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International audience ; En janvier 1649, après les périples de la guerre civile, le roi Charles I er est jugé puis condamné à mort pour trahison. Lors de ses derniers mois en captivité, le roi et ses conseillers écrivent ensemble un texte qui sera publié en 1649 sous le titre d'Eikon Basilike (l'image du roi), autobiographie spirituelle du monarque. Depuis sa publication, la paternité du texte a toujours été fortement controversée. En effet, Charles se pose comme seul auteur de ce texte. En réalité, ce livre fut vraisemblablement composé à partir de certains de ses écrits, mais soigneusement remanié par ses conseillers, afin d'en faire une arme de propagande contre le camp républicain. Le livre paraît quelques jours après l'exécution du roi. Cet ouvrage rencontre vite un franc succès : de multiples éditions ainsi que des traductions paraissent. Au total 25 éditions se succéderont dans l'année 1649. On y découvre un roi apaisé, se repentant de ses fautes, donnant sa vision des événements de la guerre civile. L'ouvrage se compose de 25 chapitres et chaque titre se rapporte à un événement précis. On trouve également en annexe des prières et des lettres personnelles du roi ainsi que de ses proches. Enfin, on découvre l'illustration très connue qu'est le frontispice conçu par William Marshall qui soutient la propagande initiée par le texte. Cet écrit devient rapidement la pièce maîtresse de la propagande royaliste et marque le début du culte du « Roi martyr ». Au chapitre 26 de l'Eikon Basilike 1 (1649), le personnage de Charles I er se définit comme un roi décentré, et se présente et se représente comme suivant un mouvement « excentrique et irrégulier » : This motion, like others of the Times, seems eccentric and irregular, yet not well to be resisted or quieted: Better swim down such a stream, then in vain to strive against it 2. Le narrateur combine déviance-au sens fort d'une transgression de normes sociales, politiques et religieuses, mais aussi littéraires-et décentrement, puisque dans cet ouvrage, le jeu du poète-mais aussi le « je » du poète-interfèrent dans la sphère religieuse et politique. Le personnage du roi ébranle les codes : ceux de la norme sociale, en exprimant des émotions intimes ; ceux de la norme religieuse en révélant les confessions d'un monarque au public ; et ceux qui sont 1 Eikon Basilike, dir. Jim Daems et Holly Faith Nelson, Peterborough, Broadview Edition, 2006. Toutes les citations utilisées dans cet article seront tirées de cette édition, notée ci-après EB. 2 EB, chapitre 26, p. 179. "Ce mouvement, comme tous les autres en ce Temps, semble excentrique et irrégulier, pour autant il n'est pas judicieux d'essayer d'y résister ou de le calmer. Il vaut mieux être emporté par ce courant, que d'essayer en vain de lutter contre lui.

The concept of empowerment is a democratic tool and a logical next step in the evolution of public administration. In this article we explore the possibility of this concept to be used as a tool of unconventional warfare under a certain set of conditions. The carried out case study of the recent events in Ukraine, Crimea allows to conclude that empowerment can indeed be used to compromise the territorial integrity of a sovereign country. ; Das Konzept der regionalen Ermächtigung fördert die Stärkung der horizontalen Strukturen der Macht, d.h. es fördert das gesellschaftliche Engagement, die Entwicklung der lokalen Wirtschaft und die Wahl von eigenen örtlichen Vertretern. Die Grundidee des Konzeptes ist es, den Regionen einen Anreiz zu geben, mehr Verantwortung zu übernehmen und so die Abhängigkeit von nationaler Regierung zu verringern. Die Regionen werden autarker und sind in der Lage ihre eigenen Probleme ohne die Beteiligung von höheren Ebenen der Macht zu lösen. Obwohl das Konzept der Ermächtigung per se auf jeden Fall ein logischer nächster Schritt in der Entwicklung der öffentlichen Verwaltung ist, sind wir der Meinung, dass es die potenzielle versteckte Gefahr darin besteht. Wir glauben, dass durch die autarke Entwicklung der Regionen dem Staat unkonventionelle Hybrid­Kriegsführung drohen kann. In unserem Artikel wird dieses Problem unter Berücksichtigung des Falls der ukrainischen Krise behandelt. Man muss darauf hinweisen, dass das Konzept der Ermächtigung in diesem Artikel als Zwecksmittel zur Selbstverantwortlichkeit und Selbstbestimmtheit einer Bevölkerung oder einer Region und nicht als Verleihen der Macht verstanden wird. Das heißt, man ermächtigt Leute oder Regionen, den Zweck zu erreichen – die Hilfe zur Selbsthilfe. In der wissenschaftlichen Literatur wird das Konzept der Ermächtigung nicht eindeutig formuliert. Deshalb wird als erster Schritt die Analyse der wissenschaftlichen Literatur durchgeführt, um eine Liste von Kriterien, die den Begriff Ermächtigung definieren, festzustellen. Aus der Analyse der wissenschaftlichen Literatur lassen sich 7 Kriterien des Konzeptes Ermächtigung feststellen: a) die Erstellung wenn es nötig ist und die Legitimierung vs. die Anerkennung von regionalen Institutionen (und Regionen) als gleichberechtigter politischer Akteure; 2) die Bereitstellung von Informationen über die Rechte, Handlungsmöglichkeiten und Ressourcen, die zur Verfügung stehen; 3) die Bereitstellung von Ressourcen, wenn bestimmte Bedingungen erfüllt worden sind; 4) die Teilnahme der Zivilgesellschaft an der Planung und an den anderen Prozessen, die die weitere Entwicklung der Regionen bestimmen, z.B.: durch öffentliche Beratungen oder lokale Volksabstimmungen; 5) die Schaffung von Möglichkeiten für sozial entrechteten Gruppen, damit sie ihre Bedürfnisse und Meinungen äußern können; 6) die stärkere Einbeziehung der gewählten Vertreter, z.B. durch ihre Teilnahme an öffentlichen Konsultationen und durch ihr regelmäßiges Treffen mit den Bewohnern. Es sollten Mechanismen entwickelt werden, die den Vertretern erlauben, die Interessen und Bedürfnisse ihrer Wähler auf nationaler Ebene zu vertreten; 7) die Förderung der Auswertung und das Lernen durch vergangene Handlungen und Erlebnisse: eigene und fremde. Im Weiteren wird eine von uns zusammengestellte Zeitleiste von den Ereignissen in der Krim vorbereitet, um die Analyse durchzuführen. Unter Berücksichtigung der Krim­Situation lassen sich mehrere Kriterien des Konzeptes Ermächtigung identifizieren: die regionalen Institutionen werden als gleichberechtigte politische Akteure behandelt; die Informationen über Ressourcen werden verliehen, z. B.:, durch den Ankauf von Staatsanleihen und die Senkung der Gaspreise; um die Ressourcen zu bekommen, wird eine "Liste" von Bedingungen aufgeführt, z.B.: man muss sich nur an Russland anschließen; das Engagement der Zivilgesellschaft: in knapp zwei Monaten wird das Krim­Referendum über den Anschluss von Krim an Russland durchgeführt; die Militärtruppen treten als einheimische Rebellen vor; in knapp einem Monat werden in Regionen Luhansk und Donetsk zwei Unabhängigkeitsreferenden durchgeführt. Zum Schluss lässt sich feststellen, dass die Ermächtigung unter bestimmten Bedingungen tatsächlich als eine zusätzliche Waffe der unkonventionellen Kriegsführung verwendet werden kann: 1) es gibt eine große Minderheit, die die Mehrheit der Bevölkerung in einer Region bildet; 2) es gibt Gefühle von historischer Ungerechtigkeit, in diesem Fall der Anschluss von Krim an die Ukraine; 3) es gibt eine große Unzufriedenheit mit der Politik des Staates; 4) es gibt eine große Präsenz der Militärtruppen eines Fremdstaates (z.B.: Schwarzmeer­Flotte) in der Nähe oder in der betreffenden Region; 5) geeilte, nicht durchdachte Entscheidungen der Regierung können einer feindlichen Macht helfen, die Ideen von Ermächtigung von einem "Werkzeug der Demokratie" ins "Werkzeug der unkonventionellen Kriegsführung" zu verwandeln. Daraus folgen die Fragen, welche wohlwollende Konzepte der öffentlichen Verwaltung könnte man als Waffen der unkonventionellen Kriegsführung verwenden; wie weit kann man die Ermächtigung einführen und wo man sie stoppen sollte.

