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A valuable collection of experts and essays to explore the nuances of Kurdish politics and society.
"This book offers the first comprehensive exploration of disability and citizenship in Chinese society and culture from 1949 to the present. Through the analysis of a wide range of Chinese sources, from film and documentary to literature and life writing, media and state documents, it reveals the standards against which disabled people have been held as the Chinese state has grappled with expectations of the 'ideal' Chinese citizen. It demonstrates how culture offers a potent site where the norms of disabled citizenship are negotiated, a dynamic space where collective social, political and cultural understandings of what it means to be disabled are both imbued and contested. The book proposes an exciting new theoretical framework - 'para-citizenship'. A far more dynamic relationship of identity and belonging than previously imagined, this new reading synthesises the often troubling contradictions of citizenship for disabled people to better capture the ways in which they can be isolated and marginalised, viewed as different and not 'normal', and considered ancillary to the 'mainstream', yet simultaneously be subject to compelling and affective discourses of equality and inclusion"--
In this ethnographic examination of Mexican-American and white girls coming of age in California's Central Valley, Julie Bettie turns class theory on its head, asking what cultural gestures are involved in the performance of class, and how class subjectivity is constructed in relationship to color, ethnicity, gender, and sexuality. A new introduction contextualizes the book for the contemporary moment and situates it within current directions in cultural theory.Investigating the cultural politics of how inequalities are both reproduced and challenged, Bettie examines the discursive formations that provide a context for the complex identity performances of contemporary girls. The book's title refers at once to young working-class women who have little cultural capital to enable class mobility; to the fact that analyses of class too often remain insufficiently transformed by feminist, ethnic, and queer studies; and to the failure of some feminist theory itself to theorize women as class subjects.Women without Class makes a case for analytical and political attention to class, but not at the expense of attention to other social formations.
"In this groundbreaking book written in 1986, Chuen-Jim Sheu penetrated the popular veneer of crime in Chinatown as full of opium dens and organized crime, revealing the challenges that Chinese immigrant youth faced in adapting to American life. His analysis of the process of assimilation revealed why some Chinese immigrant youth turned to juvenile delinquency, and has been used as a model by a number of researchers ever since. This second edition comes at a time in the United States and many other countries, East and West, that are experiencing dramatic rises in immigration, especially those of young males, who are universally acknowledged to be the most prone to delinquency. The lessons learned in 1986 are just as relevant today, especially with respect to the challenging questions of the relationships among identity, assimilation, adaptation, and delinquency"--
In: The Journal for Undergraduate Ethnography: JUE, Band 9, Heft 2, S. 33-49
ISSN: 2369-8721
Vitiligo is a skin condition where pigmentation stops developing, leaving people with white spots on their bodies. Vitiligo is likely caused by gene mutation and is hereditary, but it can happen to anyone. From a medical standpoint, it is a physically harmless condition but it has vast socio-cultural impact. This study was conducted at the Annual World Vitiligo Conference in Detroit, Michigan and on the internet (Instagram and Facebook), through participant-observation at the event, textual analysis of blog posts, and interviews online and in-person, respectively. Through these methods, three discourses emerged: 1) Feeling outcast, 2) Vitiligo as beautiful, and 3) Solidarity. I documented the way cultural assumptions about conditions and disabilities shape the identity of those who have it. These interviews suggest that vitiligo is as much a cultural condition as it is a medical condition. Although more research is needed, people living with vitiligo stated that greater representation of individuals with the condition is needed in the media and pop culture to enlighten the public about vitiligo and improve the day to day interactions of individuals with the condition.
This work, which has been conceived in a user-andenvironmentally friendly digital format, focuses on the issue of migrants and refugees from the perspectives of both media representation and cultural identity. This theme is undeniably central because of the high influence of media representations and collective perceptions on migration policies. In these times of global risk, political decisions repeatedly comply with highly popular opinions, which are predominant within a given society. This is where the role of media becomes crucial, as they not only mediate the relationships between societies and migrants' problems, but they also maneuver them. Some of the greatest living sociologists concur in considering risk as a key element in the structuring and modifying of praxis, which refers to our communities' political and daily life. Antony Giddens identifies in the "risk culture" one of the main factors to understand the phenomena at the basis of our current age. Ulrick Beck even goes as far defining our modern society as the "risk society", considering that communities decide their political, social and economic actions according to what might happen in the future.
BASE
In: American anthropologist: AA, Band 108, Heft 1, S. 135-147
ISSN: 1548-1433
In this article, I examine the variable representation of Saami (Lapp) prehistory in several Nordic museums. The analysis is situated at the intersection of (1) the examination of the ideology of archaeological practice, (2) the discourse about creation of indigenous identity, and (3) the visual culture of museum exhibitions. I describe and analyze displays about archaeology and prehistory from seven museums in Sweden, Finland, and Norway. The presentation of Saami prehistory differs significantly between majority community museums and those run by Saami communities. These presentations reflect ideologies implicated in building indigenous, nationalist, and pannational identities as well as in establishing legitimacy of Saami claims to land and heritage. Representations of the past are inevitably political because they are about linking people, place, and legitimacy. Ambiguities in these uses of prehistory are discussed, as is the globalizing role of the European Union.
