Suchergebnisse

National audience ; The climate issue doesn't seem to figure as a top priority on the agenda of the French government and diplomacy. Yet, it was the President, Francois Hollande, himself who suggested in September 2012 that the meeting, aiming to seal a new global agreement on climate change, should be held in Paris on December 2015. The U.S. however, has already submitted key proposals for the conference, and is the first to have done so. Everything is still up for negotiation. The broad lines of the agreement due to be signed in Paris are however already know: 1) no international binding agreement, but only the implementation of "national policies", 2) no member State commitment, but only "contributions" and 3) an end to the bifurcated approach (sic the American proposal) of the moribund Kyoto Protocol, where only developed countries were committed to reducing their greenhouse gas emissions with the result we know. This time round, voluntary contributions, of a diverse nature, are expected from the majority of countries, including those both emerging and developing. Unfortunately, however, the objectives already expected to be taken to reduce greenhouse gas emissions won't work miracles with regard to the stabilisation of emissions. Reaching a broadly acceptable compromise safeguarding solidarity with the most vulnerable countries and communities would require, at the very least, active diplomacy well ahead of December 2015. ; Le climat ne semble pas au plus haut de l'agenda du gouvernement français et de sa diplomatie. C'est pourtant le Président François Hollande qui a proposé, en septembre 2012, que la réunion censée conclure un nouvel accord global sur le climat se tienne à Paris en décembre 2015. Les Etats-Unis, eux, ont déjà soumis - premier pays à l'avoir fait - leurs propositions clés pour la conférence. Tout reste à négocier. Les grandes orientations de l'accord qui devrait être signé à Paris sont cependant déjà connues : 1) pas d'accord international contraignant, mais seulement des " politiques ...

This paper describes three Bolivian policy reversals on aid, trade and climate change. The standard IPE explanation for policy reversals - a change in the payoff of cooperation - often begs the question of why a small developing state might choose to restrict its global policy space in contexts of changing rules and power shifts. This paper offers three analytic narratives of policy reversals, and tries to make sense of "exit" from global governance, first, from the perspective of Bolivian foreign policy; and, second, from the perspective of the literature on international political economy. Not every problem of global governance is a "problem" for a small Andean economy, and vice versa; the constraints of small developing economies are unlikely to be "binding" for major players of the global economy. The paper concludes with some thoughts on how policy reversals illustrate the range of strategic behavior available to small states.

This symposium, 'Conceptualizing New Governance Arrangements', takes up the challenge of refining governance theory to better integrate work in several disciplines, most notably politics, public administration and law. To this end, we argue for a theoretical framework that profiles three key dimensions of governance: institutional, political and regulatory. This framework, in our view, offers new insights into the nature and operation of various governance arrangements, and offers the potential to assess and measure change within such arrangements over time. After describing our methodology for selecting and analysing the case studies profiled in the symposium, we introduce each of the articles that apply our three‐dimensional governance framework. These articles employ the framework to consider a variety of contemporary governance scenarios that vary widely by sector (environmental, climate change, forestry and education policy) and level of analysis (sub‐national, national, and bi‐national).

International audience ; Organization of the post-Soviet space has been fundamentally and permanently transformed since the collapse of the USSR. A 'territorial transition' was sketched in the context of a diversification of actors in the political, economic and social fields, be it at state level, entrepreneurial or informal, national or international. Marked by dynamics of fragmentation, disintegration, but also integration and unification, this process has been redrawing the map of Europe and Asia. Depending on the regions and scales, these spatial dynamics give rise to a heterogeneous territory where both countries integrated into the European Union and countries linked to Western and Southern Asia co-exist now around Russia.In this context, the restructuring of the means of production in times of economic crisis, the liberalization of exchange based on offer and demand and redefining the geopolitical balance modified the position of countries of Central Asia and the Caucasus within the global arena. In the bipolar world, as a Soviet region, Central Asia was generally perceived to be in the 'developed world' in scientific works and expert reports, although some works questioned its inclusion in the "third-world". For many, the unity of the Soviet space, based on the centre-periphery model, outweighed regional inequalities although Central Asia was sometimes considered to be a "dominated periphery". Twenty years on from the commencement of the 'transition' and in the context of a global world, Central Asian and Caucasian countries are associated with the idea of the "South", irrespective of the different paths taken.This "third-worldization", an original evolution by all accounts, results from the magnitude of the economic and social crisis that followed the disintegration of the USSR. But this idea is also based on a classic post-colonial analysis of the post-Soviet space, the frontier between "North" and "South" corresponding in almost all publications to the Southern border of the former metropole, Russia.This analysis is also based on the identification of characteristics of post-colonial situations: the expansion of landlockedness as a result of the internationalization of former inter-republican Soviet borders ; the increase in migrations of imperial populations to their homeland ; and the boom in labour migration towards the former metropole. A new geography of development thus takes form in a post-Soviet world where, between "North" and "South", societies and territories are changing, in the context of increasing socio-political inequalities and transformation of practices of mobility.

