all have the same general aim; namely, personal sanctification and the salvation, of souls. The means We employ are different, .but we a~e still one.The contemplative nun must be aware of the sacrifices and hardships of her brothers and. sisters in Africa, in China, and in other mission territories, and in the hospitals, schoolrooms, and missions of her own country. What affects them affects her Spouse, and this must be of great importance to her. Only then will she be able to make her own sacrifices with greater gener-osity in order to provide the ammunition needed by those in the front lines. The active order sister, too, must realize that the contemplative nun has not chosen :the easiest life buta life that demands many sacrifices and. much love--not only to praise, love, and adore God, but in order to obtain for her other sisters many graces so they can better fulfill their vocation in the active life. .The general financial condition of the monastery should be discussed, with all chapter members so that they can intelligently practice poverty. When familiar with this condition, they will use needed articles in their respective work with greater care and economy. ¯ When all work is rotated fi:~quently, the nuns become aware of one another's, prob.lems and difficulties. This rotation.of work helps the superior to brin.g out in her daughters their abilities and talents--talents they never realized existed. If each nun is ieft freedom to fulfill her work in her. own way, even though it ma~ be differ-ent from everyone else's, the superior will help greatly in developing her personality and dignity as an indi-vidual. The superior of any monastery carries a great respon-sibility. She must not .so much command as.request, and this request must be given With love.She must lead, cajole, persuade, and direct her daughters through love, ever keeping in.mind their dignity as spouses of Christ. ¯ She should give them the opportunity, at lectures or chapters, to have round table discussions whe~:e ideas can be exchanged and suggestions encouraged. The nuns should be allowed to r~ad periodicals in regard to changes in world conditions,, new r.eligious. trends, and world crises. They should be kept abreast of the times and not allow themselves to become com-pletely .isolated. Recendy, major superiors were asked for observations and sugges.tions toward the renewal of canon law for religious. We were asked in what areas we thought re-ligious life needed study, discussion, clarification, and adaptation. The following are a few of our observations and I am sure there are many more that other com-munities will have: (1) Why could not all the major superiors of the con-templative orders meet--Carmelites, Dominicans, Poor Clares, and so forth--and discuss one another's needs and difficulties? Even though each order hasa different founder, aim, and spirit, we still have the same goal; and we could benefit one another by an exchange of ideas in the basic things common to all. (2) It' would be good to have some law requiring the 'orders to re-evaluate their-constitutions and directories every ten or fifteen years; and this should be done with + all the chapter members of .that community giving + opinions and suggestions. Many of the customs which ÷ we hold dear have become outdated and create among One Heart and ¯ young aspirants a feeling of tension and restraint, one Soul. Thege customs were beautiful and had great meaning when they were originally instituted, but the life of a vOLUME 24, 196s young girl in the world today is so different from what. 545 .÷. ÷ ÷ Mother M. Angelica, P.C. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 546 it was a century ago that certain customs have lost all meaning. (3) Most of our monasteries have major papal encl0, sure and all changes must be Approved by Rome. But climate and .local custom sometimes make it necessary for one monaster~ to make. changes that another would not need. It would be a tremendous help if some parts of constitutions could.be changed with the permission of the local ordinary, who knows that monastery and its problems. (4) The Sacred Constitution On. the Liturgy states that with the permission of their competent superior the nuns may say the Divine Office in English. With the English Office and the high school education that most aspirants. have, why is it necessary to retain the class of lay sister? Class distinction and rank have no place among those striving to imitate the first Christians who were one heart and one soul. (5) Many a local ordinary would no doubt be grateful if the. abbess or prioress had the faculty to grant per-mission for her daughters to go to the dentist, doctor, or hospital. New advances in medicine and treatments make it more necessary today for cloistered nuns to make trips outside the monastery than it was a century ago. (6) The greatest thing a superior can do for her com-munity is to make sure there is someone qualified to take her. place. There can be great danger when one superior is allowed to stay in office over a long period of. time; on the other hand, forcing an upheaval