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"'Women's question' and 'social question' are subject to the social critical theories of emancipation of the 19th and 20th Century. They were not just considered as antagonistic confronting issues, but as to be negotiated together. Starting from the criticism of the unfulfilled promises of the French Revolution, the 'right to work' and the emancipation of women was regarded as only together releasable social issues. In this article I am referring to the French early socialist Charles Fourier and the Russian revolutionary Alexandra Kollontai, who considered women 's question and social question as connected in their social theory and utopian ideas. Focusing on this, they developed utopian ideas for socialization of production and reproduction, in which the reproduction is considered to be a common task. In addition, Kollontai and Fourier stood for a new idea of love, which is also aimed at the separation of private and public, as their ideas for the socialization of reproductive and productive activities." (author's abstract)

While many authors have investigated the processes by which children are socialized into gender roles within their communities of practice, and others have taken up an examination of the ways in which gender is a consideration in language endangerment and revitalization, the process of gender socialization in communities working towards language revitalization has been less well examined. The purpose of this paper is to examine gender role socialization in the context of Native California language endangerment and revitalization. The goal is to gain a deeper understanding of the ways in which the ideologies linked to gender roles in the traditional cultures associated with endangered Native California languages of heritage are expressed and understood, particularly as they interact with gender ideologies from a surrounding, dominant society. The particular focus of this paper is an examination of the impact of those ideologies on the deployment of silence as a salient attribute of women's speech in contexts which are framed as traditional and closely tied to Native California languages of heritage.

Gendered stereotypes in the US military context often result in the creation of barriers for women. Constant confrontation with these barriers may negatively impact a servicewoman's career. The author argues that gendered stereotypes in the US Marine Corps (USMC) have the potential to undermine a female Marine's performance, and sometimes the performance of others around her. Through the application of ethnographic content analysis to thirty-five in-depth interviews (seventeen female and eighteen male Marines), this article investigates the possible consequences of gendered stereotypes in the USMC. Four themes regarding the origination, socialization, and reinforcement of gender-role stereotypes in the USMC emerge through the interview process. Findings suggest gender-role stereotypes influence (1) the perceived abilities of female Marines, (2) the initial socialization of Marines, (3) camaraderie and opportunities for female Marine mentorship, and (4) a culture of double standards. The aforementioned themes are compared to findings in the literature and implications for camaraderie, shared sense of mission, and leadership are discussed.

This article argues that mainstreaming responsible management education in line with the Principles of Responsible Management Education (PRME) requires close attention to the hidden curriculum (HC), that is, the implicit dimensions of educational experiences. Altering formal curricular goals and content alone is not enough to improve students' sense of social responsibility. Business schools are conceptualized in this article as multilevel learning environments comprising various message sites where students undergo moral learning and socialization processes. Using perspectives from HC research combined with transformative learning and communities of practice theory, the article offers an inquiry-based framework for PRME implementation that takes these moral learning and socialization processes into account. It provides suggestions for how to address the hidden curriculum both in the diagnostic phase of assessing a school's PRME needs and in the implementation phase where PRME is integrated into business school learning environments. The concept of meta-messages is introduced to account for how students apprehend the HC at business schools.

Статья раскрывает основные формы вовлечения женщин коренных малочисленных народов северо-востока СССР в политическую жизнь в предвоенное десятилетие. Цель автора - изучить процесс создания делегатских собраний, рассмотреть процесс вовлечения женщин и девушек в партийные и комсомольские ряды. На архивных материалах, ранее не введенных в научный оборот, автор выявляет и анализирует особенности политической социализации женщин северо-востока. Сделан вывод о значимости мероприятий этого периода в деле политической социализации женщин коренных малочисленных народов северо-востока страны. ; The author discusses the basic forms of the native minorities women involvement in political life within the north-east of the USSR during the prewar decade, studies the delegate assembly creation process, considers the process of women and girls' involvement in party and Komsomol ranks, reveals and analyzes the features of women's political socialization within the north-east by the archival materials which were not introduced in scientific circulation so far and concludes the significance of this period events in political socialization of the native minorities women within the north-east of the country.