International audience ; Organization of the post-Soviet space has been fundamentally and permanently transformed since the collapse of the USSR. A 'territorial transition' was sketched in the context of a diversification of actors in the political, economic and social fields, be it at state level, entrepreneurial or informal, national or international. Marked by dynamics of fragmentation, disintegration, but also integration and unification, this process has been redrawing the map of Europe and Asia. Depending on the regions and scales, these spatial dynamics give rise to a heterogeneous territory where both countries integrated into the European Union and countries linked to Western and Southern Asia co-exist now around Russia.In this context, the restructuring of the means of production in times of economic crisis, the liberalization of exchange based on offer and demand and redefining the geopolitical balance modified the position of countries of Central Asia and the Caucasus within the global arena. In the bipolar world, as a Soviet region, Central Asia was generally perceived to be in the 'developed world' in scientific works and expert reports, although some works questioned its inclusion in the "third-world". For many, the unity of the Soviet space, based on the centre-periphery model, outweighed regional inequalities although Central Asia was sometimes considered to be a "dominated periphery". Twenty years on from the commencement of the 'transition' and in the context of a global world, Central Asian and Caucasian countries are associated with the idea of the "South", irrespective of the different paths taken.This "third-worldization", an original evolution by all accounts, results from the magnitude of the economic and social crisis that followed the disintegration of the USSR. But this idea is also based on a classic post-colonial analysis of the post-Soviet space, the frontier between "North" and "South" corresponding in almost all publications to the Southern border of the former metropole, Russia.This analysis is also based on the identification of characteristics of post-colonial situations: the expansion of landlockedness as a result of the internationalization of former inter-republican Soviet borders ; the increase in migrations of imperial populations to their homeland ; and the boom in labour migration towards the former metropole. A new geography of development thus takes form in a post-Soviet world where, between "North" and "South", societies and territories are changing, in the context of increasing socio-political inequalities and transformation of practices of mobility.

International audience ; Organization of the post-Soviet space has been fundamentally and permanently transformed since the collapse of the USSR. A 'territorial transition' was sketched in the context of a diversification of actors in the political, economic and social fields, be it at state level, entrepreneurial or informal, national or international. Marked by dynamics of fragmentation, disintegration, but also integration and unification, this process has been redrawing the map of Europe and Asia. Depending on the regions and scales, these spatial dynamics give rise to a heterogeneous territory where both countries integrated into the European Union and countries linked to Western and Southern Asia co-exist now around Russia.In this context, the restructuring of the means of production in times of economic crisis, the liberalization of exchange based on offer and demand and redefining the geopolitical balance modified the position of countries of Central Asia and the Caucasus within the global arena. In the bipolar world, as a Soviet region, Central Asia was generally perceived to be in the 'developed world' in scientific works and expert reports, although some works questioned its inclusion in the "third-world". For many, the unity of the Soviet space, based on the centre-periphery model, outweighed regional inequalities although Central Asia was sometimes considered to be a "dominated periphery". Twenty years on from the commencement of the 'transition' and in the context of a global world, Central Asian and Caucasian countries are associated with the idea of the "South", irrespective of the different paths taken.This "third-worldization", an original evolution by all accounts, results from the magnitude of the economic and social crisis that followed the disintegration of the USSR. But this idea is also based on a classic post-colonial analysis of the post-Soviet space, the frontier between "North" and "South" corresponding in almost all publications to the Southern border of the former metropole, Russia.This analysis is also based on the identification of characteristics of post-colonial situations: the expansion of landlockedness as a result of the internationalization of former inter-republican Soviet borders ; the increase in migrations of imperial populations to their homeland ; and the boom in labour migration towards the former metropole. A new geography of development thus takes form in a post-Soviet world where, between "North" and "South", societies and territories are changing, in the context of increasing socio-political inequalities and transformation of practices of mobility.