Sebagaimana diketahui di dalam Pasal 8 ayat 1 Undang-Undang Nomor 14 Tahun 2001 tentang Paten menyebutkan bahwa Paten diberikan untuk jangka waktu selama 20 (dua puluh) tahun terhitung sejak Tanggal Penerimaan dan jangka waktu itu tidak dapat diperpanjang. Jangka waktu perlindungan paten yang berlaku selama 20 tahun tersebut, pada prinsipnya bertujuan agar setelah melebihi masa 20 tahun maka penemuan teknologi tersebut dapat dimiliki oleh masyarakat dengan di produksi secara masal sehingga hilanglah hak penemu untuk menikmati hasil temuannya secara ekonomi. Hal ini disebabkan karena pengakuan rezim HaKI terhadap hak paten khususnya, tidak lain adalah untuk menghargai kreatifitas ide intelektual Inventor dan tentunya untuk kepentingan umum demi kemajuan ilmu pengetahuan dan teknologi. Namun demikian, pada prakteknya perlindungan Hak Paten selama masa 20 tahun terlampau lama sehingga menimbulkan dampak penemuan teknologi tersebut tidak lagi dapat menjadi milik umum karena perkembangan teknologi masa kini tidak memerlukan waktu yang lama untuk melahirkan sebuah invensi baru. Hasil dari penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa bentuk perlindungan hak paten di Indonesia saat ini masih mengacu pada ketentuan Pasal 8 ayat (1) dan Pasal 9 Undang-Undang Nomor 14 Tahun 2001 tentang Paten yaitu jangka waktu perlindungan hukum untuk paten biasa selama 20 (dua puluh) tahun dan paten sederhana selama 10 (sepuluh) tahun, dan pengaturan perlindungan hak paten di Indonesia perlu dilakukan deregulasi karena berdasarkan fakta di lapangan, jangka waktu perlindungan hukum sebagaimana Pasal 8 ayat (1) dan Pasal 9 Undang-Undang Nomor 14 Tahun 2001 tentang Paten terlalu lama sehingga tujuan perlindungan Paten agar teknologi dapat menjadi milik umum tidak tercapai.People participation in the generale election is a parameter of the democracy development. This research is intended to analyze the people participation in the 2014 election by taking case in the Godong subdistrict, Grobogan Regency, Central Jawva. The results showed that the rate of Public Participation in the Use of Voting Rights in the 2014 legislative elections in District Godong Grobogan this time slightly increased in comparison to the legislative elections in 2009, from 67% to 69%. In choosing a political party because the people chose not fanatical on a political party, but as seen from the achievements and performance of the leaders or members who are in a political party. The high urban communities in the District Godong also be the cause of the high rate of abstention. An abstention human rights, but if the people can not vote because not registered as Permanent Voters List is a violation of human rights, as has removed political rights as citizens are entitled to vote. Conclusions of this study is the level of community participation in the use of voting rights in the 2014 legislative elections in District Godong Grobogan slightly increased when compared to the 2009 legislative elections.

Aufgrund der Abzugsfähigkeit von steuerlichen Verlustvorträgen in zukünftigen Veranlagungszeiträumen befinden sich Unternehmen mit einem positiven Bestand an Verlustvorträgen temporär in einem Zustand von absoluter bzw. partieller Steuerfreiheit. Dieses zeitlich begrenzte Steuerprivileg legt die Fragestellung nahe, ob die betroffenen Unternehmen die ihnen zustehenden steuerlichen Vorteile in die Planung ihrer unternehmerischen Aktivitäten einfließen lassen und somit ihre Geschäftspolitik anders gestalten als Unternehmen ohne steuerliche Verlustvorträge oder ob sie sich in ihrem Verhalten nicht von anderen Unternehmen unterscheiden. Um die Auswirkungen von Verlustvorträgen auf unternehmerische Entscheidungen untersuchen zu können, bedarf es der eindeutigen Identifikation von Unternehmen mit steuerlichen Verlustvorträgen. Da seitens der Steuerbehörden in der Regel kaum unternehmensspezifische Daten zur Identifikation von steuerlichen Verlustunternehmen zur Verfügung gestellt werden, sind WissenschafterInnen darauf angewiesen, selbstständig geeignete Methoden zu entwickeln, um das Vorhandensein steuerlicher Verlustvorträge überprüfen zu können. Im Sinne dieser Problematik besteht das Ziel der vorliegenden Arbeit darin, wissenschaftliche Methoden, die Unternehmen mit steuerlichen Verlustvorträgen identifizieren, vorzustellen und hinsichtlich ihrer Validität zu evaluieren. Das Hauptaugenmerk wird dabei auf jene Methoden gelegt, die steuerliche Verlustunternehmen anhand von Informationen aus Unternehmensdatenbanken identifizieren. Ob die vorgestellten Ansätze tatsächlich dazu in der Lage sind, Unternehmen mit steuerlichen Verlustvorträgen zu erkennen, wird in Form einer empirischen Analyse erhoben. Im Zuge des Evaluationsprozesses wird festgestellt, inwieweit die Aussagen der Methoden über den Steuerstatus einer im Voraus definierten Grundgesamtheit an Unternehmen mit dem tatsächlichen Steuerstatus der Unternehmen zu einem bestimmten Zeitpunkt übereinstimmen. ; Firms having tax loss carry forwards are either absolutely or partially tax exempt for a certain amount of time. The reason for this tax exemption can be seen in the fact that tax loss carry forwards are deductible in future tax assessment periods. This temporary tax privilege poses an important question: do firms having tax loss carry forwards prefer other corporate policies than firms having no tax loss carry forwards or do they behave in the same way than other firms? In order to examine the corporate behavior of firms having tax loss carry forwards scientists must be able to identify these firms reliably. In general, tax authorities do not provide specific information on corporate tax data to the public. As a result, scientists are forced to develop accurate scientific methods used to identify firms having tax loss carry forwards on their own. Dealing with this specific problem, the main aim of this thesis is to introduce and to evaluate scientific methods used to identify firms having tax loss carry forwards. The focus of this thesis is set on those scientific methods that identify firms having tax loss carry forwards by using financial data provided by corporate databases. Whether or not the introduced scientific identification methods are able to identify firms having tax loss carry forwards reliably is examined by performing an empirical analysis. In the course of this process of evaluation it is tested to what extent the information on the tax status of companies included in the analysis which is provided by the scientific methods corresponds to the true tax status of the companies at a certain point of time. ; Martina Rechbauer ; Abweichender Titel laut Übersetzung der Verfasserin/des Verfassers ; Zsfassung in engl. Sprache ; Graz, Univ., Masterarb., 2010 ; (VLID)213404

