Suchergebnisse

Under s 501 of the Migration Act 1958, a delegate of the Minister for Immigration may cancel or refuse to grant the visa of a non-citizen on the ground of "bad" character, a decision which can lead to the permanent exclusion of non-citizens from Australia. In its review of these decisions, the Administrative Appeals Tribunal ("the Tribunal") is frequently perceived as being too independent. I explore the role of the Tribunal, examining aspects of its performance having regard to the wider context and consider what the Tribunal's role should be when reviewing these types of cases. My historical overview reveals an area of decision-making, marked by an underlying tension between law and politics. In order to provide a framework in which to assess the Tribunal's performance, I provide an overview of the law and fact-finding processes. After briefly setting out some usages of "character" in philosophy and psychology, I explore its use in different legal contexts and show how it serves particular goals and is influenced by the various interests at play. I proceed to explore the two limbs of section 501, namely the grounds upon which a person is deemed to have failed the character test and the exercise of the discretion to refuse or cancel the visa. I show how the government employs various devices to shape Tribunal decision-making. I explore its independence, the fairness of its processes and the quality of its decision-making and conclude that although Tribunal members ultimately enjoy independence of thought, their ability to accord applicants procedural fairness is compromised. I argue that as members of the legal and, at times, the social community, the difference in treatment of non-citizens cannot always be justified. In accordance with this view of justice, I suggest legal reform, designed to better balance the values and interests involved. The bulk of my thesis relates to the law prior to the coming into force of recent amendments, although I discuss the impact of these changes.

It is determined in the article the specifis of lustration in Poland with the help of political analysis of the basic regulations (laws of 1997 and 2006) and Public Opinion. Research of the Polish society to this issue. Proved that lustration in Poland corresponds to the «model of historical investigation» based on the discovery and disclosure of the truth about the victims and the perpetrators, not on punishing the criminal past. Conducting the lustration in this way was not only due to the nature of the negotiation character of the democratic transit, but also the social demands on the part of Polish society, which sought to restore the justice, but was not radical regarding the culprits of abuse and human rights violations in times of the previous undemocratic regime. ; Определена специфика люстрации в Польше с помощью политологического анализа основных нормативных актов (законы 1997 и 2006 гг.), а также изучения общественного мнения польского общества по этому вопросу. Доказано, что люстрация в Польше соответствует «модели исторического расследования», которая базируется на открытии и обнародовании правды о жертвах и виновников, а не на уголовном наказании последних. Проведение люстрации таким образом было обусловлено не только переговорным характером демократического транзита, но и социальным запросом со стороны польского общества, которое стремилось восстановить справедливость, но при этом не было радикально настроено относительно виновников злоупотреблений и нарушений прав человека во времена предыдущего недемократического режима ; Визначено специфіку люстрації в Польщі за допомогою політологічного аналізу основних нормативних актів (закони 1997 р. і 2006 р.) та вивчення громадської думки польського суспільства щодо цього питання. Доведено, що люстрація у Польщі відповідає «моделі історичного розслідування», яка базується на відкритті та оприлюдненні правди про жертви і винуватців, а не на кримінальному покаранні останніх. Проведення люстрації у такий спосіб було обумовлено не тільки переговорним характером демократичного транзиту, але й соціальним запитом із боку польського суспільства, яке прагнуло відновити справедливість, але при цьому не було радикально налаштовано відносно винуватців у зловживаннях та порушеннях прав людини за часів попереднього недемократичного режиму.

