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In 2005, the Colombian government implemented the Law of Justice and Peace, which is now regarded as the first step towards the so-called post-conflict era. As a result of this law, many of the armed groups that had historically defied the state's monopoly on violence have laid down their weapons. This process has been accompanied by a politics of history aimed at creating a "new national narrative." In this article, we analyze if these politics have been capable of strengthening Colombia's transition to peace. Furthermore, we carry out a review of public policies in the educational sector and analyze history-related contents in some of the most widely used school textbooks.

Part Part I Criminal Foundations -- chapter 1 Mark Galeotti (1994), {u2018}Criminal Russia: The Traditions Behind the Headlines{u2019}, History Today, ppages 12-14 -- chapter 2 Federico Varese (1998), {u2018}The Society of the Vory-v-Zakone, 1930s-1950s{u2019}, Cahiers du Monde russe, 39, ppages 515-38 -- chapter 3 Yuri Glazov (1976), {u2018} ?Thieves? in the USSR -- A Social Phenomenon{u2019}, Survey, 22, ppages 141-56 -- chapter 4 Steven J. Staats (1972), {u2018}Corruption in the Soviet System{u2019}, Problems o f Communism, 21, ppages 40-47 -- chapter 5 Gerald Mars and Yochanan Altman (1983), {u2018}The Cultural Bases of Soviet Georgia{u2019}s Second Economy{u2019}, Soviet Studies, XXXV, ppages 546-60 -- part PART II WHAT IS THE MAFIYA ? -- chapter 6W.E. Butler (1992), {u2018}Crime in the Soviet Union: Early Glimpses of the True Story{u2019}, British Journal of Criminology, 32, ppages 144-59 -- chapter 7 Joseph D. Serio and Vyacheslav Razinkin (1995), {u2018}Thieves Professing the Code: The Traditional Role of Vory v Zakone in Russia{u2019}s Criminal World and Adaptations to a New Social Reality{u2019}, Low Intensity Conflict & Law Enforcement, 4, ppages 72-88 -- chapter 8 Stephen Handelman (1994), {u2018}The Russian ?Mafiya? {u2019}, Foreign Affairs, 73, ppages 83-96 -- chapter 9 Robert J. Kelly, Rufus Schatzberg and Patrick J. Ryan (1995), {u2018}Primitive Capitalist Accumulation: Russia as a Racket{u2019}, Journal of Contemporary Criminal Justice, 11, ppages 257-75 -- chapter 10 Joseph L. Albini, R.E. Rogers, Victor Shabalin, Valery Kutushev, Vladimir Moiseev and Julie Anderson (1995), {u2018}Russian Organized Crime: Its History, Structure and Function{u2019}, Journal o f Contemporary Criminal Justice, 11, ppages 213-43 -- chapter 11 Federico Varese (1994), {u2018}Is Sicily the Future of Russia? Private Protection and the Rise of the Russian Mafia{u2019}, Archives européenes de sociologie, XXXV, ppages 224-58 -- part Part III Assessments -- chapter 12 Alexander S. Nikiforov (1993), {u2018}Organized Crime in the West and in the Former USSR: An Attempted Comparison{u2019}, International Journal o f Offender Therapy and Comparative Criminology, 37, ppages 5-15 -- chapter 13 Louise I. Shelley (1994), {u2018}Post-Soviet Organized Crime: Implications for Economic, Social and Political Development{u2019}, Demokratizatsiya, 2, ppages 341-58 -- chapter 14 Alena V. Ledeneva (1998), {u2018}Organized Crime in Russia Today{u2019}, Jamestown Foundation Prism, 17 April, ppages 3, 7, 14, 15 -- chapter 15 Joseph Serio (1992), {u2018}Shunning Tradition: Ethnic Organized Crime in the Former Soviet Union{u2019}, Crime and Justice International, 8, ppages 5-6 -- part Part IV Russian Organized Crime and the Russian Economy -- chapter 16 Svetlana P. Glinkina (1994), {u2018}Privatizatsiya and Kriminalizatsiya: How Organized Crime Is Hijacking Privatization{u2019}, Demokratizatsiya, 2, ppages 385-91 -- chapter 17 Alena V. Ledeneva (1999), {u2018}Practices of Exchange and Networking in Russia{u2019}, Journal o f Financial Crime, 6, ppages 218-33 -- chapter 18 Vadim Volkov (1999), {u2018}Violent Entrepreneurship in Post-Communist Russia{u2019}, Europe-Asia Studies, 51, ppages 741-54 -- chapter 19 Mark Galeotti (1998), {u2018}The Mafiya and the New Russia{u2019}, Australian Journal o f Politics and History, 44, ppages 415-29 -- part Part V Global Russian Organized Crime? -- chapter 20 Lydia S. Rosner (1995), {u2018}The Sexy Russian Mafia{u2019}, Criminal Organizations, 10, ppages 28-32 -- chapter 21 Phil Williams (1996), {u2018}Hysteria, Complacency and Russian Organized Crime{u2019}, PSBF Briefing (Royal Institute of International Affairs), 8, ppages 1-6 -- chapter 22 James Finckenauer and Elin Waring (1994), {u2018}Russian Emigré Crime in the United States: Organized Crime or Crime that is Organized?{u2019}, Transnational Organized Crime, 2, ppages 139-55 -- chapter 23 Mark Galeotti (2000), {u2018}Inside the Russian Mafiya{u2019}, Jane's Intelligence Review, March, ppages 8-9.