International audience ; Cette analyse de l'utilisation de la couleur dans les films Gurinder Chadha fait partie d'un ensemble de travail de recherche sur l'histoire de la représentation de la femme dans le cinéma britannique. Gurinder Chadha est une réalisatrice britannique associée aux préoccupations et aux luttes des minorités ethniques, en Grande-Bretagne et ailleurs. Elle est née au Kenya d'origine indienne et arrive en Angleterre, jeune femme, suite aux hostilités du gouvernement kenyan vis-à-vis de la population asiatique dans ce pays . Reporter à la BBC au début de sa carrière elle réalise ensuite de nombreux documentaires, plusieurs fois primés, pour le British Film Institute, la BBC et Channel 4 . Son travail s'inscrit dans un corpus de films et d'autres productions artistiques qui émanent des membres des diverses minorités ethniques en Grande-Bretagne dont, par exemple, les films de Stephen Frears en association avec Hanif Kureishi, les films de Kureishi en tant que réalisateur, les films de Isaac Julien ou ceux de Julian Henriques. Bien qu'il y ait un nombre considérable de comédiennes et d'écrivaines issues de ce milieu les réalisatrices cinématographiques sont plus rares, comme elles le sont d'ailleurs sur l'ensemble de la population britannique. Gurinder Chadha est donc relativement unique en son genre, pour le moment. Elle a de toute évidence un point de vue politique, plutôt féministe, à faire passer dans ses films mais ses outils sont ceux de la comédie et de l'ironie, ainsi que des jeux avec l'esthétique et le genre cinématographique. Cet article traite de son premier long métrage, Bhaji on the Beach, réalisé en 1993. Il a été suivi de What's Cooking? (2000, un film situé parmi les minorités aux Etats-Unis), Bend it Like Beckham (Joue-la comme Beckham, 2002, de nouveau situé parmi les minorités asiatiques en Grande-Bretagne) et Bride and Prejudice (Coup de foudre à Bollywood, 2004, qui sur fond de Jane Austen et le cinéma bollywoodien en méta-textes, traite des préjugés et visions stéréotypées qu'une culture peut arborer par rapport à une autre, dans l'occurrence ici l'Inde et l'Occident, USA et GB). Ses trois derniers films, bien qu'ils continuent à afficher très clairement les opinions de Chadha par rapport aux difficultés qui confrontent des populations minoritaires, font partie du cinéma dit " mainstream " ou grand public/grande diffusion anglophone : ils ont un côté plus grand spectacle. Bhaji on the Beach est plus proche du cinéma dit " social réaliste " britannique : dans le corpus de Chadha il constitue un cas intéressant, dans un colloque traitant de la couleur car c'est un film où l'utilisation transgressive des couleurs fait particulièrement partie du discours transgressif de la réalisatrice.

International audience ; Cette analyse de l'utilisation de la couleur dans les films Gurinder Chadha fait partie d'un ensemble de travail de recherche sur l'histoire de la représentation de la femme dans le cinéma britannique. Gurinder Chadha est une réalisatrice britannique associée aux préoccupations et aux luttes des minorités ethniques, en Grande-Bretagne et ailleurs. Elle est née au Kenya d'origine indienne et arrive en Angleterre, jeune femme, suite aux hostilités du gouvernement kenyan vis-à-vis de la population asiatique dans ce pays . Reporter à la BBC au début de sa carrière elle réalise ensuite de nombreux documentaires, plusieurs fois primés, pour le British Film Institute, la BBC et Channel 4 . Son travail s'inscrit dans un corpus de films et d'autres productions artistiques qui émanent des membres des diverses minorités ethniques en Grande-Bretagne dont, par exemple, les films de Stephen Frears en association avec Hanif Kureishi, les films de Kureishi en tant que réalisateur, les films de Isaac Julien ou ceux de Julian Henriques. Bien qu'il y ait un nombre considérable de comédiennes et d'écrivaines issues de ce milieu les réalisatrices cinématographiques sont plus rares, comme elles le sont d'ailleurs sur l'ensemble de la population britannique. Gurinder Chadha est donc relativement unique en son genre, pour le moment. Elle a de toute évidence un point de vue politique, plutôt féministe, à faire passer dans ses films mais ses outils sont ceux de la comédie et de l'ironie, ainsi que des jeux avec l'esthétique et le genre cinématographique. Cet article traite de son premier long métrage, Bhaji on the Beach, réalisé en 1993. Il a été suivi de What's Cooking? (2000, un film situé parmi les minorités aux Etats-Unis), Bend it Like Beckham (Joue-la comme Beckham, 2002, de nouveau situé parmi les minorités asiatiques en Grande-Bretagne) et Bride and Prejudice (Coup de foudre à Bollywood, 2004, qui sur fond de Jane Austen et le cinéma bollywoodien en méta-textes, traite des préjugés et visions stéréotypées qu'une culture peut arborer par rapport à une autre, dans l'occurrence ici l'Inde et l'Occident, USA et GB). Ses trois derniers films, bien qu'ils continuent à afficher très clairement les opinions de Chadha par rapport aux difficultés qui confrontent des populations minoritaires, font partie du cinéma dit " mainstream " ou grand public/grande diffusion anglophone : ils ont un côté plus grand spectacle. Bhaji on the Beach est plus proche du cinéma dit " social réaliste " britannique : dans le corpus de Chadha il constitue un cas intéressant, dans un colloque traitant de la couleur car c'est un film où l'utilisation transgressive des couleurs fait particulièrement partie du discours transgressif de la réalisatrice.