Defence date: 17 September 2015 ; Examining Board: Prof. Marie-Ange Moreau (Directrice de thèse), Institut Universitaire Européen et Université Lyon 2 ; Prof. Hans-Wolfgang Micklitz, Institut Universitaire Européen ; Prof. Stephen Weatherill, University of Oxford ; Prof. Stefaan Van den Bogaert, Universiteit Leiden. ; 20 ans après l'arrêt Bosman de la Cour de Justice de l'UE, cette thèse analyse l'interaction entre le droit de l'UE et la lex sportiva, le droit transnational privé qui régit l'activité sportive internationale. Elle entend tout particulièrement éclairer la fonction de contre-pouvoir démocratique transnational que remplit le droit de l'UE dans ce contexte. La première partie de la thèse retrace les modalités de l'intervention du droit de l'UE dans le domaine sportif et démontre que tant les libertés fondamentales que le droit de la concurrence de l'UE peuvent être efficacement invoqués afin de contrecarrer les normativités privées transnationales. Ce contre-pouvoir n'est cependant pas aveugle : le contrôle de proportionnalité couplé avec la notion émergente de spécificité sportive permettent de tenir compte des objectifs particuliers poursuivis par la lex sportiva. Dès lors, une forme de dialogue juridique transnational se met en place. La seconde partie s'attache aux changements institutionnels et normatifs que cette intervention du droit de l'UE a pu engendrer tant au niveau des organes que du contenu de la lex sportiva. En effet, l'UE ne dispose d'aucune compétence (ni de capacité) législative pour se substituer à la lex sportiva. L'intervention du droit européen doit donc, pour être efficace, se traduire par un effet réflexif sur celle-ci. En pratique, cette intervention du droit de l'UE a donné lieu, d'une part, à de nouveaux modes de production de la lex sportiva, notamment en co-production avec la Commission européenne afin de se conformer au droit de la concurrence ou dans le cadre récent du dialogue social européen, et de l'autre, elle a contribué à faire naître les nouvelles fabriques de la lex sportiva que sont le Tribunal Arbitral du Sport et l'Agence Mondiale Anti-dopage.

Проаналізовано філософсько-правовий і соціокультурний виміри обґрунтування національної безпеки. З'ясовано, що сучасний вимір вирішення міжнародних проблем і тенденція зміцнення нового світового порядку створили неабиякі загрози для безпеки держав, поставивши під сумнів питання їх суверенітету і територіальної цілісності та викликавши занепокоєння у спроможності сформованих міжнародних структур ефективно вирішувати насущні питання безпечного розвитку держав і народів у нових умовах. Обґрунтовано, що концептуальні підходи до сутності національної безпеки суспільства у філософсько-правовій площині характеризуються визнанням пріоритетності захисту національних інтересів з одночасною підтримкою трансформації політичних інститутів, розвитку громадянського суспільства та зміною суспільної та індивідуальної свідомості в напрямку розвитку їх правосвідомості. ; Some philosophical, legal and socio-cultural dimensions of national security justification are analysed. A current dimension of international problems solutions and the tendency to strengthen the new world order are defined to pose a serious threat to the security of states, raising serious doubts as to its sovereignty and territorial integrity, causing concern in the ability to form international organizations to effectively solve the pressing problems of safe development of nations and peoples in the new environment. Conceptual approaches to the essence of the national security of the society in philosophical and legal plane are proved to be characterized by the recognition of the priority of protecting the interests of simultaneous support for the transformation of political institutions, civil society development and changes in social and individual consciousness towards the development of their sense of justice. ; Проанализированы философско-правовое и социокультурное измерения обоснования национальной безопасности. Выяснено, что современное измерение решения международных проблем и тенденция укрепления нового мирового порядка создали серьезные угрозы для безопасности государств, поставив под сомнение вопрос их суверенитета и территориальной целостности, вызвав беспокойство в способности сформированных международных структур эффективно решать насущные вопросы безопасного развития государств и народов в новых условиях. Обосновано, что концептуальные подходы к сущности национальной безопасности общества в философско-правовой плоскости характеризуются признанием приоритетности защиты интересов с одновременной поддержкой трансформации политических институтов, развития гражданского общества и изменением общественного и индивидуального сознания в направлении развития их правосознания.