Since losing the mainland to Communist conquest in 1949 (more accurately, since the North Korean invasion of the South in June 1950), Taiwan has become a continuous foreign policy protectorate of the United States. Had it not been for American security protection, Taiwan would long since have come under Beijing's rule. Several causative agents, separately, in combination or sequentially, kept Taiwan out of mainland Chinese hands. These included, initially, the American Seventh Fleet, then generalized American military might in concert with the American-Taiwan Defence Treaty of 1954, thence the three American- Chinese communiques forming the basis of post-1971 relations between the two countries, concomitantly the American Congress's Taiwan Relations Act of 1979 and the accompanying (and subsequent) legislative history, and, throughout, China's inability to overcome, with a high probability of success, active Taiwan military resistance and probable American military support. While the economic and, more recently, political transformation of Taiwan materially strengthened that entity such that its defensibility against attack rose greatly, to say nothing of its overall attractiveness, from the onset of the People's Republic of China it was the American connection that was the sine qua non of Taiwan's quasi-independent existence.

In recent months the UK Labour Party has been reviewing its policy approach and putting some flesh on the bones of what a Labour government led by Jeremy Corbyn and current shadow chancellor John McDonnell might hope to achieve. Central to their approach has been a renewed interest on the perils of market failure and what can be done about it. An alternative vision has emerged that focuses on prospects for a more cooperative and democratic economy constructed around a limited programme of (re)nationalisation and a National Investment Bank. In the process, two major reports have been produced as discussion documents. The first, Alternative Models of Ownership (herein referred to as AMO) discusses market failures and proposes a new type of economy based on co-ops, and a high-tech networked society encapsulating what McDonnell has referred to as "socialism with an iPad".1 The second report, Financing Investment (FI), examines the nature of the UK economy, with an array of policy proposals designed to boost the economy through investment in order to encourage productivity growth.2 Both reports are contextualised by academic contributions to the debate and discourse in which concepts such as "post-neoliberalism" or "alternative economic models" have emerged as political projects coveted by sections of the left. These theoretical contributions construct an alternative vision of society based on cooperative sharing, benevolent capital and state-facilitated investment as a successor to the neoliberal phase of capitalism. The purpose of this article is to explore this brand of socialist ideal and to offer a critique in the classical Marxist, revolutionary tradition.