El Primer Peronismo (1943-1955) cristalizó el turismo social en la agenda pública argentina como medida distributiva, tendiente a disminuir la inequidad en el acceso al ocio. Como un caso inédito en América, el Estado se convirtió en el principal promotor y articulador del turismo social. El golpe de Estado de 1955 interrumpió todas estas iniciativas, dando inicio a una reconversión de la cuestión como política pública. Más allá de las sucesivas alternancias de gobierno que circunscribieron este más de medio siglo, el periodo presenta una línea de continuidad centrada en el declive de la política de turismo social, para nunca repetir el desarrollo alcanzado en los años cincuenta. Desde el enfoque del análisis de políticas, la investigación analiza este último periodo que sienta las bases del sistema actual de turismo social argentino, abordando el mismo como parte de un proceso histórico. ; The First Peronism (1943-1955) incorporated social tourism into the argentine public agenda as a distributive policy, aimed at reducing inequity in access to leisure. As an unprecedented case in America, the State was the main promoter and articulator of social tourism. The coup d'état of 1955 interrupted all these initiatives, initiating a reconversion of the policy of social tourism. Beyond the successive alternations of government that have circumscribed this more than half a century, the period presents a line of continuity centered in the decline of the politics of social tourism, to never repeat the development reached in the fifties. From the perspective of policy analysis, the research analyzes this last period that gives rise to the foundations of the current system of social tourism, addressing it as part of a historical process. ; O primeiro peronismo (1943-1955) cristalizou o turismo social na agenda pública argentina como uma medida distributiva, tendendo a reduzir a desigualdade no acesso ao lazer. Como um caso sem precedentes na América, o Estado tornou-se o principal promotor e articulador do turismo social. O golpe de estado de 1955 interrompeu todas essas iniciativas, dando origem a uma reconversão da questão como política pública. Além das sucessivas alternâncias de governo que circunscrevem isso há mais de meio século, o período apresenta uma linha de continuidade centrada no declínio da política de turismo social, para nunca mais repetir o desenvolvimento alcançado nos anos cinquenta. Do ponto de vista da análise de políticas, a pesquisa analisa este último período que estabelece as bases do atual sistema de turismo social argentino, abordando-o como parte de um processo histórico. ; Fil: Schenkel, Erica Natalia. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas. Centro Científico Tecnológico Conicet - Bahía Blanca; Argentina. Universidad Nacional del Sur. Departamento de Geografía y Turismo; Argentina

Scholastic ability & SC together form the traditional foundation for investigating youngsters' Coll plans. But the Nat'l HSch Study directed by Natalie Rogoff finds that seniors attending certain HSch's are more likely to enter Coll than their cohorts in other HSch's, even though their scholastic abilities & fam backgrounds are similar. In addition to class & ability it was hyped that larger soc milieu influences youngsters' Coll decisions, esp the educ'al milieu (the HSch climate) in which the Sch's & seniors are located. In a nat'ally representative sample of over 500 public HSch's, information on the Coll plans of more than 35,000 seniors was collected in 1955 by the Educ'al Testing Service. At the same time a 20-item test was administered, the quartile score of which is used to represent ability. Seniors also provided fam background data such as their fathers' occup and educ. From this information an index of socio-educ'al status of the fam was constructed & S's were classified into 5 fam types. 5 educ'al milieus are delineated, from the 5th climate in which a majority of the Sch's senior class are from professional & businessmen's homes, to the first climate in which less than 20% of the Sch's senior class are from such homes. Sch's are examined in these milieus using various educ'al features & cultural facilities of the HSch & its community which are highly r'ed with planning Coll (eg, the presence of a guidance counselor). The 5th climate possesses all these desired characteristics, whereas the first displays a consistent lack of such educ'al features. With few exceptions the 4th, 3rd, & 2nd climates stand in intermediary position between the 2 extremes, in the expected order. When examining the influence of class & climate on ability simultaneously in order to observe the independent effects of each on ability, it is found that a youngster's fam background & his educ'al milieu are equally determinant of above mean/average abilities. But very high abilities are determined more by fain background than by the educ'al setting. By simultaneously examining the influence of the milieu, class, & ability on entering Coll, class & ability are found to be equally determinant. The HSch climate has a lesser effect on Coll plans. Nevertheless in the 5th climate the educ'al milieu which developes proportionately more capable seniors no matter what their soc origins, a child's ability is more important for planning Coll than his fam background. Conversely, in the first climate whichdevelops fewest capable youngsters, a senior's fam background is more important for entering Coll than is his ability. Furthermore, in the 5th climate class & ability together account for 73% of the variation in planning Coll, while in the first they account for only 55% of the variation. AA.

Following the Senate's lead, the House approved the annual National Defense Authorization Act (NDAA) on Friday, thereby authorizing $886 billion in military spending for fiscal year (FY) 2024. By comparison, the FY2021 iteration of the bill — the last NDAA under Trump — authorized $740 billion. While Trump had managed to spike annual military spending by an incredible 20 percent in four years, Biden just accomplished the same feat in three. (Another $62 billion in Pentagon funding is included in Biden's foreign aid bill, which is still being debated in Congress.)This is undoubtedly good news for the arms industry. Over the last decade, 55 percent of U.S. military spending went to military contractors, and there's no reason to expect contractors' share of the $886 billion budget for FY2024 to be much (if any) different.The annual military budget is the lifeblood for the arms industry, their golden goose. This is especially the case for the largest military contractors. For example, Lockheed Martin — the largest federal contractor, military or otherwise — derived 72 percent of its revenue from government contracts last year.To ensure a continuation of Pentagon largesse, weapons companies reinvest a portion of their state-subsidized profits back into the political system. The arms industry bankrolls influential think tanks, retains more lobbyists than Congress has elected officials, and spends tens of millions of dollars on political campaign contributions every year.Campaign cash in particular is associated with "buying influence," a practice top recipients in Congress typically deny exists, insisting the corporate checks stuffed in their suit pocket have no impact on how they vote. The data suggest otherwise. I compared the recent House and Senate NDAA votes with the political donations each representative and senator received from the arms industry so far this election cycle. On average, House members who voted to authorize $886 billion in military spending took four times more money from military contractors than members who voted against the bill. Senators who supported the NDAA took five times more arms industry cash than the senators who opposed it.Military contractor cash certainly helps to smooth out partisan differences on the NDAA. However, the average disparity in takings between "yea" and "nay" votes was slightly more pronounced among Democrats. House Republicans who supported the $886 billion bill took five times more money from military contractors than Republicans who opposed the measure, and House Democrats who voted for it took seven times more than their Democratic colleagues. In the Senate, Republicans who voted for the NDAA took five times more than their caucus peers, and Democrats who supported it took six times more than other Democrats.Almost every elected official in Congress takes money from military contractors, but these firms don't take a spray-and-pray approach to political giving. Rather, they target the people with the most influence over the size and scope of Pentagon contracts. The House and Senate Armed Services Committees have the most control over what military policies make it into the NDAA and how much funding is authorized for each one. Little wonder, then, that seven of the top ten House recipients of arms industry money so far this election cycle sit on that committee. In the Senate, six out of the top ten recipients do.The top earner of military contractor cash so far in the 2024 Senate election cycle is Jack Reed (D-R.I.), who has raked in more than $590,000 in campaign and PAC contributions from military contractors. Senator Reed is chair of the Senate Armed Services Committee. Coming in second is Ranking Member of the Senate Armed Services Committee, Roger Wicker (R-Miss.). Senator Wicker has accepted more than $534,000 in political donations from the military industry this election cycle.Out of the 428 representatives who cast votes on the FY2024 NDAA, chair of the House Armed Services Committee, Mike Rogers (R-Ala.), received the second most from military contractors (behind Rep. Ken Calvert (R-Calif.), chair of the Defense Appropriations Subcommittee), hauling in over $355,000 so far this year. Ranking Member Adam Smith (D-Wash.) ranks fourth (just behind Rogers' vice chair, Rob Wittman (R-Va.), collecting more than $151,000 from the arms industry.The stark correlation between money and votes on the FY2024 NDAA isn't an anomaly. A similar relationship exists on every NDAA vote since Biden entered office, during which time the amount authorized by the annual bill has grown by $146 billion. Congress overwhelmingly approved yearly hikes in military spending despite there never being more than 1 in 5 Americans interested in doing so, according to Eurasia Group surveys from 2021, 2022, and 2023. More than twice as many people want the Pentagon budget to shrink than want it to expand. This disconnect between popular sentiments and elite behavior clarifies the role of arms industry donations. Military contractors aren't just asking politicians for votes, they're asking them to reject public opinion. Too many in Congress are happy to oblige.