This article is based on the assumption that the right to vote in national elections is not an essential dimension of citizenship for early adolescents as long as adolescents' other competencies and attitudes are nurtured in their everyday settings. The article addresses the issue of children or early adolescents and their political and civic participation from three perspectives. First, it examines how human rights and action in community settings have been viewed across the several decades in which political socialization research has been conducted. The idea of emergent participatory citizenship for young adolescents is introduced. Second, the authors examine findings from survey research to determine whether the socialization and developmental experiences of the majority of early adolescents entering the twenty-first century have resulted in attitudes and skills appropriate to being full citizens. The third section examines studies using qualitative methodologies—observations and interviews—to show how the spaces for adolescents to exercise participatory and deliberative capabilities can be enhanced.

Explanations for the roots and cures of the continuous divergence between East and West German political cultures tend to fall into two camps: socialization and situation. The former emphasizes the impact of socialization before and during the GDR era and ongoing (post-communist) legacies derived from Eastern Germans' previous experience, whereas the latter focuses primarily on economic difficulties after the unification that caused dissatisfaction among the population in the Eastern parts of Germany. The article argues that in order to explain the persistence and reinvigoration of an autonomous political culture during the last two decades in the new Länder, we need to synthesize the two approaches and to add a third aspect: the unification hypothesis. Although the communist period brought about a specific political culture in the GDR, the German unification process—based rather on transplantation than on adaptation—has caused it neither to diminish nor to wither away. On the contrary, the separate (post)-communist political culture was reaffirmed and reinstalled under novel circumstances.

Within these pages I engaged in critical autoethnographic storytelling, referred to as cuentos, to highlight the reflexive processes impacting my identity negotiation while in graduate school (an "Appendix" further explicating this critical autoethnographic approach is also provided). As will be seen, the reflexivity necessary to explore the impact my past had on my interactions while a graduate student stemmed from understanding borderland theorizing (Anzaldúa, 1987). Through cuentos about my Mago, Margaret Ruth, Margo, and Margarita Refugia identity constructions, I painfully expose lived experiences representing surreal, emotional, often devastating, unshakable, and unbelievable lived realities. In contrast to the cuentos sections of this article, the scaling the walls of the Ivory Tower sections are presented in a less emotional, more intellectual state of mind reflecting borderland theorizing about (post)colonial wounds and assimilationist socialization processes that eventually lead to my emerging conciencia de la Mestizo—processes that bring to light academic and socialization challenges I faced while attending graduate school as a racial/ethnic minority woman and single mother of lower socioeconomic background.

This paper highlights the importance of key educational experiences for studies of family socialization. It shows that these rare yet decisive educative events constitute opportunities for self-discovery and personal transformation. The empirical investigation is based on a large qualitative study of key educational experiences in Israel, using retrospective accounts provided by adults speaking about their best educational experiences, focusing on episodes that took place in the family. The results suggest that surprising challenges in the family affected self-discovery, and that these outstanding events allowed people to choose new biographical trajectories. Specifically, they point to the centrality of "outward bound" experiences and to the role that the crossing of normative boundaries plays in forming turning points in people's lives. Coupled with an undercurrent of supportive trust, these episodes constituted arenas for biographical turning points and had long lasting effects. Based on these results, the new approach proposed here seeks to complement cumulative models in family socialization literature, and to open up new avenues for research on families and the educational role they play.

Up to a million children and teenagers participated in the 2006 immigrant rights marches. Why do young people engage in protest politics, and how are they mobilized into such activities? A longstanding literature on political socialization suggests that young people learn from their parents, acquiring political attitudes and interests from older generations. This article argues that for immigrant families processes of political learning and mobilization also occur in the reverse: Younger family members can use English language skills and differential access to political information to inform and mobilize parents. The authors make the case for a model of bidirectional political socialization and show how intergenerational communication and interaction can increase a whole family's political engagement by pooling different information sources and networks: from schools and new technologies among teens, and from workplaces, churches, and ethnic media among parents. We build our argument on 79 in-depth interviews with Mexican-origin teens and parents living in Richmond and Oakland, California, who are U.S.-born citizens, naturalized citizens, legal permanent residents, or undocumented migrants.