Averting catastrophic climate change requires immediate action to prevent additional carbon dioxide and other greenhouse gases being released into the atmosphere. However, even that may not be sufficient, with many scientists now warning that it will likely also be necessary to reduce the existing atmospheric carbon dioxide load. That could be achieved using negative emissions technologies that remove carbon dioxide from the atmosphere and store or utilize it in some way. One promising technology is direct air capture ("DAC") which uses liquid chemical solutions or solid sorbent filters to capture carbon dioxide from the air and concentrate it into a pure stream. Current DAC technologies are highly energy intensive and must be powered by renewable energy sources to achieve negative emissions. Ideally, DAC equipment would be co- located with a renewable energy facility, at a site where carbon dioxide can be stored or used. There is growing interest in the possibility of locating systems offshore in areas with high wind energy capacity and sub-seabed geologic formations that are suitable for storing carbon dioxide. One possible site off the west coast of Canada—known as the Cascadia Basin—is currently being explored in a Pacific Institute for Climate Solutions study, called Solid Carbon. This paper was developed as part of that study. It provides a comprehensive analysis of legal issues associated with deploying an offshore DAC system, powered by offshore wind turbines, in Canadian waters and storing the captured carbon dioxide in sub-seabed rock formations.

In the first part, the thesis discusses structural change, not only from offerconditions but also from the point of view of the demand parameters. Following theHarrod, Prebisch, Kaldor and Thirlwall analysis, we identified the existence of astructural constraint to growth, as a result of the particular foreign trade dynamic inthe less advanced economies (demand for imports vs. demand for exports). Weexamined the different theoretical models that formalize such restriction and, weelaborated a Thirlwall's Law empirical test in five emerging economies (Brazil,Colombia, Singapore, South Korea and Malaysia).In the second part, the thesis examines the structural change process in South Koreaand Colombia, in order to understand how these countries, have deal with thisrestriction and how it has impacted their long-term economic growth. To accomplishthis historical analysis, the key concepts of French regulation school areincorporated. ; La première partie de la thèse se propose de montrer commentl'analyse du changement structurel doit être abordée, pas seulement du point de vuedes conditions de l'offre mais également du point de vue de la demande. La prise encompte de ces deux aspects du processus de développement, en suivant lesanalyses de Harrod, Prebisch, Kaldor et Thirlwall, a permis d'identifier l'existenced'une contrainte structurelle à la croissance, résultant de la dynamique particulière ducommerce extérieur dans les pays les moins avancés. Les différents modèlesthéoriques qui formalisent cette restriction ont été analysés et, un test empirique aété effectué sur la Loi de Thirlwall dans cinq pays émergents (Brésil, Colombie,Singapour, Corée du Sud et la Malaisie).Dans la deuxième partie de la thèse, l'accent a été mis sur l'analyse historique duprocessus de changement structurel en Corée du Sud et en Colombie, en vue decomprendre comment les deux pays ont lutté contre cette contrainte et commentcette dernière a influé sur leur croissance à long terme.

The political crisis in Venezuela is one of the most important regional developments for Brazil in 2016, along with its own domestic crisis and the presidency of macri in Argentina. michel Temer's new government has showed a willingness to undertake changes in the foreign policy of Brazil. The Venezuelan crisis is a crucial variable to analyse the political realignments after years of gradual progress in south American regional integration. The position taken against maduro's government symbolises a swerve towards uncertainty in mercosur and happens in the context of external pressure to sign inter-regional economic agreements. Unfortunately, the fragility of democracy is not an exclusive feature of Venezuela in south America, but a recurrent regional phenomenon. This intense political dispute has roots in the different economic models proposed for the region. in the 2000s Brazil reached a stable development path, called the Logistic state, which combines elements from neoliberalism and social developmentalism. Currently, the country needs to revitalise Mercosur and persuade the South American leaders on the benefits of regionalism over unrestrained globalisation. however, it is probable that the regional crisis will continue for the coming years. Thus, Brazil may progressively lose the position of regional leader and interlocutor with the outside world; and a disordered process of globalisation may permeate south America.