One of the dimensions of legal reforms and development in our country is considering the concept "citizenship rights". In current law, France renovated these rights. By declaration of "human rights and citizenship" in 1789, it was revitalized. In Iran law, it has no long history. Today, public organizations play important role in the life of citizens as a few social, economic, cultural and political fields of society are not regulated from the executive power and local and administrative organizations. Supervision is a basic concept of public law and based on the views in definition of this concept, we can consider it as awareness of what is occurring and an implicit comparison between what is and what should be. For supervision, different classifications are presented. These classifications have different forms in terms of type. Today, due to its extensive role, government plays the role in all aspects of life of citizens via administrative organizations. Based on the extensive presence of government in society and focusing on public power, we should think some strategies to support the citizens against government power. This support is found in the rights considered for people and citizens from administrative systems. Based on development of rights, justice orientation, support of legitimate freedom and rights are duties of government and a part of it is done via support of people against administrative organizations and presenting the public needs and services. This study is regarding the evaluation of strategies of guaranteeing citizenship rights in administrative systems as different solutions are predicted to guaranty people rights in state organizations as various legal, non-legal supports. By considering the examples of citizens' rights and their consistency with administrative rules of Iran and based on guaranty solutions to support people rights and control of administrative organizations authorities, we can say despite positive steps regarding citizenship orientation and rights fulfilling, these rules as non-consistent and misleading people don't include all examples of people rights. Administrative system of Iran requires a complete, comprehensive law. DOI:10.5901/mjss.2015.v6n6s6p196

Non-classical analysis methodology of history comes from the fact that the position of the researchers are not considered to be absolute, as the sphere of their research is limited by research tools. Therefore the idea of plurality, additional description of reality and research methods due to the study of methodological support appears. Scientific objectivity is understood as an intellectual assent, the combination of multiple perspectives, but reflection of means and methods of knowledge– as a condition for achieving objectivity. But from historical part of view the past very quickly gains features of stable inevitability, so it negates any options of the development. The past is a given essence where there is no place for possibility. If we accept that the future is probable by its nature, hence it is also incredibly difficult to predict the future as well as to interpret the past. Differentiation of these scientific problems is connected with various scientific instruments. Post non classical methodology appears. Its distinguishing feature is constantly growing awareness of the idea that a science is a social institution and that is why the scientific pictures of the world predominantly determine the goals and values of scientific activity. The criterion of science is not the truth or justice but the efficiency which is determined by the objectives of economic and socio political nature. The position of the researcher is treated as an integral part which is embedded in the structure of the object under consideration and the scientist is not only an observer, but also a part of the reality which is studied. The border between the subject and the object of cognition disappears. The subject together with its method is part of the object which leads to complete destruction of the idea about the existence of an absolute observer. The process of cognition at the same time gains the features of the process of reality constructing. In this study the researcher not only opens the content but designs it as well when ...

В статье рассматривается отношение российских крестьян в пореформенный период к государственным законам, их приверженность обычаям в регулировании общественных отношений, особенно семейных и наследственных. Обращается внимание на влияние религиозных представлений на правосознание народа. Религиозные идеалы играли ключевую роль при осуществлении народного правосудия. Одной из характерных особенностей обычного права было его местное разнообразие, являвшееся результатом влияния множества факторов, в первую очередь, богатства этнического состава российского населения. В качестве иллюстрации народного правосознания приводятся примеры поговорок, анекдотов, других образцов народного фольклора, в которых отражается отношение простых людей к праву, закону, суду и государственным чиновникам. Подробно анализируются примеры применения обычного права в разрешении крестьянских споров судебном процессе. Исследования народного, обычного права в России, активно проводимые во второй половине XIX века, подтверждают, что правовая практика в крестьянской среде, в волостных судах, основывалась в большей степени на народном правосознании, которое ярко и образно отражалось в поговорках и правовых обычаях. ; The article discusses the attitude of the Russian peasants to state laws, their commitment to practices in the regulation of social relations, especially of family and inheritance shortly after the reform of serfs' liberation. Attention is drawn to the influence of religious ideas on the legal consciousness of the people. Religious ideals played a key role in the implementation of Russian justice. One of the characteristic features of customary law was its local variety, which was the result of many factors, first of all, of variety of the ethnic composition of the Russian population. To illustrate legal consciousness of the people, examples of sayings, anecdotes, and other samples of folklore, which is reflected in the attitude of ordinary people to the law, court and government officials, are given. We have analyzed in detail examples of the application of customary law in the resolution of peasant disputes in the judicial process. We research popular, customary law in Russia, actively carrying out in the second half of the 19th century, and confirm that legal practice in peasant communities, parish courts was based increasingly on legal consciousness of the people, which is clearly and vividly reflected in the sayings and legal customs.