in a small community, every Six years can also be .detrimental. Set-ting a definite term .of years for one person in office seems to infringe upon the freedom of the nuns to vote, as mature women, for the superior tliey wish. Postula-tion and application to ihe Holy See seem to be extraor-dinary barriers which, influence voting. With periodic visitations, injustices could be handled when they arose mwithout influencing the nuns in either direction. This is a prbblem p.revalent in small communities. (7) It is understandable why a priest is bound under pain of mortal sin in the recitation of the Divine Office (although the helpfulness of this has been questioned); but why nuns? The penalty for omitting a small part of the Divir.e Office seems greater than the offense. A nun must recite her Office out of love, in a spirit of adora-tion, realizing that next to the Mass this is her most important work. A nun who is not imbued with this spirit is not really saying the Office but is only .pro-nouncing the word~, and the penalty of mortal sin will never give her the zeal she lacks. By the same token, the penalty of excommunication for breaking the enclosure in a minor point seems high. Again--the enclosure must be kept out of love. (8) Major. superiors should understand that their. nuns are daughters and not subjects.They must be treated as m~ture women with the right to an explana-tion of a command or request. This does not mean that they must have an explanation of every request made, but superiors should no~ resent giving hn' eXplanation if it is asked; a nun does not fail in obedi~nce.because she does not .understand. (9) The public accusation of faults, commonly called "chapter," seems to need some type of revision. The weekly recital of faults against rules and customs seems to have lost some ofits effectiveness; it hasbecome a routine exercise, that arouses little enthusiasm or inter-est. Unless public s~andal is involved, the minor fail-ures of religious ~hould be corrected by the superior or novice mistress in their lectures or private interviews. (10) It is becoming more difficult' to get vocations to the contemplative orders. It may be because young girls who feel they.have a vocation have no contact with us. Since letters can be very misleading in determining "a vocation, it may be. of help. to the order and to the aspirants if the nuns welcome them into ~h.e monastery enclosure on a specified day each year to give them a. better idea of the life, the monastery, and the nuns. An-other solution might be to have a representative of the monastery at the yearly vocation day p~ojects which many of the high schools conduct for their area. (11) Is it necessary to have age requirements for the election of officers? Is it not more important to stress capabilities? Here again, we must realize that young nuns are, for the most part, well educated and capable of handling responsibilities. (12) Extra devotional activities should be left to the individual nun and not be made compulsory by con-stitutional requirements. More emphasis Should be put on the Mags and the Divine Office as the focal point of the nun's spiritual life. (13) Excessive formulas at chapters for investment, profession, and so forth should be avoided. Often a novice finds these a real burden; and they leave her open to temptations, discouragement, and frustration. In-stead, the beauty of the religious life should be pre-sented to her so that ~he can prayerfully and gratefully accept this tremendous gift from God. We hope this article shows how many facets of our life need careful examination and .reevaluation not only that the nuns who live the life can do so with greater freedom and joy of heart but that those who consider living our life may find in it all. the means they need in this modern age to become great contemplatives. ÷ ÷ ÷ One Heart and One Soul VOLUME 24, 1965 547 CHARLES A. SCHLECK, C.S.C. Poverty and Sanctification ÷ ÷ ÷ Charles A. Schleck, C.S.C., teaches the-ology at Holy Cr6ss College; 4001 Hare-wood Road, N.E.; Washington 17,D.C. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS Oftentimes* we may have wondered why religious men and women have received as a kind of vested right the general title of "religious." Certainly, they are by no means alone in their practice and exercise of the worship of God; for this, as we know, is binding on the Church as a whole, on each and every member of the People of. God. It is established on the fact that all the faithful are consecrated to God by their baptism and have thereby received a share in the priesthood of the Lord Jesus ex; isting in power. Thus, their whole llfe is meant to be "consecrator~," ordained to cult, at least, understood in the broad sense; consequently, their entire life is meant to be reI!gious.1 Moreover, we know that there are per-sons who are not "i:eligious" in the usually accepted sense of this word but who spend more. time in their actual ~ worship of God than do those who are "religious." Yet only .those who have entered an institute in which the public profession of vows is made are called "religi0us.7 