Cover -- Dedication -- Title -- Copyright -- Contents -- Figures and tables -- Acknowledgements -- 1 Introduction -- 2 The study of gender and 'race' -- 3 Gender and patriarchy -- 4 Arranged marriages -- 5 Dowries -- 6 Domestic labour -- 7 Domestic finance -- 8 Education, employment and marital status -- 9 Conclusions -- Appendix 1 -- Appendix 2 -- Appendix 3 -- Bibliography

Introduction -- Hydrographic and oceanographic characteristics of the Southern part of the Adriatic Sea -- Rivers of the coast of Montenegro -- Forests of the coast of Montenegro -- The Agriculture of Adriatic Montenegrin coast -- Regional Climate Change of the Adriatic Montenegrin coast -- Trace Elements in Mussels from Montenegrin Coast: A Risk for Human Health -- Tetrodotoxin in Invasive Silver-cheeked Toadfish Lagocephalus sceleratus (Gmelin, 1789) in the Adriatic Sea -- Some Results of Air Pollution from Passenger Ferries in the Boka Kotorska Bay -- Discourse Analysis of the Research Articles about Marine Environment Relating to the Adriatic Coast -- Coastal Towns and Settlements of the Montenegrin Coast -- Tourism in Budva, Bar, and Ulcinj area of Montenegrin Coast -- Landscaped green areas of the coast of Montenegro -- Quantification and classification of beach litter in Montenegro (south-east Adriatic Sea) -- Heavy metals toxicity in sediment and the marine environment -- Analysis of the Corrosion Resistance of Different Metal Materials Exposed to Varied Conditions of the Environment in the Bay of Kotor -- Legal Regime for the Protection of the Marine Environment Against Pollution from Vessels in Montenegrin Adriatic Waters -- Changes in trends of the seawater column parameters and sediment elements' concentrations from 2009 to 2018 in the marina located in the Northern Adriatic Sea -- Pollution from fish farming activities in the Adriatic Sea -- The Priority Areas of Innovations in Maritime Industry: An Application to the Adriatic Marine Environment -- Harmonization requirements for MSFD and EcAp (contaminants) in the ADRION Region: from sampling to data visualization -- Conclusion.

Abstract Atypical drought events have increasingly occurred in Brazil over the last years due to global climate changes. However, their consequences on aquatic biota in reservoirs are poorly known. We tested the hypothesis that macroinvertebrate communities are negatively affected by atypical drought events, given the sensitivity of many taxa to environmental changes. We predicted that: (a) there would be changes in limnological and sediment parameters between a regular year and an atypical year, (b) abundance and richness of the genera of Chironomidae and of exotic species would be higher due to the enhanced ability of these organisms to adapt to changes in the physical environment, and (c) community structure metrics (i. richness; ii. % richness; iii. abundance; iv. % abundance) would be affected by disturbance indices (i. Buffer Disturbance Index-BDI; ii. Local Disturbance Index-LDI; iii. Integrated Disturbance Index-IDI) in both years. The study was carried out in the reservoir of the Nova Ponte Hydroelectric Power Plant, state of Minas Gerais, comparing two sampling periods: a regular climatological year (2010) and an atypical drought year (2014). A total of 40 sampling sites were defined along the shore of the reservoir, and types of land use in the surrounding area of each site were measured, as well as physical habitat conditions, sediments, and benthic macroinvertebrate communities. Sampling was performed at these sites in the end of the rainy season in both years. The intensity of anthropogenic modifications was assessed at local scale and in the areas (buffers) surrounding the sampling sites using quantitative disturbance indices. There were striking differences in limnological parameters and sediment characteristics between sampling periods. Taxonomic richness was significantly lower in the drought year. As opposed to our predictions, richness and abundance of Chironomidae and exotic species did not increase with the atypical drought event. Besides, most community structure metrics showed a significant relationship with disturbance indices only during the regular climatological year, thus indicating that the large-scale effects of water stress may override the conditions of local habitats and the surrounding landscape. Therefore, in addition to a correct political-environmental management of water resources at local-scale, which includes maintaining the water quality and the riparian and landscape integrity, addressing large-scale climate issues is required for the maintenance of the ecological integrity of tropical reservoirs.

So far, there has been mixed evidence in the literature regarding the relationship between environmental attitudes and actual `green' actions, something known as the attitude-behavior gap. This raises the question of when attitudes can actually work as a lever to promote environmental objectives, such as climate change mitigation, and, conversely, when other factors would be more effective. This paper presents an online experiment with real money at stake and real-world consequences designed to test the effect of environmental attitudes on behavior under various conditions. We found that environmental attitudes affected behavior only in low-cost situations. This finding is consistent with the low-cost hypothesis of environmental behavior postulating that concerned individuals will undertake low-cost actions in order to reduce the cognitive dissonance between their attitudes and rational realization of the environmental impact of their behavior but avoid higher-cost actions despite their greater potential as far as environmental protection. This finding has important consequences for the design of more effective climate policies in a democratic context as it puts limits on what can be achieved by raising environmental concern alone.