Suchergebnisse

From the Essay: There has never been one "woman question" in Russia, but rather many. During an extended stay in St. Petersburg in the summer of 1999, we attended a conference on women's issues and interviewed a number of women from all over Russia, trying to ascertain for ourselves the state of the "woman question" in post-Soviet Russia. In our conversations with women, it became clear that as some test the new economic and political waters, as others see their future in the traditions of the Orthodox church, and still others feel ill-positioned to succeed in the new Russia, the historical legacy of life under the Soviet system may prove the most difficult challenge for Russian women to overcome. Our discussions did not provide an answer, but we hope that what we learned can add some complexity and nuance to how the question is asked.

В XX-XXI вв. формационная определенность сменяется цивилизационной определенностью. Поэтому так важно рассмотреть социокультурные особенности России. Формирование системы социокультурных ценностей обусловлено тем, что Россия находится между Западом и Востоком. Этим объясняется наличие в России двух противоположных систем ценностных ориентаций и установок западной либерально-демократической и восточной радикально-демократической. От способа интеграции западных и восточных социокультурных ценностей зависит настоящее и будущее России. ; In XX-XXI ss. structure definiteness is replaced civilization definiteness. Therefore here we examine the sociocultural features of Russia. Forming of the system of socio-cultural values is conditioned that Russia is between the West and East. This is explain a presence in Russia of two opposite systems of the valued orientations and settings of western liberal and democratic and east radical-democratic. Of ways to connect Western and Eastern social and cultural values of present and future depend Russia.

Рассмотрена проблема доверия молодежи среднего города России к политическим партиям. В статье авторы отмечают, что в современной России доверие молодого поколения к политическим партиям играет важную роль, поэтому результаты исследования обращают на себя внимание. В работе приведены примеры исследований данной проблемы в современной России. Представленные результаты демонстрируют состояние доверия к политическим партиям горожан и молодежи среднего города России (на примере г. Таганрога). ; Article is devoted a problem of trust of youth of an average city of Russia to political parties. In article authors notice that in modern Russia the trust of young generation to the political parties plays an important role, therefore results of research attract attention. In work examples of researches of the given problem in modern Russia are resulted. Important that the presented results show a trust condition to political parties of townspeople and youth of an average city of Russia (on an example of Taganrog).

In August 2008, the armed conflict on the territory of Georgia's breakaway regions of South Ossetia and Abkhazia broke out between Russia and Georgia. The Russian-planned military campaign lasted 5 days until the parties reached a preliminary ceasefire agreement on August 12. The European Union, led by the French presidency, mediated the ceasefire. After signing the agreement, Russia pulled most of its troops out of uncontested Georgian territories, but established buffer zones around Abkhazia and South Ossetia. On August 26, 2008, Russia recognized the independence of South Ossetia and Abkhazia, making them a part of what Russian President Dmitry Medvedev called Moscow's "zone of privileged interests." Since then, Russia has deployed troops to five military bases on occupied Georgian territory. This conflict clearly demonstrated weaknesses inherent in NATO and European Union security systems. ; https://press.armywarcollege.edu/monographs/1575/thumbnail.jpg

Приграничное сотрудничество России и Финляндии становится важным, продуктивным компонентом всего комплекса международных отношений России с приграничными государствами. Приграничное и субрегиональное сотрудничество отвечает долгосрочным национальным интересам и является одним их главных катализаторов интеграции России с приграничными государствами. Важность приграничного сотрудничества состоит в том, что они способствуют вовлечению России в европейские интеграционные процессы и даю пример взаимодействия на уровне субгосударственных регионов. ; Cross-border cooperation of Russia and Finland becomes an important, productive component of all complex of the international relations of Russia and the neighbours states. Cross-border and subregional cooperation is equitable to long-term national interests and is one their main catalysts of integration of Russia with the neighbours states. Importance of Cross-border cooperation consists that they promote involving of Russia in the European integration processes and I set an interaction example at level of the substate regions.

Twenty years after the dissolution of the USSR, Russia is ambivalent about its former leader Mikhail Gorbachev. Far from being hailed as a hero, Gorbachev is mostly remembered as a disastrous leader. He launched a new era of openness with previously unthinkable freedoms in the 1980s, but in Russia he is also held responsible for the economic collapse in the 1990s. Most Russians do not honor him for ending the Soviet empire, either; Russian Prime Minister Vladimir Putin has described the event a catastrophe. He is viewed very negatively in polls throughout modern Russia. However, Gorbachev is not to blame for the lack of transparency in modern Russia, or the weakness of political parties, the return of the former KGB as a source of influence and power, or the violence that Russian authorities intermittently use against dissenters. Adapted from the source document.

Статья посвящена оценке состояния гражданского общества в России и анализу работы его трех важнейших институтов: общественных организаций, профсоюзов и политических партий. Проводится анализ направлений и особенности деятельности некоммерческого сектора в России; рассматриваются трудности работы независимых профсоюзов при агрессивной политике Федерации Независимых Профсоюзов России; прослеживается динамика развития многопартийности в России и оценка роли политических партий в общественном сознании. ; The article deals with assessment of the state of civil society in Russia and analysis of its three main institutes: public organizations, trade unions and political parties. The analysis of peculiarities and areas of activities of non-profit sector in Russia is carried out; the difficulties of new independent trade unions in getting over aggressive policy of Federation of Independent Trade Unions of Russia (FNPR) are discussed; the dynamic of development of multiparty system in Russia and the assessment of activities of political parties in public opinion is observed.