Colombia cuenta con baja experiencia en convenios de compensación offset, convenios que permiten acceder a tecnología de bienes y servicios de otros países, por lo que uno de los principales objetivos del Plan Nacional de Desarrollo del gobierno actual es mejorar la eficiencia y aumentar la productividad de la industria nacional. Como resultado de uno de estos convenios resultó el proyecto de modernización de las aeronaves Tucano T-27, con el objeto de actualizar su electrónica análoga por pantallas digitales, junto con el cambio de los planos para mantener su integridad estructural. Durante su ejecución se presentaron una gran cantidad de problemas relacionados con la cadena logística de suministros, impactando fuertemente el cronograma inicial de entregas, y evidenciando allí una gran oportunidad para el sector manufacturero. Tomando como base los convenios offset celebrados por países más industrializados, así como, el análisis de los aportes de varios autores para la construcción de un marco de referencia, se realizó la aplicación de diversas herramientas metodológicas para identificar los elementos de una estrategia que permita a la organización un mayor control en la realización de un próximo convenio por medio de la creación de una oficina de proyectos que busque la integración de la triple hélice, es decir, las empresas, los centros educativos, y las entidades gubernamentales. Para formular la estrategia se realizó un diagnóstico de la planeación y ejecución del proyecto utilizando metodologías de estrategia empresarial y la experiencia de varios de sus miembros, luego se realizó una evaluación de las capacidades de los principales proveedores que participaron, y con esta se propusieron una serie de acciones que permitirían a la organización poner al servicio de entidades públicas y privadas su conocimiento del negocio y la experiencia en otros proyectos, de modo que sirvan como apoyo para la formulación de nuevas iniciativas tanto académicas como industriales, que finalmente serán de gran impacto para el cumplimiento de las políticas de desarrollo implantadas por el Gobierno. Esta investigación comprende un diseño metodológico de tipo cualitativo y para el cumplimiento de los objetivos se emplearon herramientas como revisión de la literatura, entrevistas, y aplicación de las herramientas de estrategia empresarial, entre otras; para posteriormente presentar los resultados obtenidos, el análisis de estos, y las conclusiones y recomendaciones finales, demostrando la necesidad de implementar una oficina de proyectos que oriente a los proveedores y grupos de investigación, en el laborioso camino de la certificación de componentes aeronáuticos. ; Colombia has little experience in offset compensation agreements, these allow access to technology of goods and services from other countries; that is why one of the main objectives of the National Development Plan of the current government is to improve the efficiency and increase the productivity of the national industry. One of these agreements resulted in the modernization project for the Tucano T-27 aircraft, in order to update its analog electronics with digital screens, among the change of the wings to maintain its structural integrity. During its execution, a large number of problems related to the logistics of the supply chain appeared, affecting the initial delivery schedule, and evidencing a great opportunity for the manufacturing sector. Based on the compensated agreements developed by industrialized countries, as well as the analysis of the contributions from various authors for the construction of a reference framework, the application of various methodological tools was carried out to identify the elements of a strategy that allow the organization a greater control in carrying out an upcoming agreement through the creation of a project office that seeks the integration of the triple helix, that is, companies, educational centers, and government entities. To formulate the strategy, a diagnosis of the planning and execution of the project was carried out using business strategy methodologies and the experience of several of its members, then an evaluation of the capacities of the main suppliers that participated was executed, and with this, a series of actions that would allow the organization to put its business knowledge and experience in other projects at the service of public and private entities, so these would serve as support for the formulation of new initiatives, both academic and industrial, that will finally have a great impact to comply with the development policies implemented by the Government. This research includes a qualitative methodological design and to fulfill the objectives, tools such as literature review, interviews, and application of business strategy tools, among others, were used; to later present the results obtained, the analysis of these, and the final conclusions and recommendations, demonstrating the need to implement a project office that guides suppliers and research groups, in the laborious path of certification of aeronautical components.

Abstract. The aims of this thesis are to explore the speeches and rhetoric of United States Presidents John F. Kennedy and Richard Nixon regarding the Apollo Moon landing project and look for the effects of that rhetoric on the general public's opinion on Project Apollo. The methods used for examining the presidential speeches are Discourse Analysis and Critical Discourse Analysis, where DA is used to look at the language on a general level, and CDA to analyse political relations within said language. The main finding from Kennedy's speeches is his advocation of ideological supremacy over Communist countries. Nixon's speeches were in stark contrast with Kennedy's, with détente being the dominant theme. This material is complemented with interview data provided by Kent State University Professor Kenneth Bindas. His "NASA Moon Landing Oral History Project" was conducted in 2015 and 2016, where his students interviewed 87 people, who were born in 1951 or before, therefore being a full-fledged member of the society by the Apollo 11 landing in 1969. Most of the interviewees do not refer to the two presidents at all, and bring up their personal stories, the Vietnam War and racial injustice as the key events of that time. Some of the interviewees refer to Kennedy in relation to the Moon landings, but Nixon, even though he was president during the time of the landings, is rarely mentioned in the interview data. Prior research, along with these interviews, point that Nixon's career and public image is very much overshadowed by the Watergate spying scandal, and his involvement in Project Apollo is rarely remembered. The thesis also covers some of the opinions people of different identity backgrounds had of Project Apollo. These are also found in the interview data, but also from other, prior research. The white male populace felt pride and patriotism when Apollo 11 landed on the Moon, but minorities felt disconnected from it. Racial injustice towards the African-American populace distanced them from Apollo, as millions of dollars were poured into flying a handful of white men into space, when thousands of people of colour were housed in unhabitable conditions. In many of the interviews given by women, they have no or very little recollection of Apollo. This reflects their place in the society in 1969: to stay at home and look after the children, when men were out forming social circles to discuss and enjoy matters such as Apollo. The conclusion of this thesis is that Kennedy's agenda evident in his speeches, the importance of the Moon landings in the Space Race and ideological supremacy, is still remembered and thought of as a valid point, therefore Kennedy's rhetoric is considered a success. Nixon's policy of détente is evident in his speeches, but it is not referred