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France said it would shut down internet services "to control the riots."

"Political legitimacy has become a scarce resource in Russia and other post-Soviet states in Eurasia. Their capacity to deliver prosperity has suffered from economic crisis, the conflict in Ukraine and the ensuing confrontation with the West. Will nationalism and repression enable political regimes to survive? This book investigates the politics of legitimation in post-Soviet countries, focusing on how political and intellectual elites exploit different modes of legitimation. Combining cross-national comparisons and country case studies, it addresses state-economy relations, pro-presidential parties, courts, ideas of nationhood, historical and literary narratives. Weak economic performance, evidence of electoral fraud, unresponsive governments and the waning authority of presidents continue to jeopardize institutional legitimacy. Whilst incumbent elites have been able to shift between legitimation modes, this collection argues that shifts towards nationalism, artificial charisma and traditionalism will not be sufficient in the long term to keep elites in power"--

This book explores the intercultural policy paradigm emerging within diversity and migration studies. Drawing on empirical studies of cultural diversity and placing a focus on the current crises of identity in Europe, Zapata-Barrero argues for an intercultural model of citizenship that prioritises contact between diverse people. In looking forward to a post-multicultural era, his analysis suggests how we can better manage the challenges presented by our increasingly complex, multifaceted societies. This thoughtful text will appeal to students and scholars across politics, sociology, anthropology and social psychology, as well as policy makers and social entrepreneurs around the world grappling with issues around migration, diversity and citizenship. Ricard Zapata-Barrero is a Professor of Political and Social Sciences at the Universitat Pompeu Fabra. He is also Director of the Interdisciplinary Research Group on Immigration at UPF, on the Board of Directors for IMISCOE, an expert on the Intercultural Cities Program, and founded the Intercultural Cities Network in Spain in 2014. Additionally, he is a Compendium expert within the Council of Europe

The political development of Romania started after the death of Nicole Ceausescu in 1989. The article describes and analyses institutional and behavioural dynamics of the political processes that have occurred in Romania since 1989. This article focuses on the constitutional framework of governing institutions. This paper tries to explore the understanding of theoretical approaches to political and institutional development in the country. It examines the evolution of legislative, executive, and judiciary bodies. These are the three pillars of democracy. The article discusses how political parties participating in elections, form a government and will look at the stability of the institutions. This article examines institutional foundations of the coalition government in the 1990–2020 post-communist democracy period in Romania. The article starts with the institutional framework premise that electoral systems and constitutional provisions on the division of powers, structure, and the relationship between parliament and the president determines the point at which political power can be dispersed or concentrated in the political system.

Postcolonial theory looks at history, and it links to culture, sociology, psychology, and even politics and law. This study aims to analyze Aphra Behn Oroonoko with respect to post-colonialism, in particular, investigation of the extent colonialism, slavery, and being other. Oroonoko displays literary fiction and reality at the same time; thus, Immanuel Kant's concepts of the noumenal world and phenomenal world have significant meaning. It draws on these theories and worlds: while the phenomenal world is day-to-day life conditions, the noumenal world is impossible to experience. On the other hand, Tzvetan Todorov's perspectives on stories and novels are different, and he puts them in scales such as fantastic, uncanny and marvelous. For Oroonoko, readers can decide the scales only if they are willing to understand Todorov's aims. The aim of this study is to examine Kant's concepts of the noumenal world and the phenomenal world, and Todorov's scales, as well as colonialism, slavery and being other.

The uncertainty of the post-Maoist era, by Marie-Claire Bergère
The presence of Mao Zedong at the head of the Chinese Communist Party transformed a classic type bureaucracy into an aleatory one, both unforeseeable and arbitrary. Mao did not succeed in setting up a personal despotic regime. The struggle between Mao and the forces which seek to neutralise him, make the regime unstable. Three years after Mao's death, the political forces regained their equilibrium with Deng Xiaoping, though not without a certain opposition. Faction strife influences the relationship between government and those governed and dissension leads to a climate of anarchy, particularly agitated in the towns: political opening did not have the desired effect on the town masses. The urgent need for economic development cannot neglect the aim of a classless society, but the persistence of the Maoist utopia hinders the development of accelerated industrialisation. The contradiction between utopia and development assumes an explosive nature in China.

Abstract
Tax matters figured prominently in the Brexit debate. Current signs are, however, that the UK government is not planning the creation of a post-Brexit 'Singapore on Thames' as some had predicted. In fact, we are seeing increases to the main corporation tax rate in response to broader international tax developments and the fiscal upheaval caused by the pandemic. Prior to Brexit, the UK already enjoyed considerable freedom in respect of direct taxes including income tax and corporation tax, but less so for VAT; it has more freedom to change the VAT now, if desired, and has already introduced some relatively small amendments to reflect the new state of play. At this point, the government has exercised its new-found freedoms on tax in quite limited ways—most notably in creating freeports which will benefit from special advantageous customs and tax rules, refocusing R&D tax relief towards activity conducted in the UK, making relatively minor changes to tonnage tax, alcohol duties, and air passenger duty, and removing some narrow EU-focused corporation tax measures. However, these new-found tax freedoms come with new-found restrictions, costs, and challenges for both taxpayers and the UK government. There are significant changes on the tax administration front, which generally complicates matters for HMRC as it will have to rely on less extensive and less convenient treaty and OECD avenues of cooperation. On VAT, teething issues as well as longer-term complications have arisen post-Brexit for businesses and consumers. Provisions remain to control the extent of fiscal state aid, albeit in a less restrictive way under the new subsidy control mechanism in the UK/EU Trade and Co-operation Agreement. The strong overall message is that financial and international pressures and constraints are more important to the direction of tax policy than the fact that the UK has left the EU.