There is a rather special reason for this, admirably indi-cated by St. Thomas: "As stated above (q.141, a.1) that which is applicable to many things in common is ascribed antonomastically to that. to which it is applicable by way of excellence. Thus the name of fortitude, is claimed by the virtue which preserves the firmness of mind in regard to most difficult things, and the name of temperance by.that Virtue which tempers the greatest pleasures. Now religion as stated above (q.81, a.2; a.3, resp. 2) is a virtue by which.a man offers something to the service and worship of God. Therefore those who "give themselves up entirely to the ¯ This is the revised version of the second of six lectures that Father Schleck gave in the summer of 1962 to the Conference of Major Superiors of Women Religious of the United States. The first of the lectures was published in REvn~w FOR RELIClOUS, v. 24 (1965), pp. 161-87. 1 Pope Paul VI, Allocution on Religious LiJe, May 23, 1964, view FOR R~.mmtJs, v. 23 (196_4) p. 699. divine service, as offering a holocaust to God, are called religious antonomastically (or by special right).2 If we were to study the virtue of religion we would find that it is responsible not only for those acts which normally are its proper sphere, such as devotion or promptness in the service' 6f God or sacrifice or adora-tion, but also for those acts of other virtues which are commanded by religion's attitude and referred to it. Thus the acts of all the virtues, to the extent that they are referred to God's service and honor, become acts of the virtue, of religion. From this it follows that since a religious is one who devotes her whole life to the divine service, her whole life belongs to the exercise of the vir-tue of religion. It is a life in which every action is one of cult, one of worship, an act of her common priest-hood. It is for this reason that such a life is called the "religious life," and that those who embrace it are called by this special name. It is St. Gregory the Great who compares the religious consecration to a holocaustal offering: "When one vows something of himself to God, o. 2-2, q.186, a.l. "Admittedly, the doctrine of the universal.vocation of the faithful to holiness of life (regardless of their position or so-cial situation) has been advanced very much in modern times. This is as it should be, for it is based on the fact that all the .faithful are consecrated to God by their baptism. Moreover, the very necessities of the times demand that the fervor of Christian life should inflame souls and radiate itself in the world. In other words, the needs of the times demand a consecration of the world and this tasl~, pertains pre-eminently to the laity . However, we must be on our guard lest [or this very reason, the true notion o] religious life as it has tradi-tionally flourished in the Church, should become obscured. We must beware lest our youth, becoming confused while thinking about their choice of a state in life, should be thereby hindered in some way from having a clear and distinct vision of the special function and immutable importance of the religious state within the Church . for'this stable way of life, which receives its proper character from profession of the evangelical vows, is a perfect way of living accord-ing to the example and teaching of Jesus Christ. It is a state of life which keeps in view the constant growth of charity leading to its final perfection. In other ways of life, though legitimate in them-selves, the specific ends, advantages, and functions are of a temporal character. "On the other hand, right now it is of supreme importance for the Church to bear witness socially and publicly. Such witness is pro-claimed by the way of life embraced by the religious institutes. And the more it is stressed that the role of the laity demands that they live and advance the Christian life in the world, so much the more necessary is it for those who have truly renounced the world to let their example radiantly shine forth. In this way it will clearly be shown that the kingdom of Christ is not of this world. "Hence it follows that the profession of the evangelical dounsels is a super-addition to that consecration which is proper to baptism. It is indeed a special consecration which perfects the former one in-asmuch as by it, the follower of Christ totally commits and dedicates himself to God, thereby making his entire life a service to God alone" (Paul VI, Allocution on Religious Life, May 23, 1964 [italics mine]; REVIEW FOR RELIGtOUS, V. 23 [1964], pp. 699--700). ÷ ÷ ÷ Poverty and Sanctification VOLUME 24, 1965 549 ÷ Charles d. $chleck, C.$,C. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 550 and yet retains something for himself, it is a sacrifice on his. part. But when one vows to God all that he has, all that he lives, all that he relishes, then we have a holo-caust, which in Latin means all incense." s The reference which St. Gregory has in mind is unmistakable. The holocaust was the sacrifice par excellence [or the Jews in the Old Testament. It was the most perfect, the most excellent that could be offered to God. And the meaning of this action was symbolic. It indicated that God was sovereign, that man owed Him his complete and entire subjection. Thevictim offered was considered as going up in flame and smoke tO Yahweh. It was a sign or symbol or a kind of "saci'ament" of what was supposed to be the interior attitude of the donor, .of his inner worship, of soul, of the. complete gift and surrender of self to the Lord. The entire victim was consumed on the altar so that it might denote that the whole person of the donor was giving itself to God for the purpose of union in life.4 What was offered to Yahweh was life, not death; and it was offered joyfully and freely. The New Testament, since it is the completion and fulfillment of the Old, asks an even more perfect act of sacrifice and holocaust. And this is found especially in the religious profession which has not only an individual dimension but a christic and ecclesial dimension as well. It is an act which signifies the complete dominion which God has over" the whole of creation; and it is an act which signifies most perfectly the act of redemption par excellence, the paschal mystery. The two elements which are found in this holocaustal act of the Lord--the spirit which prompted him to undergo it, namely, divine charity or love for the Father and men, and the human nature in and through which this act was undergone-- are found also in the religious profession whereby one dedicates and consecrates hi~s or her entire life and per-son to the service of God in such a way that this person and life pertains to o~cially accepted or public cult. The religious vocation is a call or an invitation from God, an act by which He through a special communica-tion of His salvific and loving mercy stoops down, so to speak, and touches certain persons in the Church, en-abling them or appointing them to exercise a symbolic and sacramental ministry or dial~onia in the Church, His Body. They are called to be a sign of the Person, not merely individual, but also social, corporal, the Body- Person which is the Church in search for God; they are called to be a sign of the heavenly Jerusalem, the bride who has been adorned not by the artistry of men, but from heaven, by an artistry that comes from above, wait- 8 In Ezechielern, Hom. 8, bk. 2, P.L., 76, 1037. ~ 1-2, q.102, a.3, ad 8 and 9; see also Lv 1:1-17. ing for the Lord with the eagerness of a bride ready .to meet her husband.5 The religious proIession, in its turn, is merely a re-sponse to this invitation implying the gift and complete surrender of one's person to the Lord by way of public consecration. This profession is merely' an,outward ex-pression or manifestation or epiphany of an inward love. It is the public and ritual revelation' of the most fundamental duty and response which the creature can make to the Creator. For by it more than by" any other merely human act we tell God that He is God, that we are His creatures, that we are at His complete disposal, that His will is the law and center of our life. Thug, at the basis of this ritual and holocaustal gift there must lie a most intense activity of' the virtues of love and religion especially, but also of the ~other virtues as well, since the infused virtues grow and operate with proportionate in-tensity.~ When we ask ourselves what this profession involves, the answer, is quite clear. It involves the living of the common life (for those who are religious in the strict sense of this word) and the .observance of the evangelical counsels under vow3 There is a long history behind this de facto ~ituation, one which we cannot go into in the present article. Suffice it to say that in the early Church one of the marks that Was characteristic according to the idyllic presentation of the Acts of the Apostles (2:42) was the sharing of things in common. Just exactly what this implied is not certain, but most probably it was nothing more than a deep concern and spontaneous generosity in regard .to the material needs of the members of the Christian community. The earliest form of asceticism-- implying consecration also--seems to have been the practice of virginity for the sake of the kingdom of God.s While a kind of apostolic poverty was practised from the v.ery beginning of the Church, still the stark message of the gospel: "Go sell what thou hast and give ¯ to the poor," did not receive any "specialized" response until the time of St. Antony (d. 356). A~ first the practice was .personal, that is, not pract!sed in community, as was .also true of virginity; and it was characterized by a spiritual joy, the hope of heaven, and trust and confidence and hope in the Lord. From a personal prac-tice aimed at bringing out the perfection of hope and ~Ap 21:2. e 1-2, q.66, a.2. ~ There are some few exceptions with regard to the demand of liv-ing dommunity life; for example, the Daughters of the Heart of Mary. See. Suzanne Cita-Malard, Religio~s Orders o! Women (New York: Hawthorn, 1964), p. 21. 8 1 Cot.7. 4- Poverty and Sanctification VOLUME 24, 1965 ultimately of charity, .it was soon transformed into a community af