to at all in the interview data, therefore his rhetoric was not as successful as Kennedy's.Tiivistelmä. Tämän pro gradu -tutkielman tarkoituksena on tutkia Yhdysvaltain presidenttien John F. Kennedyn ja Richard Nixonin puheita ja retoriikkaa Apollo-kuulennoista, ja tämän retoriikan vaikutusta kansan mielipiteeseen aiheesta. Tutkimusmetodeina toimii Discourse Analysis (diskurssianalyysi) ja Critical Discourse Analysis (kriittinen diskurssianalyysi), joista DA:n avulla tutkitaan kieltä yleisellä tasolla, ja CDA:lla myös poliittisia suhteita kielen sisällä. Kennedyn puheista välittyy argumentointi ideologisen ylivallan saamiseksi kommunistisista maista. Nixonin puheiden pääteema oli liennytys, mikä on käytännössä vastakkainen lähtökohta Kennedyn argumenteista. Tätä materiaalia tukee Kent State University -yliopiston professori Kenneth Bindaksen ystävällisesti luovuttama haastatteludata, jossa hänen opiskelijansa haastattelivat 87:ta henkilöä, jotka olivat syntyneet vuonna 1951 tai aiemmin, ja täten olivat täysiä yhteiskunnan jäseniä vuonna 1969. Suurin osa haastatelluista ei mainitse edellä mainittuja kahta presidenttiä ollenkaan, ja sen sijaan mainitsevat tuon ajan tärkeistä tapahtumista kysyttäessä muun muassa heidän henkilökohtaisia tarinoitaan, Vietnamin sodan ja rotuerottelun. Muutama haastateltava mainitsee Kennedyn suhteen kuulentojen puolesta puhujana, mutta vaikka Nixon oli presidentti lentojen aikaan, hänet mainitaan haastatteluissa vain hyvin harvoin. Aiempi tutkimus, yhdessä näiden haastattelujen kanssa osoittaa, että Nixonin ura ja maine on Watergate-vakoiluskandaalin tahraama, ja hänen osallistumistaan Apollo-projektiin ei juuri muisteta. Tutkielma kattaa myös mielipiteitä, mitä eri identiteetin omaavilla kansalaisilla oli Apollo-projektista. Nämä mielipiteet ovat esillä haastatteludatassa, mutta myös aiemmassa tutkimuksessa. Valkoiset miehet tunsivat ylpeyttä ja isänmaallisuutta Apollo 11 -lennon laskeutuessa Kuun pinnalle, mutta vähemmistöt eivät tunteneet samanlaista yhteyttä tapahtumaan. Rodullinen epätasa-arvo afrikkalaisamerikkalaista vähemmistöä kohtaan erotti heidät muun kansan yhteenkuuluvuuden tunteesta. Miljoonia dollareita käytettiin muutaman valkoisen miehen lennättämiseen Kuuhun, samalla kun rotuvähemmistöt kärsivät esimerkiksi elinkelvottomista asumisjärjestelyistä. Usealla haastatellulla naisella ei ole juurikaan muistikuvaa Apollo-kuulennoista. Tämä heijastaa heidän asemaansa vuoden 1969 yhteiskunnassa: naisten tuli jäädä kotiin huolehtimaan lapsista, samalla kun miehet pystyivät muodostamaan sosiaalisia piirejä, joissa keskustella ja nauttia Apollon kaltaisista aiheista. Tutkielman päätös on se, että Kennedyn puheissa esiin tuleva agenda, eli kuulentojen tärkeys "Space Race" -avaruuskilvassa ja ideologisen ylivallan saamisessa, muistetaan yhä. Haastattelujen ja aikaisemman tutkimuksen valossa Kennedyn retoriikkaa voidaan pitää onnistuneena. Nixonin liennytyspolitiikka käy ilmi hänen puheissaan, mutta siihen ei viitata ollenkaan aikalaishaastatteluissa, eli hänen retoriikkansa ei ollut yhtä onnistunutta kuin Kennedyn.

Mestrado Bolonha em Finanças ; Considering myself a travel passionate, I was fortunate to have the opportunity to travel throughout the world over the years, provided by my parents. Alongside with the Air Travel segment, the Hotel Industry, integrated into the Food and Beverage Industry was always present. Therefore, when presented with the industry options, the Hospitality Industry was my first choice. Wyndham Hotels & Resorts was the selected company to perform my Master Final Work (MFW) under the research report format recommended by the CFA (Chartered Financial Analyst) Institute. Under the ticket WH, Wyndham Hotels & Resorts operates in the Hotel Industry and is present in 95 countries with nearly 790,000 rooms in 2020YE. It is considered the biggest hotel franchiser company by number of branded hotels and the fourth largest hotel group by the number of rooms in the world. The recommendation for 2022YE is BUY, with a target price of $93.89/share, using the WACC Method and implying a 29.15% upside potential from August 31st, 2021, closing price of $72.70/share. Due to the industry volatility and its high dependence on macroeconomic indicators, a High-Risk classification approach was chosen for the valuation. To complement the valuation, other methods were calculated as the Flow to Equity, the Adjusted Present Value (APV), and a market-based valuation based on a selection of comparable companies. The uncertainty in the industry primarily cause by COVID-19 explains the existing mispricing present in the company share price. The evolution of COVID-19 and the future governmental policies concerning travel restrictions, lockdowns can influence and change the recommendation. This project is structured to enhance the investor's understanding of the entity, the industry where it is integrated, the recommendations and valuation methods used, and the investment risks associated. It starts with the company business description, followed by their type of governance and how ESG is approached. Then, an Industry and competitive position analysis is performed, following a top-down approach. Moreover, the recommendation is set alongside with the methods used, the main forecast assumptions and ratio analysis. Finally, the investment risks were assessed, along with the recommendation price sensitivity through the Monte Carlo Simulation and the sensitivity analysis. All the public information used to perform this Equity Research was disclosed and available as of 2021, August 31st. ; Sendo uma "Amante de Viagens", ao longo da minha vida tive o privilégio de me terem sido proporcionadas pelos meus pais, diversas atividades de lazer pelo mundo. A indústria hoteleira, juntamente com a de aviação, restauração, cultura entre outras, estiveram desde cedo presente na minha vida, levando a que, aquando da escolha da indústria para a realização do Master Final Work, a indústria hoteleira fosse a minha primeira opção. O grupo Wyndham Hotels & Resorts foi o escolhido para a realização do MFW. Todo este projeto foi elaborado com base no research report recomendado pelo CFA Institute. Integrado na indústria hoteleira Wyndham está presente em 95 países e, com quase 800,000 quartos, foi considerado em 2020 o maior franchiser em número de hotéis e o Quarto em número de quartos no mundo. Após a execução da avaliação da empresa, utilizando diversos modelos como os DCF Models e a Market-Based Valuation, comprar é a recomendação, com um preço alvo de $93.89 por ação, implicando uma valorização de 29.15% relativamente ao preço de fecho considerado de $72.70/ação, à data de dia 31 de agosto de 2021. Sendo a indústria hoteleira uma indústria cíclica e dependente de indicadores macroeconómicos, foi considerada a classificação risco elevado para este investimento. Uma das eventuais justificações para diferença verificada entre o preço de fecho e a recomendação feita, baseia-se na incerteza da indústria causada pela atual situação pandémica. A evolução da COVID-19 e as eventuais medidas tomadas pelos governos em matéria de restrições a deslocações, confinamento e obrigatoriedade de testagem poderão influenciar e mudar a recomendação anteriormente feita. Este projeto foi estruturado com o objetivo de dar ao investidor uma análise detalhada da empresa, da indústria onde está inserida, uma recomendação de investimento juntamente com a descrição dos métodos utilizados e os principais riscos associados ao mesmo. Inicialmente é feita a descrição da empresa, incluindo o tipo de governance e as metas de sustentabilidade definidas. De seguida é realizada uma análise da indústria onde a empresa está inserida, utilizando a top-down approach. Por fim é apresentada a recomendação de investimento, os métodos de avaliação e princípios utilizados no forecast, e os riscos de investimentos associados, juntamente com uma análise de sensibilidade ao Price Target através da Monte Carlo Simulation e Sensitivity Analysis. Toda a informação pública utilizada na elaboração do MFW foi divulgada até ao dia 31 de agosto de 2021. Toda a informação divulgada à posteriori não foi considerada. ; info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion

El objetivo fundamental de la investigación es describir y caracterizar los barrios obreros producidos por instituciones públicas en la ciudad Guayaquil entre 1937, año en que inicia su acción la Caja del Seguro Social, y 1948, cuando en Ecuador finaliza el periodo de crisis económica y política y se produce un cambio en el modelo de urbanización hacia la ciudadela. Estos barrios representan los orígenes de la arquitectura y el urbanismo moderno en Guayaquil porque suponen una revolución de las formas urbanas y los tipos edificatorios en relación a los espacios de transición entre la calle y la casa. Los proyectos afrontan el problema de la vivienda considerando nuevos estándares higiénicos, optimizando la célula habitacional, estandarizando los sistemas constructivos e incorporando servicios de uso comunitario a escala de barrio. La investigación es cualitativa y se centra en la relación entre la organización espacial y las prácticas sociales e incorpora ciertos valores cuantitativos que permiten un análisis comparativo en base a variables comunes. Se aborda el estudio con el método analítico-sintético que consiste en la cualificación y caracterización de los rasgos determinantes de cada caso desde su contextualización histórica y geográfica hasta un análisis a diferentes escalas: el conjunto urbano, la agrupación de viviendas y los tipos de vivienda. La arquitectura de vivienda analizada transforma radicalmente la cultura del habitar de la sociedad guayaquileña y el afán de esta investigación es valorizar estos barrios como patrimonio cultural. ; L'objectiu fonamental de la investigació és descriure i caracteritzar els barris obrers produïts per institucions públiques a la ciutat Guayaquil entre 1937, any en què inicia la seva acció la Caixa de l'Assegurança Social, i 1948, quan a l'Equador finalitza el període de crisi econòmica i política i es produeix un canvi en el model d'urbanització cap a la ciutadella. Aquests barris representen els orígens de l'arquitectura i l'urbanisme modern a Guayaquil perquè suposen una revolució de les formes urbanes i els tipus edificatoris, en relació als espais de transició entre el carrer i la casa. Els projectes afronten el problema de l'habitatge considerant nous estàndards higiènics, optimitzant la cèl·lula d'habitatge, estandarditzant els sistemes constructius i incorporant serveis d'ús comunitari a escala de barri. La investigació és qualitativa i es centra en la relació entre l'organització espacial i les pràctiques socials i incorpora certs valors quantitatius que permeten una anàlisi comparativa sobre la base de variables comunes. S'aborda l'estudi amb el mètode analític-sintètic que consisteix en la qualificació i caracterització dels trets determinants de cada cas des de la seva contextualització històrica i geogràfica fins a un anàlisi a diferents escales: el conjunt urbà, l'agrupació d'habitatges i els tipus d'habitatge . L'arquitectura d'habitatge analitzada transforma radicalment la cultura del habitar de la societat de Guayaquil i l'afany d'aquesta investigació és valoritzar aquests barris com a patrimoni cultural. ; The fundamental objective of the research is to describe and characterize the working class neighborhoods produced by public institutions in the city of Guayaquil between 1937, the year in which the Social Security Fund began its action, and 1948, when in Ecuador the period of economic crisis and political and there is a change in the urbanization model towards the citadel. These neighborhoods represent the origins of modern architecture and urban planning in Guayaquil because they represent a revolution in urban forms and building types in relation to the transition spaces between the street and the house. The projects tackle the problem of housing considering new hygiene standards, optimizing the housing cell, standardizing construction systems and incorporating services for community use at the neighborhood level. The research is qualitative and focuses on the relationship between spatial organization and social practices and incorporates certain quantitative values that allow a comparative analysis based on common variables. The study is approached with the analytical-synthetic method that consists of the qualification and characterization of the determining features of each case, from its historical and geographical context to an analysis at different scales: the urban complex, the group of dwellings and the types of dwelling. The analyzed housing architecture radically transforms the culture of living in Guayaquil society and the aim of this research is to value these neighborhoods as cultural heritage. ; Agradecemos a todos los ayudantes del equipo de investigación por su esfuerzo en el levantamiento de información, al Sistema de Investigación y Desarrollo (SINDE) de la Universidad Católica de Santiago de Guayaquil por el financiamiento de esta investigación y al Instituto de Investigación e Innovación en Hábitat, Diseño y Construcciones por su apoyo incondicional representado sobre todo por Teresa Pérez de Murzi y Tanya Donoso. ; Peer Reviewed

Bakgrunn: Tillit som en del av sosial kapital er et viktig fundament for et helsefremmende og velfungerende samfunn. Til tross for at det i Norge generelt er høye nivåer av tillit og relativt små sosiale ulikheter i befolkningen, er det tidligere funnet forskjeller mellom ulike sosioøkonomiske grupper i grad av tillit. Det er derfor behov for mer kunnskap om nivået av tillit hos befolkningen, og hvordan tilliten fordeler seg. Formål: Å undersøke både grad av tillit til institusjoner (vertikal tillit) og generell tillit (horisontal tillit) i et utvalg av befolkningen i Østfold. Videre var et mål å undersøke om demografiske og sosioøkonomiske faktorer var assosiert med grad av tillit. Metode: Det ble benyttet data fra tverrsnittstudien "Oss i Øsfold 2019" utført av Østfold fylkeskommune, med et representativt utvalg (n=16 558) av befolkningen i Østfold i alderen 18-79 år. Assosiasjonen mellom de sosiodemografiske variablene kjønn, alder, utdanning og opplevd økonomisk situasjon, og grad av tillit, ble undersøkt ved hjelp av logistiske regresjonsanalyser. Institusjonene som ble undersøkt var helsevesenet, skolevesenet, NAV, kommunestyret, politiet, rettsvesenet og massemedia. Forskjeller mellom gruppene ble oppgitt ved odds ratio (OR). Resultater: For utvalget som helhet var helsevesenet den institusjonen flest hadde høy tillit til (83.0 %), mens færrest hadde høy tillit til massemedia (42.9 %). Det var 65.9 % av utvalget som oppga at de generelt hadde høy tillit til andre mennesker. Funnene viste at det var klare sosiodemografiske forskjeller i grad av tillit. Kvinner hadde høyere tillit til institusjoner og høyere generell tillit enn menn. Den generelle tilliten økte med alderen. Funnene viste også at utdanningsnivå og opplevd økonomisk situasjon var positivt assosiert med grad av både institusjonell- og generell tillit. Konklusjon: Det ble funnet en klar sosial gradient i forekomst av både vertikal og horisontal tillit. Dette er viktig å ta på alvor, da økende grad av mistillit kan føre til en utvikling som undergraver demokratiske verdier, og svekker den generelle viljen i samfunnet til å slutte opp om kollektive velferdsordninger. I Østfold kan det være behov for å ha et bevisst forhold til tillitsbyggende arbeid, for å generere sosial kapital som en viktig ressurs i samfunnet. Det bør fokuseres på strategier som sikrer høy sysselsetting, rettferdig inntektsfordeling og gode velferdsordninger. I tillegg, kan det være behov for målrettede