There analyzed the political values of Ukrainian society in post-revolutionaryperiod. It is noted that the priority in the process of transformation of Ukrainian society is filling the vacuum of values and spiritual foundations of systematic research policy, attract attention of the general public to value problems of our society.The research of political values and ways of their transformation in the modern Ukrainian society is of particular relevance, since values serve as the core of the political system, form the basic criteria of the individual attitude to political life and determine their priorities. So now it is important to clarify their essence and describe the features of the transformation of politicalvalues Ukrainian society in post-revolutionary period. Within political science approach revealed that political values are summarized representation, seen as political ideals, fundamental principles of political thinking and evaluation criteria are ideal subjects in political activities.Determined that significant influence on the political values produce: cultural level and the level of the individual, the method of socialization, social and financial status of the individual, sexual, age-old features, and religion that holds a traditional values.Describing the values that formed in the development of Ukrainian society since independence, the system of positive political values as freedom, justice, political stability, civil society, rule of law, political loyalty, tolerance, tendency to compromise, responsibility, conscious, unbiased attitude to change, effective participation in political life, safety, equality, political sovereignty, patriotism, political pluralism, etc. legitimacy. On the role of fundamental values proposed today a national idea and political security.Thus, in the development of Ukrainian society is now an important issue is the transformation of political values as a fundamental component of the political system. ; Раскрыта сущность политических ценностей как составляющейполитической системы общества. Охарактеризованы ценности, сформировавшиеся в процессе развития украинского общества времен независимости. Проанализированы реальные возможности трансформации политических ценностей украинского общества в постреволюционный период ; Розкрито сутність політичних цінностей як складової політичноїсистеми суспільства. Охарактеризовано цінності, що сформувалися в процесі розвитку українського суспільства часів незалежності. Проаналізовано реальні можливості трансформації політичних цінностей українського суспільства у постреволюційний період.

IntroductionForced and coerced sterilization is an internationally recognized human rights violation reported by women living with HIV (WLHIV) around the globe. Forced sterilization occurs when a person is sterilized without her knowledge or informed consent. Coerced sterilization occurs when misinformation, intimidation tactics, financial incentives or access to health services or employment are used to compel individuals to accept the procedure.MethodsDrawing on community‐based research with 285 WLHIV from four Latin American countries (El Salvador, Honduras, Mexico and Nicaragua), we conduct thematic qualitative analysis of reports of how and when healthcare providers pressured women to sterilize and multivariate logistic regression to assess whether social and economic characteristics and fertility history were associated with pressure to sterilize.ResultsA quarter (23%) of the participant WLHIV experienced pressure to sterilize post‐diagnosis. WLHIV who had a pregnancy during which they (and their healthcare providers) knew their HIV diagnosis were almost six times more likely to experience coercive or forced sterilization than WLHIV who did not have a pregnancy with a known diagnosis (OR 5.66 CI 95% 2.35–13.58 p≤0.001). WLHIV reported that healthcare providers told them that living with HIV annulled their right to choose the number and spacing of their children and their contraceptive method, employed misinformation about the consequences of a subsequent pregnancy for women's and children's health, and denied medical services needed to prevent vertical (mother‐to‐child) HIV transmission to coerce women into accepting sterilization. Forced sterilization was practiced during caesarean delivery.ConclusionsThe experiences of WLHIV indicate that HIV‐related stigma and discrimination by healthcare providers is a primary driver of coercive and forced sterilization. WLHIV are particularly vulnerable when seeking maternal health services. Health worker training on HIV and reproductive rights, improving counselling on HIV and sexual and reproductive health for WLHIV, providing State mechanisms to investigate and sanction coercive and forced sterilization, and strengthening civil society to increase WLHIV's capacity to resist coercion to sterilize can contribute to preventing coercive and forced sterilization. Improved access to judicial and non‐judicial mechanisms to procure justice for women who have experienced reproductive rights violations is also needed.

