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The principal democratic institutions in democracy are political parties. Party law plays a crucial role in institutionalizing multi-party politics. Institutionalization of a party system is vital for the success of democratic system. Unfortunately, several writers show a bleak picture concerning the institutionalization of African political system in general and the party system in particular (Lindberg, 2007; Bogaards, 2003). Given multiparty politics is a late comer in Ethiopia, this problem is perhaps more direr in Ethiopia. Observation of their structure, social base, resources, procedure of internal decision-making, and the like clearly show the weak level of institutionalization as assumed by democratic theory. Thus, they are less likely to fulfill their democratic functions in democracy. Given these problems, strict implementation of the regulatory regimes, especially in the areas of internal democracy and transparency of financial management, is an important in step towards institutionalization. But, there should be a delicate balance as heavy-handed regulation at early stage of party development may become counterproductive (Randall, 2008: 256).

In this article, we explain the puzzling continuous success of the far right-wing parties in Europe by using micro-organizational factors such as charismatic leadership and cohesive party organization, contributing to the process of party institutionalization and demonstrating the success of the extreme right-wing parties. We attempt to solve what appears to be a paradox of the institutionalization of far right charismatic parties on the basis of theories of party leadership and party institutionalization. In this endeavour we first define the concept of charismatic parties, and then outline our argument regarding the paradox of charismatic institutionalization and present criteria for measuring institutionalization of charismatic parties. Finally, we outline a proposed theory of `hard charismatic parties' institutionalization. The French FN (Front National) and the Austrian FPÖ (Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs) serve as case studies to test our proposed model.

Intro -- Contents -- Acknowledgments -- Preface -- Institutional Change in the Presidency -- Commitment of Troops -- Creation of Administrative Apparatus -- Tariff -- Continued Scripting of the Presidency -- Appendix -- Notes -- Bibliography -- Index.

AbstractThis article is a comparative study of the institutionalization of the migration policy frameworks of post‐Soviet states Armenia, Azerbaijan and Georgia since the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991. All three countries share common historical legacies: a Soviet past, wars and conflicts, unemployment, high emigration, and commitment to integration into European bodies. To what extent do the migration policies of these three countries (driven by contextual forces, i.e. domestic challenges) address country‐specific migration dynamics? Or are they imposed by the European Union? In which dimensions have the national policies on migration of Armenia, Azerbaijan and Georgia evolved, and around which issues have they converged or diverged? Have these trends led to an integration of migration policymaking at the regional level in the South Caucasus?

Javier Mar,1–4 Arantzazu Arrospide,2–4 Myriam Soto-Gordoa,5 Álvaro Iruin,4,6 Mikel Tainta,7,8 Andrea Gabilondo,4,6 Lore Mar-Barrutia,9 Montserrat Calvo,10 Maider Mateos,10 Oliver Ibarrondo2,41Clinical Management Unit, OSI Alto Deba, Arrasate-Mondragón, España; 2AP-OSIs Gipuzkoa Research Unit, OSI Alto Deba, Arrasate-Mondragón, España; 3Economic Evaluation Department, Health Services Research on Chronic Patients Network (REDISSEC), Bilbao, Spain; 4Economic Evaluation Department, Biodonostia Health Research Institute, Donostia-San Sebastián, Spain; 5Departamento de Ingeniería de Organización, Mondragón Unibertsitatea, Arrasate-Mondragón, España; 6Psychiatry Service, Gipuzkoa Mental Health Network, Donostia-San Sebastián, España; 7Psychiatry Service, CITA Alzheimer Foundation, Donostia-San Sebastián, España; 8Neurology Service, OSI Goierri-Alto Urola, Zumárraga, España; 9Psychiatry Service, Hospital Bellvitge, Hospitalet de Llobregat, España; 10Health Department, Basque Government, Vitoria-Gasteiz, EspañaBackground: Dementia-related neuropsychiatric symptoms (NPS) are the main determinant of family stress and institutionalization of patients. This study aimed to identify inequalities by gender and socioeconomic status in the management of NPS in patients diagnosed with dementia.Methods: An observational study was carried out to study all the cases of dementia in the corporate database of the Basque Health Service (29,864 patients). The prescription of antipsychotics and antidepressants and admission to a nursing home were used to establish the presence of NPS. The socioeconomic status of individuals was classified by a deprivation index. Logistic regressions were used to identify drivers for drug prescriptions and institutionalization.Results: NPS are poorly recorded in the clinical databases (12%). Neuropsychiatric symptoms were severe enough in two thirds of patients with dementia to be treated with psychoactive medication. Institutionalization showed an increase from those who did not receive medication to those who had been prescribed antidepressants (OR: 1.546), antipsychotics (OR: 2.075) or both (OR: 2.741). The resulting inequalities were the increased prescription of antidepressant drugs in women and more nursing-home admissions for women who were the least socioeconomically deprived and men who were the most deprived.Conclusions: In large clinical databases, psychoactive drugs prescriptions can be useful to underscore the considerable burden of dementia-related NPS. Specific tools are needed to monitor social and health care programs targeted to dementia-related NPS from a population perspective. Programs aimed at reducing the family burden of care of dementia patients at home become the key elements in reducing inequalities in these patients' care. Socioeconomic status is the most important driver of inequality, and gender inequality may simply be hidden within the social environment. Integrated programs boosting the continuity of care are an objective for which compliance could be measured according to the NPS coding in the electronic health record.Keywords: neuropsychiatric symptoms, prevalence, dementia, antidepressant drugs, antipsychotic drugs, nursing home, inequalities, deprivation index