AbstractWe examined associations of maternal and child emotional discourse and child emotion knowledge with children's behavioral competence. Eighty‐five upper middle‐income, mostly White preschoolers and mothers completed a home‐based bookreading task to assess discourse about emotions. Children's anger perception bias and emotion situation knowledge were assessed in a separate interview. Children's prosocial behavior, relational aggression, and physical aggression were observed during a preschool‐based triadic play task. Mothers' emotion explanations were correlated with children's emotion situation knowledge and relational aggression. Both mothers' and children's emotion explanations predicted prosocial behavior whereas mothers' use of positive emotional themes was negatively associated with children's anger perception bias. Physical aggression was predicted by mothers' emotion comments, children's anger perception bias, and lack of emotion situation knowledge. Maternal emotion socialization variables were less strongly related to children's behavioral competence after accounting for demographics and child emotional competence. Implications of these findings for future research on emotion socialization are discussed.

This paper is inspired by recent trends in narrative research that orient to the meaning-making actions of those involved in describing the life course. Applying concepts of narrative, discourse, and contrast, the complex meaning of growing up is presented by way of Lakeesha's story, one of the 20 women interviewed for a project on African American gender socialization. Rather than viewing the participant in question as having been subject to the ostensible forces and parameters of socialization, she was offered the opportunity to represent her growing-up experiences in her own terms. She talked herself into being, situating herself as a particular type of women throughout her growing-up story — strategically employing and manipulating particular cultural discourses to do so. Lakeesha's story is presented in this paper to illustrate a strategic model of narrative activity. In particular, I trace her use of the American Dream to analyze the ways that she situates herself with particular identities linked to local conceptions of successful womanhood. Methodological implications of this approach are considered in the conclusion.

Examines the Soviet Union's untypical non-use of force to combat the fall of communist governments in Warsaw Pact countries in 1989. Although the Soviet Union's material decline made some striking foreign policy change likely, it could have taken a much different form. A review of materialist accounts of Soviet concession in Europe during 1989-1990 is followed by a look at standard ideational explanations that either highlight processes of socialization, persuasion, & identity change or the effects of transnational actors united by shared expert knowledge. The focus is on how beliefs were accepted & implemented. The opposing views of German unification held by Mikhail Gorbachev & Soviet hardliners are explored to argue that Gorbachev's ideas prevailed primarily because of the authority of his position. It is concluded that both ideas & government structure were crucial in determining policy directions taken by the Soviets in 1989; however, internal learning is more powerful than socialization in making decisions about the use of force. The theoretical implications are discussed. Adapted from the source document.

Draws upon assessments of the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership (EMP) in the political science literature to analyze the role of the European Union & the impact of the 1995 Barcelona Declaration, which aims to establish a Mediterranean Free Trade Area by 2010 & encourages a wide range of political, social, & economic cooperation. The minimal success achieved to date has prompted debate about reforming basic elements of the project. The EMP process is examined in the context of the new regionalism research that has emerged in the face of increasing globalization & global problems. Current Mediterranean dynamics are addressed from two key political science perspectives: the hegemony/domination view & the socialization/inclusion view. A comparison of the two views in this case reveals their similarity to realist & liberal theories of world politics. It is concluded that neither the hegemony or socialization objective is close to being fulfilled in the Mediterranean region, especially in light of the present situation of Arab countries, which have heavily imbalanced economic relations with Europe. Future prospects are discussed. 1 Table. J. Lindroth

This article explores the extent to which military socialization at the United States Military Academy (USMA) shapes the identity of West Point cadets. Building on social identity theory, the article examines the relationship between the strength of cadets' military and national identifications, their levels of patriotism and warriorism, their attitudes toward the United Nations and peacekeeping operations, and their commitment to a military career. The underlying assumption is that commitment to different social identities affects the preparedness of military professionals for increasingly complex global security needs. The analysis reveals that, although successful in enhancing cadets' identification with military reference groups and boosting their warriorism scores, USMA socialization appears neither to affect cadets' patriotism scores or the potency of their national identifications, nor to strengthen their level of support for the United Nations or their commitment to peacekeeping. In addition, the data provide preliminary evidence, that West Point might be less effective in enhancing the military identity of its female than of its male cadets.