Suchergebnisse

Examines the politicized ethnic conflict in Soweto's Meadowland section, intervention by the Wilgespruit Fellowship Centre's negotiation and community conflict program, and other efforts that helped the community establish a zone of peace, 1991-92.

In 2000, hopes were high that a final settlement of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict would be reached under US auspices at Camp David in July. However, outbreaks of violence in May & Sept made it clear that these hopes were premature. By the end of the year, the Oslo process was in ruins & fighting between Palestinians & Israelis was continuing. Relations between the two sides & between Israel & the Arab world were at their lowest point since the Oslo peace process began. With a new administration in power in the US & Ariel Sharon as Prime Minister of Israel, the immediate future looks uncertain & bleak. In the longer term, there is widespread recognition in the region & internationally that there is no viable alternative to a peace process in the Middle East. Adapted from the source document.

Monopolistic and monopsonistic, (or the MM system) are always the core problems in the developing rural areas in Southeast Asia. This system is closely interlocked with systems of employment, tenancy and also the exploitation of the credit system. The social relationship and the ethnicity patterns have sustained the system over a period of time. Discrimination of education, health facilities and public welfare have worsened the problem even since the colonialization period. Why is the peasant unable to escape from the exploitative system? What are the main obstacles to breaking the ethnicity clan-dialect operating system? What are the myths that politicians held on the peasants from the rural area? Are there steps taken by the Government or politicians to assist the peasants in increasing the production? What are the steps taken by the MM operators to secure their MM status? How did the MM operator evolve after the war ended? Education, health facilities and public welfare play an important role in improving the living standard of the nations. However, what are the reasons behind that the kids from the rural area are unable to gain access to the tertiary education? What are the differences between the health facilities and public welfare provided in the urban and rural area? The surge of mass media allows the peasant to have a better view of current social and economic conditions. Politicians tried to sharpen the dissatisfactory feeling by spreading distorted views. In the end, all these erupted into vicious violence which shaken the stability and peace of the society.

Peace and stability have been core challenges in the Great Lakes Region of Africa since the years of independence from European nations. State building processes have been ridden by ongoing violence, characterized by two-sided or multi-party violence perpetrated by militias, national militaries, rogue groups, and even local civilians. The international system has prioritized peace accords and negotiation processes when parties in conflict decide to move past the violence, either required by external actors, or based on the instability of the situation on the ground. When warring parties and international actors sign peace accords to end conflict in an attempt to begin political dialogue, they often reinforce the international legal assumption that these negotiations will bring about positive change, including peace and stability. The cases of Rwanda and Burundi are complicated, with social, historical, political, ideological, and economic factors leading to violence on the ground. The Arusha Accords of 1993 in Rwanda and of 2000 in Burundi were followed only by short-term stability, with an eventual return to conflict. This study examines the effects of the Arusha Peace Accords signed prior to the 1994 genocide in Rwanda, and the Arusha Accords of 2000, which ended 12 years of civil war in Burundi. As shown in this paper and through our research, peace negotiations and peace processes take place in an unideal situation, yet in order for future peace to be achieved they must be attempted. The failure of Arusha in Rwanda and in Burundi show some of the complexities and challenges faced in these two case studies, and analyze why there was a return to violence in each case.

Peace and stability have been core challenges in the Great Lakes Region of Africa since the years of independence from European nations. State building processes have been ridden by ongoing violence, characterized by two-sided or multi-party violence perpetrated by militias, national militaries, rogue groups, and even local civilians. The international system has prioritized peace accords and negotiation processes when parties in conflict decide to move past the violence, either required by external actors, or based on the instability of the situation on the ground. When warring parties and international actors sign peace accords to end conflict in an attempt to begin political dialogue, they often reinforce the international legal assumption that these negotiations will bring about positive change, including peace and stability. The cases of Rwanda and Burundi are complicated, with social, historical, political, ideological, and economic factors leading to violence on the ground. The Arusha Accords of 1993 in Rwanda and of 2000 in Burundi were followed only by short-term stability, with an eventual return to conflict. This study examines the effects of the Arusha Peace Accords signed prior to the 1994 genocide in Rwanda, and the Arusha Accords of 2000, which ended 12 years of civil war in Burundi. As shown in this paper and through our research, peace negotiations and peace processes take place in an unideal situation, yet in order for future peace to be achieved they must be attempted. The failure of Arusha in Rwanda and in Burundi show some of the complexities and challenges faced in these two case studies, and analyze why there was a return to violence in each case.

Argues that government media monopolies and commercial media oligopolies promote particular commodities and identities that exacerbate international tensions, and calls an alternate media system to promote peace journalism for international and intercultural understanding.

Chayes, A. H. ; Raach, G. T.: Beyond fighting and winning. - S.3-22. Durch, W. J. ; Vaccaro, J. M.: The environment and tasks of peace operations. - S.23-37. Cervanek, C.: Lessons of the past: experiences in peace operations. - S.39-65. Vaccaro, J. M.; Peace operations and combat readiness. - S.67-82. Raach, G. T.: Military perspectives on peace operations. - S.83-102. Bacevich, A. J.: Military culture and institutional change. - S.103-113. Rosenau, W.: Peace operations, emergency law enforcement, and constabulary forces. - S.115-135. Cervenak, C. ; Raach, G. T.: Contracting and privatization in peace operations. - S.137-151. Chayes, A. H. ; Jordan, W.: Coalition management in peace operations. - S.153-170