Easing of U.S.-Iran Economic Sanctions
In: American journal of international law: AJIL, Band 94, Heft 4, S. 699-700
ISSN: 2161-7953
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In: American journal of international law: AJIL, Band 94, Heft 4, S. 699-700
ISSN: 2161-7953
In: American journal of international law: AJIL, Band 51, Heft 4, S. 865-937
ISSN: 2161-7953
In: European foreign affairs review, Band 17, Heft 4, S. 511-532
ISSN: 1384-6299
This article argues that there exists a discrepancy between the Union's external competence in the sphere of public health or health services and the Union's internal competence on health policies. While the TFEU brings trade in health services into the scope of the CCP and assigns it as an exclusive competence of the EU, the Union may still have to rely upon the Member States in implementing international obligations relating to trade in health services. This article also argues that health-related aspects of EU external economic agreements go beyond liberalization front. In addition to conventional equivalency test on SPS measures and mutual recognition agreements on TBT issues, they also cover public health issues relating to tobacco control, alcohol, illicit drugs, HIV-AIDS, and sometimes nuclear disaster and soft instruments governing regulatory dialogue and cooperation. Adapted from the source document.
In: The Economics of peace and security journal: Eps journal, Band 13, Heft 1
ISSN: 1749-852X
The Oslo peace process established a modified economic union between Israel and the Palestinian Authority. Economic unions require extensive collaboration and are generally found between states that enjoy pacific relations and are looking to deepen integration and political ties. The choice of an economic union between these adversaries is puzzling given that the aim of the peace process was to disentangle Israelis and Palestinians by establishing two separate states. Today, after the optimism surrounding the process has faded, it is easy to see the arrangement as a perpetuation of Israeli control over Palestinian life. However, such assessments fail to consider, first, the depth of the negotiations; second, the significant differences between the outcome of the negotiations and what was previously imposed by Israel; and, third, the gap between what was negotiated and what was later implemented. This article traces the genealogy of the economic union by exploring all three factors. While the negotiators did not start with a tabula rasa, they attempted to alter the existing economic arrangement along the European neo-functionalist model of integration. This approach was later largely abandoned, and what followed bore little resemblance to the positive spillover effects in Europe.
In: New political economy, Band 7, Heft 2, S. 157-177
ISSN: 1469-9923
In: Global governance: a review of multilateralism and international organizations, Band 8, Heft 3, S. 343-364
ISSN: 1942-6720
In: Research in economic history, v. 27
Amongst other European and US focussed topics, Volume 27 addresses: the macroeconomic aggregates for England, 1209-2004; capital accumulation in Spain, 1850-2000; British Estate Acts, 1600 to 1830. Notably there is also a contribution from the late William Parker , who chapter discusses historical trends in food consumption in the United States.
In: Challenge: the magazine of economic affairs, Band 56, Heft 3, S. 53-73
ISSN: 1558-1489
In: Challenge: the magazine of economic affairs, Band 16, Heft 1, S. 52-56
ISSN: 1558-1489
In: Journal of Palestine studies: a quarterly on Palestinian affairs and the Arab-Israeli conflict, Band 25, S. 46-53
ISSN: 0377-919X, 0047-2654
In: Europa Regional, Band 18.2010, Heft 2-3, S. 107-121
Forschungsprojekte und ‐studien zum Thema internationale Migration tendieren zu einer
Fokussierung auf Großstädte als Drehkreuze globaler Migrationsströme. Dem ländlichen Raum kommt dabei hauptsächlich die Rolle als Quellgebiet eben dieser Ströme zu. Insbesondere ländlich‐periphere Regionen werden dabei mit einer Konzentration von Problemlagen wie Überalterung, Abwanderung sowie wirtschaftlicher und infrastruktureller Ausdünnung konnotiert, die als Push‐Faktoren auf Abwanderungswillige wirken. Im Rahmen des Beitrages werden anhand der zwei Fallbeispiele Ostsachsen und Saarland die gegenläufigen Tendenzen – nämlich internationale Immigration in schrumpfende ländliche Räume – untersucht. Es wird analysiert, welches Potenzial internationale Immigration für die Entwicklung und Wettbewerbsfähigkeit ländlicher Regionen im Zeitalter der Globalisierung darstellt. Mittels qualitativer Interviews wird in dem Beitrag folgenden Fragen nachgegangen: Welche Chancen bietet die Migration in ländliche Räume für die Räume selbst und auch für die Migranten? Wie gestaltet sich das Verhältnis zur lokalen Bevölkerung, die sich aus den 'Gebliebenen' zusammensetzt? Es zeichnet sich ab, dass neo‐klassische Ansätze zur Erklärung internationaler Migration nicht einfach auf schrumpfende ländliche Regionen zu übertragen sind, da die dortigen Arbeitsmärkte weder durch Unterversorgung mit Arbeitskräften noch durch wirtschaftliche Dynamik gekennzeichnet sind. Auch neuere Ansätze, die ethnische Gemeinschaften, familiäre Bindungen und soziale Netzwerke betonen, eignen sich wenig für die Erklärung von internationaler Migration in den ländlichen Raum. Hier ist die Anzahl an internationalen Zuwanderern zu gering, um solche Bindungen, Gemeinschaften und Netzwerke als Erklärungsmoment heranziehen zu können. Eher gilt es, ländlichen Raum als Nische für bestimmte Typen von internationalen Migranten zu erkennen, die ländliche Spezifika für sich nutzen. Hiermit könnten ländliche Räume im Themenfeld um internationale Migration neue Bedeutung gewinnen.
In: New international relations
In: Proceedings of the annual meeting / American Society of International Law, Band 90, S. 593-596
ISSN: 2169-1118
In: Routledge research in international law
"Since the creation of the United Nations in 1945, international law has sought to configure itself as a universal system. And yet, despite the best efforts of international institutions, scholars and others to assert the universal application of international law, its relevance and applicability has been influenced, if not directed, by political power. Over the past decade, discourse has tended to focus on the implications for international law of a unipolar world, characterised by US hegemony. However, that the international system may now be experiencing a tendency towards multipolarity, with various sites of power able to exert a telling influence on international relations and international law. Recent events such as Russia's excursion into Georgia, the breakdown of the Doha round of trade negotiations, the USA's questionable actions in the War on Terror, the prominence of emerging nuclear powers, China's assertions of its own interests on a global scale, and the rise of regional trading blocs, all pose significant questions for international law and the international legal order. International Law in a Multipolar World features contributions from a range of contributors including Nigel White, Michael Schmitt, Richard Burchill, Alexander Orakhelashvili and Christian Pippan, addressing some of the questions that multipolarity poses for the international legal system. The contributions to the volume explore issues including the use of force, governance, sovereign equality, regionalism and the relevance of the United Nations in a multipolar world, considering the overarching theme of the relationship between power and law"--