In this forum five scholars bring their particular postcolonial perspectives to bear upon the constructivist concept of norms. Charlotte Epstein introduces the forum by considering what it means to theorise international politics from a postcolonial perspective, understood not as a unified body of thought or a new 'ism' for IR, but as a 'situated perspective'; and how this casts a different light upon the makings of international orders and key epistemological schemes with which these have been studied in International Relations (IR), such as norms. In her contribution Ayze Zarakol argues that the constructivist paradigm of 'norm diffusion' commits two fallacies: first, it mishandles the causal explanation because it conflates internalisation, socialisation and compliance. Second it reproduces existing international social hierarchies by treating (bad) non-compliance by non-Western actors as endogenously driven, and (good) compliance as the result of external Western stimuli. She uses Erving Goffman's concept of stigmatisation to show how our understanding of norm diffusion in the international order – or lack thereof – can be improved. Julia Gallagher's article examines the norm of good governance as acted out by the World Bank in its policies towards African countries. She uses psychoanalytic object relations theory to show how the Bank employs good governance to structure the world into good and bad objects, thereby overcoming internal ambiguity and creating an idealised self-image. Robbie Shlliam's contribution challenges constructivism to attend to calls for epistemic justice regarding the delineation of interpretive communities to the ostensibly "moderns". He does so by explicating the understandings of slavery provided by knowledge traditions inhabited by descendants of enslaved Africans. Vivienne Jabri's article mobilises Homi Bhabha and Frantz Fanon in a critical engagement with constructivist readings of postcolonial agency in the normative ordering of the international. She argues that a postcolonial reading of the international must account for both the discursive and material presence of the postcolonial subject, a presence at once both constituted and constituting of the international.

[full article and abstract in Lithuanian; abstract in English] Criminal justice can only respond to evidenced results of domestic violence, being un­able to reduce it. It is only possible to expect stable changes in cooperation through many areas influencing changes of people's behaviour, including education, social policy, and culture. The analysis of legal protection against domestic violence contrib­utes by highlighting the existing issues the emphasis on which helps to eliminate them. By researching the violent criminal offenses in modern victimology, it should be noted that there are crimes whose victims are women, including the criminal offenses related to domestic violence. Of course, the degree of a women becoming a victim of a crime depends on the particular culture of society and permits for aggression in so­ciety. However, thanks to the wide approach to the domestic violence topic treatment, there are increasing cases of women making offenses in their close environment. In accordance with the decisions of the European Court of Human Rights (ECHR) related to the topics of domestic violence, we can say that one of the main values should be the effectiveness of state regulations and actions resisting domestic violence. Other­wise, the violence in daily life may lead to state government responsibility to the ECHR. We can only hope that there will be more ECHR cases concerning domestic violence; thus, the decisions of this Court will affect the national law. The provisions of the Coun­cil of Europe Convention on preventing and combating violence against women and domestic violence should also be of high value. ; [straipsnis ir santrauka lietuvių kalba; santrauka anglų kalba] Siekiant sėkmingai užkirsti kelią smurtui artimoje aplinkoje, būtina žinoti šio reiškinio specifiką. Nuo viktimologijos kaip mokslo egzistavimo pradžios akcen­tuota tai, kad viktimizacija nėra reiškinys, vienodai būdingas visiems visuomenės na­riams. Kai kurios socialinės grupės dažniau nei kitos tampa nusikalstamų veikų auko­mis. Kalbant apie smurtą artimoje aplinkoje socialinės kultūrinės lyties požiūriu rei­kėtų turėti omenyje ir nusikalstamas veikas prieš moteris, ir pačių moterų padaromas veikas artimoje aplinkoje. Viena pagrindinių vertybių turėtų būti valstybės reguliavi­mo ir veiksmų veiksmingumas pasipriešinant smurtui artimoje aplinkoje.