Much discussion has taken place in composition and writing center studies regarding "multi-"s: multimedia, multiliteracy, multimodality, even multiwriting. The "multi-" that has received the most attention in writing center studies specifically is multiliteracy. This attention has manifested in some scholars calling for the writing center's evolution to a multiliteracy center, or MLC (Trimbur; Sheridan, "Introduction"; Sheridan, "Words, Images, Sounds"; McKinney; Balester et al.). This call is contemporaneous with but virtually distinct from another important discussion in writing center studies. I am talking here about the politics of identity. The major questions in this discussion have been: What are the ways we can put into pedagogical practice a theory of identity that is based on discursive practices and intersectionality as opposed to one based on fixed, isolated definitions? Additionally, how can we ensure that this kind of pedagogy provides the grounds for subverting and resisting hegemonic discourses (Cooper; Bawarshi and Pelkowski; Grimm; Denny, "Queering the Writing Center"; Denny, Facing the Center)? While I do not propose here a comprehensive cultural studies pedagogy nor a comprehensive multiliteracy pedagogy, I do see an opportunity for consultant training in making these discussions talk to one another. ; University Writing Center
BASE
In: American behavioral scientist: ABS, Band 63, Heft 7, S. 789-806
ISSN: 1552-3381
Since the Franco regime came to an end in 1978, the main political and social forces in Catalonia have pursued a model of intercultural relations that aims to protect Catalan cultural identity and at the same time to incorporate the various different waves of migrants who came to Catalonia from other regions of Spain during the course of the 20th century and who now represent close to 40% of the population. Moreover, during the negotiations for the new Spanish constitution in 1978, these political forces in Catalonia accepted a new political relationship with Spain with the constitution of the Catalan autonomous region. During the course of the past 15 years, two major factors have become increasingly apparent. First, there has been a further wave of migration from other countries and continents, in particular from Muslim countries (13.6% in 2016 compared with 2.9% in 2000). Second, the place of Catalonia within Spain has been called into question for a number of different political, economic, social, and cultural reasons. In 2017, a considerable number of Catalans, close to 50%, mobilized to demand the independence of their country and attempted to proclaim and constitute the "Republic of Catalonia," thus breaking the constitutional law in force throughout Spain. This breach of the law brought about a response from the Spanish security forces and justice system, which resulted in the suspension of the Catalan autonomous government and the calling of elections. The object of this study is to analyze the impact of the recent migrations and the current political situation on the model of intercultural relations that has governed Catalan cultural identity in recent times. The principal objectives of the model have been to ensure the civil unity of Catalonia, to safeguard Catalan language and culture, and to promote respect for cultures of citizens from other regions of Spain, all within a context of mutual dialogue and exchange. The thesis of this article is that this model, which pursues integration and unity, is in danger of breaking down as a result of the new phenomena.
In: Latin American perspectives: a journal on capitalism and socialism, Band 25, Heft 100, S. 90-109
ISSN: 0094-582X
BRAZIL HAS LONG HELD A SPECIAL PLACE IN COMPARATIVE STUDIES OF RACE RELATIONS AND IDENTITY. THIS DISCUSSION SERVES TO HIGHLIGHT MANY OF THE NUANCES OF RACIAL IDENTITY IN BRAZIL. IT MAKES EXPLICIT THE CAVEATS ASSOCIATED WITH THE USE OF DATA PRODUCED BY THE CENSUS BUREAU. BECAUSE THE EMPIRICAL FINDINGS ARE BASED ON NATIONAL CENSUSES AND SURVEYS, THE STUDY BEGINS WITH A REVIEW OF THE DEBATES REGARDING THE USE OF THESE DATA.
In: 51 University of Baltimore Law Review, 353 (2022)
SSRN
In: Australasian marketing journal: AMJ ; official journal of the Australia-New Zealand Marketing Academy (ANZMAC), Band 31, Heft 1, S. 13-24
ISSN: 1839-3349
Nonprofit organization (NPO) marketers are now increasingly turning online to recognize donors, with little understanding as to how online donor appreciation influences behavior. A scenario-based research design using an online survey was administered to a random sample of voluntary blood donors ( n = 356). The findings contribute to identity theory by demonstrating that online recognition (digital badge shared to Facebook) can strengthen subjective impressions of identity-related behavior above a private thank-you email alone. Furthermore, outcomes of a positive identity appraisal (accountability and emotional value) were found to differentially drive NPO-benefiting activities (positive electronic word-of-mouth and donation intentions) depending on donation experience. The results strategically inform online donor appreciation activities to improve donor retention.