Россия, кроме высокотехнологичных вооружений, по преобладающему большинству промышленных изделий оказалась не готовой конкурировать с крупнейшими транснациональными корпорациями. Их бюджет сопоставим с национальным бюджетом страны. Единственным сравнительно достойным соперником в такой геоэкономической конкуренции может быть только российское государство, способное создавать стратегическое партнерство с бизнесом для инновационно-предпринимательской деятельности. В статье сформулированы основные принципы государственной инновационной политики России и стратегические задачи повышения конкурентоспособности ее промышленности. ; Russia nowadays, with exception to the high-tech equipments, in terms of majority of production products turned out to be unprepared to compete with Transnational corporations, whose budget can be compared to national budget of many countries. The only way for Russia to compete successfully is to do it through building strategic Public private partnerships for innovations and entrepreneurs in Russia. The main principles of Russia government's innovation policy and strategic tasks of increasing its production competitiveness are represented in this Article.

The article examines the assessments of the February Revolution in Russia, given by the French press in 1917. In general the French press welcomed the fall of the tsarist government. The tsarist bureaucracy incompetence and «special mentality» of Russian people were viewed as the main causes for the fall of autocracy. At the same time autocracy was regarded by the French press as the most suitable form of governmental structure for Russia. ; The article examines the assessments of the February Revolution in Russia, given by the French press in 1917. In general the French press welcomed the fall of the tsarist government. The tsarist bureaucracy incompetence and «special mentality» of Russian people were viewed as the main causes for the fall of autocracy. At the same time autocracy was regarded by the French press as the most suitable form of governmental structure for Russia.

Historians of Russia have not analyzed the roles that the memory of World War I played in Russian life, and Russia remains largely absent from comparative studies of the war and its legacy. Russian people did have "sites of memory" where they expressed myths, displayed symbols, and mobilized public opinion around the memory of World War I. Outside the Soviet Union, a non-Soviet Russian memory of the Great War flourished in the interwar years, and the war became an important memory that military émigrés used to overcome the rupture from the past (imperial Russia) and the present (Russian territory) caused by revolution and life in emigration. The war had a different expression in Soviet Russia, where journalists and publicists evoked its image, but not its historical content, to break the USSR from the Russian past and separate the first socialist society from its enemies in the present.

The Russia-Ukraine Relationship - Empire or Democracy?, by Annie Daubenton
The breaking up of the Soviet Union was thought to have severed the links forged by history between Russia and the Ukraine. Ukraine stated its new found independence within the CIS, rivalling Russia and banking on an equilibrium of East-West influences to assure its democratie transition. But Ukraine's economie liabilities, inherited from the dislocation of the empire (foreign debt, disputes over energy resources...), and a serious political crisis in 2000 hâve brought the two countries together, destabilising the equilibrium to Moscow's benefit and leading to retreats on reform. At the same time, Moscow's fight against "terrorism" in Chechnya is now seen in the context of international preoccupations (11 September) and has brought about the NATO-Russia agreement (2002), which seems to relegate the Ukraine to a secondary role on the international scene.

"In 1998, President Boris Yeltsin's government defaulted on its domestic debt and Russia experienced a financial meltdown that brought it to the brink of disaster. In No Precedent, No plan, Martin Gilman offers an insider's view of Russia's financial crisis. As the International Monetary Fund's senior person in Moscow, Gilman was in the eye of the storm. Russia's policy response to the economic collapse stemming from the disintegration of the Soviet Union was chaotic. Fiscal deficits loomed in anticipation of future budget revenue that never seemed to materialize---despite repeated promises to the IMF. The rapid buildup of sovereign debt would have challenged even a competent government. In the new Russia, with its barely functioning government and no consensus on the path toward democratic and economic transformation, domestic politics trumped economic common sense." "Gilman argues that the debt default, although avoidable, actually spurred Russia to integrate its economy with the rest of the world. In analyzing the ordeal of the 1998 crisis, Gilman suggests that the IMF helped Russia avoid an even greater catastrophe. He details the IMF's involvement and underscores the unique challenge that Russia presented to the IMF. There really was no precedent, even if economist Joseph Stiglitz and others argued otherwise. In recounting Russia's emergence from the IMF's tutelage, Gilman explains how the shell-shocked Russian public turned to Vladimir Putin in search of stability after the trauma of 1998. And although Russia's own prospects are favorable, Gilman expresses concern that the 1998 Russian default could serve as an unfortunate precedent for sovereign defaults in the future with the IMF once again playing a similar role." "No Precedent, No Plan offers a definitive account---the first from an insider's perspective---of Russia's painful transition to a market economy."--BOOK JACKET

The following article argues that energy security is an extremely important challenge for the countries of the European Union. Economically and democratically weakly-developed countries hold a constant fight, both open and hidden, for preserving and enforcing their energy influence in the world. Russia is the most vivid of such examples. Considering the events in the East of Ukraine, its closest European neighbours – countries of the Visegrad Four Group - should unite their efforts together and re-think their energy policies in terms of security and diversification. Establishing the EU Energy Union might be a solution.