Статья посвящена анализу особенностей политико-правовой теории и практики организации государственной и общественной жизни на основе Конституции России. Рассматриваются уровни развертывания смыслового содержания конституционализма: его смысловое ядро, включающее в себя конституционные ценности, идеи и нормы, и смысловая периферия, охватывающая многообразную конституционно-правовую практику и связанную с ней политическую, экономическую, культурно-воспитательную деятельность социальных субъектов. Особая роль отводится практике конституционного правосудия, которая выполняет функцию адаптации прямых норм Конституции Российской Федерации и конституционного права к потребностям реальной жизни, а также устанавливает систему правовых ограничений и запретов для правительства по ущемлению основных прав и свобод человека, одновременно обязав власти охранять, защищать и восстанавливать в необходимых случаях права и свободы человека и гражданина. Мера приближения конституционно-правовой практики к уровню, адекватному и тексту, и духу современной российской Конституции, указывает на степень корреляции ядерных и периферийных семантических компонентов российского конституционализма. ; The article is devoted to the analysis of peculiarities of political and legal theory and practice of state and public life organization on the basis of the Constitution of the Russian Federation. The article deals with the levels of the deployment of constitutionalism semantic content: its semantic kernel, which includes constitutional values, ideas, legal norms, and the semantic periphery, covering diverse constitutional and legal practice and the related political, economic, cultural and educational activity of social subjects. A special role is given to the practice of the constitutional justice which performs the adaption function of direct regulations of the Constitution of the Russian Federation and constitutional law to the needs of real life, and also sets up a system of legal restrictions and prohibitions for the government to infringe on fundamental human rights and freedoms, simultaneously obliging the authorities to protect, defend and restore in necessary cases, the rights of men and citizens. In this regard, the measure of approximation of the constitutional and legal practice to the adequate text and spirit level of the modern Russian Constitution indicates the degree of correlation between nuclear and peripheral semantic components of the Russian constitutionalism.

Анализируются правовые и нравственно-гуманистические черты Конституции Российской Федерации 1993 г., обосновываются ее стабилизирующий характер и необходимость сбережения как подлинно человеколюбивого закона. Идеями гуманизма и справедливости пронизана вся Конституция России, все ее главы и отдельные нормы. Утверждение, что «человек, его права и свободы являются высшей ценностью» (ст. 2 Конституции РФ) определяет всю аксиологическую составляющую Конституции РФ, её социальную ценность. Помимо глав и норм, адресованных непосредственно человеку, его правам и свободам, в ней определяются федеративное устройство России, разделение государственной власти на законодательную, исполнительную и судебную с четким анализом их полномочий, а также выделен целый раздел, регламентирующий вопросы местного самоуправления. Отмечается, что внесённые корректировки, а также ожидаемое в ближайшее время объединение Верховного и Арбитражного судов России в единый высший судебный орган страны (ветвь государственной власти) носят характер организационный; стратегического курса Конституции РФ, его сущностного, человеколюбивого предназначения они не затрагивают. ; The article analyzes legal, moral and humanistic traits of the Constitution of the Russian Federation in 1993, proves its stabilizing character and the need to be conserved as a truly humane Act. The whole Constitution of the Russian Federation is permeated with the ideas of humanism and justice, that can be referred to all chapters and individual rules. The assertion that «man, his rights and freedoms are the supreme value (Article 2 of the Constitution) defines all axiological component of the Constitution, its social value. In addition to chapters and rules addressed directly to a person, to his rights and freedoms, it defines Russia's federal structure, the division of power between the legislative, executive and judicial authprities with a clear analysis of their statutory powers, as well as a separate section, which regulates the issues of local governance. It is noted that the corrections made, as well as the expected in the nearest future unification of the Supreme Court and the Court of Arbitration of Russia into one supreme judicial body of the country (branch of government) have organizational character and do not change the strategic course of the Constitution and its essential, philanthropic mission.