Commonwealth and Independence in Post-Soviet Eurasia (1998) examines the various attempts to create new forms of integration by the new states of Eurasia. The contributors to this volume analyse in detail how the national elites in the independent states conceived their regional policies. It looks in particular at the Russian-led Commonwealth of Independent States, feared by many of the newly-independent nations as being the Soviet Union Mark II.

SUMMARY: Far generations Gypsies have suffered from oppression and discrimination. Five centuries of slavery, attempted genocide during the Holocaust, forced assimilation and separation under communism have all been part of their history. In some areas of Eastern Europe, 90 per cent of children in state care are of Gypsy origin. In post‐communist Eastern Europe economic recession has brought a new wave of anti‐Gypsy feeling and violence. In such a climate Gypsy children face a forbidding future. Here in the UK we are currently debating new proposals under the Criminal Justice and Public Order Bill which could radically affect the lives of Gypsy children and their families. As we consider this legislation, do we have something to learn from the experience of Gypsy children in Eastern Europe?

Cover -- Half Title -- Series Page -- Title Page -- Copyright Page -- Table of Contents -- Introduction and Background -- Chapter 1: Conceptualizing the "Post-truth" -- References -- Chapter 2: Information Sources and News Consumption Habitus -- 2.1 Partisan Media Use and COVID-19 Misperceptions -- 2.1.1 COVID-19 Misinformation and Misperceptions -- 2.1.2 Partisan Media in the United States -- 2.1.3 Political Ideology -- 2.1.4 Need for Cognition -- 2.1.5 Trust in Scientists -- 2.1.6 Message Derogation -- 2.1.7 Moderated Mediation Models -- 2.2 Methodology -- 2.2.1 Data Collection -- 2.2.2 Measurements -- 2.2.3 Analytical Strategy -- 2.3 Results -- 2.4 Conclusion and Discussion -- 2.5 Partisan Media, The Extended Parallel Process Model, and COVID-19 Misperceptions -- 2.5.1 The Extended Parallel Process Model -- 2.5.2 Measurements -- 2.5.3 Analytical Strategy -- 2.5.4 Results -- 2.5.5 Conclusion and Discussion -- 2.6 Incidental News Exposure and COVID-19 Misperceptions -- 2.6.1 Incidental News Exposure -- 2.6.2 Media Locus of Control -- 2.6.3 Discussion Network Heterogeneity -- 2.6.4 Defensive Avoidance -- 2.6.5 Measurements -- 2.6.6 Analytical Strategy -- 2.6.7 Results -- 2.6.8 Conclusion and Discussion -- 2.7 The News-Finds-Me Perception and Political Interest -- 2.7.1 The News-Finds-Me Perception -- 2.7.2 Political Interest -- 2.7.3 Methodology -- 2.7.3.1 Measurements -- 2.7.3.2 Analytical Strategy -- 2.7.4 Results -- 2.7.5 Conclusion and Discussion -- References -- Chapter 3: Social Media as a Pandora's Box -- 3.1 Social Media and COVID-19 Misinformation -- 3.1.1 Social Media News Use -- 3.1.2 Social Media Affordance Utilization -- 3.1.3 Discussion Network Homogeneity -- 3.1.4 Methodology -- 3.1.4.1 Data Collection -- 3.1.4.2 Measurements -- 3.1.4.3 Analytical Strategy -- 3.1.5 Results -- 3.1.6 Conclusion and Discussion.

For some years, a growing crowd of cosmopolitan Left-liberal scholars and intellectuals have been taking aim at the nation state, holding it responsible for numerous grave problems facing Europe and the wider world, ranging from growing anti-immigrant sentiments to the absence of a counterweight to US neoconservative unilateralism. In this view, more Europe, as in more supranational EU integration, is said to be the key solution, paving the way for a progressive, human rights-based cosmopolitan Europe capable of transcending the vices of national self-interest. This article offers a critique of such an EU-based cosmopolitan promise, focusing primarily on asylum policy. Since there has been an increased EU involvement in asylum policy in recent years, it makes for an ideal context to discuss and test the cosmopolitan more Europe thesis. It is argued that, while there are as many good reasons to remain critical of the nation state as there are injustices committed in its name, recognition of this fact cannot be allowed to spill over uncritically into the nowadays fashionable contention that progress will automatically result from diminishing national sovereignty and the shift of policy-making to the EU level. As the case of Europeanised asylum policy demonstrates, there are no guarantees whatsoever to that effect. ; Original Publication:Peo Hansen, Post-national Europe - without cosmopolitan guarantees, 2009, RACE and CLASS, (50), 4, 20-37.http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0306396809102994Copyright: SAGE Publications (UK and US)http://www.sagepub.co.uk/