tiltak mot grupper med lav sosioøkonomisk posisjon. ; Background: Trust as a part of social capital is an important foundation for a healthpromoting and well-functioning society. Even though there are generally high levels of trust in Norway and relatively small social inequalities in the population, differences between socio-economic groups in levels of trust have been found in previous research. There is therefore a need for more knowledge about the levels of trust among the population, and how trust is distributed. Aim: To study the levels of trust in public institutions (vertical trust) and general trust (horizontal trust) within a representative sample of the population in Østfold aged 18-79 years. Furthermore, examine whether demographic (gender and age) and socioeconomic (education level and economic situation) factors are associated with levels of trust. Method: Data from the cross-sectional study "Oss i Østfold 2019", conducted by the county municipality Østfold was used, with a representative sample (n=16 558) of the population of Østfold. Logistic regression analyses were used to examine whether the sociodemographic variables gender, age, education and perceived economic self-sufficiency were associated with levels of trust. The institutions examined were the healthcare system, the school system, NAV (Social Security office), the municipal council, the police, the legal system and the media. Differences between the groups were measured using odds ratio (OR). Results: Overall, the majority in the sample had high levels of trust in the healthcare system (83.0 %). Fewest in the analysed sample had high levels of trust in the media (42.9 %). 65.9 % of the sample reported high levels of general trust in other people. The findings showed significant sociodemographic factors in terms of trust. The women in the study had higher institutional and general trust, than the male participants. Horizontal trust increased with the age. Education level and perceived economic self-sufficiency were positively associated with the degree of both institutional trust and general trust. Conclusion: A clear social gradient was found in the incidence of both vertical and horizontal trust. It is important to take this seriously, as an increase of distrust can lead to a development that undermines democratic values and reduces the general will in society to support collective welfare schemes. In Østfold there may be a need for a conscious approach to trustbuilding work, in order to generate social capital as an important resource in society. Strategies that focus on high employment, economic equality and good welfare schemes should be in focus. In addition, these findings may imply that targeted measures to build trust in low socio-economic groups are needed. ; M-FOL

Résumé La volatilité constatée des taux de change réels dans beaucoup d'économies, notamment dans les pays en développement, et l'efficacité du taux de change en tant qu'instrument décisif dans l'élaboration des politiques d'ajustement structurelles et dans la stabilité économique, soulèvent la question de la détermination d'un niveau d'équilibre du taux de change. En effet, toute distorsion prolongée et sévère du taux de change par rapport à son niveau d'équilibre crée des déséquilibres macroéconomiques et conduisent à une perte de compétitivité et augmentent les pressions sur le niveau des réserves de change, en particulier, dans les économies adoptant des régimes de change fixe. Dans ce cadre, cette étude porte sur l'estimation du taux de change d'équilibre afin d'évaluer le degré d'alignement/désalignement du taux de change d'équilibre avec le taux de change effectif réel. Cette étude vise à présenter de manière résumée les résultats et les conclusions de cette estimation qui a été réalisée à l'aide de la méthode appelée : Behavioural Equilibrium Exchange Rate (BEER) en raison de son niveau d'adaptation avec les réalités et les spécificités de l'économie marocaine. L'estimation du modèle s'est basée sur l'analyse des données par l'utilisation de la technique de la cointégration pour le modèle de long terme du taux de change réel et a porté sur 69 observations pour la période 2001-2019, exprimées sur une base trimestrielle. L'évaluation du taux de change d'équilibre à travers la méthodologie BEER fait ressortir les principales conclusions suivantes : − Une sous-évaluation, depuis 2014, de la valeur du dirham après avoir atteint un niveau maximum de surévaluation en 2012. Cette évolution favorable est liée notamment à la stabilité soutenable de la dette publique pour s'établir à 65% en 2019 et l'amélioration progressive des équilibres macro-économiques, avec une réduction substantielle des déficits budgétaire et du compte courant de la balance des paiements qui sont passés respectivement de 7,2% et 9,5% du PIB en 2012 à 3,6% et 4,1% du PIB en 2019. − Le degré de désalignement du taux de change dépend des politiques et pratiques passées et présentes particulièrement celles dédiées à renforcer davantage la compétitivité de l'économie marocaine ; − Presque deux années après le lancement de la réforme du régime de change, la valeur du dirham est restée fortement stable et continue d'évoluer bien vers sa norme. − Le désalignement n'est pas statique et n'indique pas une distorsion durable ou une faiblesse structurelle de la monnaie nationale. Mots clés :Taux de change effectif réel ; taux de change d'équilibre ; mésalignement ; fondamentaux Abstract The observed volatility of real exchange rates in many economies, especially in developing countries, and the effectiveness of the exchange rate as a decisive instrument in the elaboration of structural adjustment policies and in economic stability, raises the issue of determining an exchange rate equilibrium level. Indeed, any prolonged and severe distortion of the exchange rate from its equilibrium level creates macroeconomic imbalances, leads to a loss of competitiveness and increases the pressures on the level of foreign exchange reserves, especially in the economies adopting fixed exchange rate regimes. In this context, this study focuses on equilibrium exchange rate estimate to assess the degree of alignment/misalignment of the equilibrium exchange rate with the real effective exchange rate. The purpose of this study is to summarize the results and conclusions of this estimate, which was conducted using the Edwards Behavioral Equilibrium Exchange Rate (BEER) method because of its adaptation level to the Moroccan realities and specificities. The model estimate was based on data analysis using the cointegration technique for the long-run real exchange rate model and included 67 observations for the period 2001-2019, expressed on a quarterly basis. The assessment of the medium-term equilibrium exchange rate through the BEER methodology highlights the following main conclusions: − An undervaluation, since 2014, the value of the dirham after reaching a peak of overvaluation in 2012. This improvement is due in particular to the sustainable stability of the public debt to stand at 65% in 2019 and the gradual improvement of macroeconomic balances, with a substantial reduction of budget deficits and balance of payments current account, which rose from 7.2% and 9.5% of GDP respectively in 2012 to 3.6% and 4.1% of GDP in 2019; − The degree of misalignment of the exchange rate depends on past and present policies and practices, particularly those aimed at further strengthening of the Moroccan economy competitiveness; − Almost two years after the launch of the reform of the exchange rate regime, the value of the dirham has remained strongly stable and continues to move well towards its norm; − The misalignment is not static and does not indicate a lasting distortion or a structural weakness of the national currency. KeywordsReal effective exchange rate; equilibrium exchange rate; misalignment; fundamentals.