In just over a decade, soybean production in Uruguay emerged from almost non-existence to second most important export product. The extraordinary rapid soybean expansion is often referred to as representing changes that go far beyond the mere substitution of one agrarian activity for another, but evolved into a broad societal concern. Accordingly, the soybean expansion has not only been debated in national media, but among NGO's, firms, scholars, farmers, political parties as well as within broad sectors of the state apparatus. Although the views expressed are allegedly about the soybean expansion, they are found to reflect much deeper values and assumptions about what is good, appropriate and desirable. All this ultimately represents discordant alternative visions and paths of development. This dissertation outlines and analyzes the dynamics of different, complementary and competing views on the soybean expansion in Uruguay between 2002 and 2013. These have in turn been related to wider debates about "development" of longer historical roots within the social sciences. Rather than exclusively relying on the mediatized accounts expressed in the public debate, often posed in a rather superficial and antagonistic way in accordance to some media logic, this study has made intensive use of in-depth interviews. This has allowed for deeper, more complex and nuanced accounts, as well as made possible to include voices that were only indirectly "represented" in the public debate. The main agreements and disagreements expressed in relation to the soybean expansion have been outlined, described, situated and explored. While constant contingency and unfixity are acknowledged, three main broader competing world-views, or discourses, have also been identified. These are discerned through the analysis of patterns of regularities in the articulations about the soybean expansion. The first is labelled "agro-ecology discourse", reflecting anti-capitalist notions and centered in values of local autonomy and justice. The other is labelled "pro-market discourse", reflecting market faith and centered in values of growth, dynamism and meritocracy. The third is labelled "pro-public regulation discourse", reflecting beliefs in development intervention and centered in values of progress and upgrading. ; FORMAS - 2006-2246 "The soybean chain in contemporary agro-food globalization: challenges for a sustainable agro-food system"

Turkey's role as a regional power has increased since Justice and Development Party (AKP) came to power. AKP leadership not only aspired to become a regional power but also a global player. Turkey has, therefore, assumed different roles: the "natural leader" of the region; a historical "big brother;" and the "protector" of the Muslim minorities. Turkey has also assumed a "mediator" and a "facilitator" role by trying to negotiate a deal with an emerging power such as Brazil in order to attempt to resolve the controversial Iranian nuclear issue. By making use of recent developments, Turkey tried to solidify its long desired role as a "rising power" by increasing its influence in its neighborhood and engaging with other emerging powers. The concept "regional power" is a context-based notion. In other words, the location and geography are contesting and disputed approaches. Notwithstanding the fact that concepts such as "region" and "power" are social constructed reality, this paper analyzes the notion of 'regional power' as a subcategory of 'power'. In this context, this paper will make use of Stefan Schim's criteria while analyzing Turkey's power capacity in the region. Schim posits that the "regional power" needs to have a "role definition," and it should possess material power (hard power). It should also have economic as well as diplomatic and organizational capacity. Its power whether it is 'soft power' (attraction of ones idea's and or the ability to set the political agenda in a way that shapes the preferences of other actors) or 'hard power' (material power that can be measured-economic and military power) needs to be acknowledged by other actors in the region. It should also be accepted by great powers and emerging powers that are determinant in the international system. dditionally, the regional power (and/ or global power) needs to have leverage, thus its power projection needs to yield results. Kalevi Holsti's role theory will be used as theoretical framework to analyze foreign policy behavior of the AKP. The paper will, thus, seek to find out Turkey's roles.