Aceh is province of Indonesia located in the northern tip of Sumatra. It is rich of natural resources. Aceh was seriously affected and damaged by tsunami resulted from earthquake in India Ocean in December 2004. Mismanagement of natural resources in Aceh by the central government in Jakarta, which did not share equally the revenues from the natural resources, which has helped to create tension between elites in Aceh with the central government. Insulting the local tradition and religion by the central government is another fuel to generate quarrel. Given this bad situation, the Free Aceh Movement (GAM) was then established to challenge the GoI. Problems of human right abuses by Indonesian military during Aceh's DOM status have added more fuel to elicit armed conflict between GAM and the GoI. Conflict in Aceh cannot resolve only with using military forces by the central government. The conflict might be easy to be dealt with if the state can meet the need of all individuals and provide justice to them. Peace can be only be achieved if such a condition fulfilled. Since women play significant role in coloring the future of society in Aceh, they must be involved in the process of transforming conflict into peace. After the peace has been achieved, their participation is needed to maintain the peace in society. Gender discrimination, therefore, must not take place in Aceh anymore. Maintaining peace in Aceh post Helsinki MoU can be afforded by doing peace-building and peace-keeping activities. Successful peace-building in Aceh cannot be gained only from the outsiders' help, but it can be achieved by empowering the whole levels of indigenous population.

The purpose of this paper is to analyse and evaluate Canadian post-war monetary policy, in the light of the recurring inflationary pressures to which the economy was subjected. In the evaluation of past events, even the least perceptive critic possesses two great advantages, that is, published statistical data and the revelations of hindsight. When rightly used, hindsight is a valuable guide, but the critic must be careful to distinguish two significant questions: (1) In the light of the relevant contemporary circumstances, what alternatives were available to policy-makers at the time decisions were made? (2) What were the merits or demerits of the policies adopted, when viewed in the light of subsequent events, that is, given the same problem again, would different policies be adopted?Any analysis, to be useful, must guard against oversimplification and unrealistic abstraction, and it is therefore impossible to evaluate Canadian postwar monetary experience fairly unless the analysis moves beyond the consideration of primarily domestic influences to an adequate recognition of the economic difficulties posed by violent shifts in our balance of payments. The following criticism of specific aspects of Canadian policy does not imply any over-all condemnation, for although we may deplore the damage which inflation has wrought, it must be admitted that its post-war development in this country has been relatively moderate, despite the substantial limitations imposed upon Canadian monetary policy by our open economy.

In dieser Abhandlung wird das Augenmerk auf die deutsch-türkischen Beziehungen gerichtet. Mit Hilfe der wöchentlich erschienenen Kaukasischen Post wird versucht ein Bild der in der Türkei lebenden Deutschen zu erstellen. Die Kaukasische Post ist das einzige und wichtigste Indiz dieser Recherche, die auf vielfältige Weise ein Bild derer liefert, die seit dem Freundschafts-, Handels- und Schifffahrtsvertrag der Hansestädte von 1839 im Osmanischen Reich leben. Mit der Ankunft der Deutschen in der Türkei wurde der Name "Allemania" immer bekannter und rückte die ehemalige Bezeichnung "Frenk" in den Hintergrund. Die sich in dem Berliner Kongress geltend machende orientalische Politik des Deutschen Reiches erweckte das Interesse des Sultans und der türkischen Bevölkerung für Deutschland. Mit dem Entschluss des Kaisers in Bezug auf die Reformierung der Verwaltung, des Heeres sowie des Gesundheitswesens in der Türkei werden im Jahre 1880 Beamte, Offiziere und Ärzte aus Deutschland in die Türkei entsandt. Zusammen mit diesen Reformen und einer jahrelangen Entsendung türkischer Offiziere und Studenten nach Deutschland haben sich die gegenseitigen Beziehungen immer freundschaftlicher gestaltet und befestigt. Die Analyse der Zeitungsartikel ist nicht simpel, da sie in Fraktur gedruckt sind und penibel untersucht werden müssen. Die gefundenen Indizien werden später gefiltert und sortiert und dienen dieser Abhandlung als Stütze und informieren über das Leben der Deutschen in der Türkei. Wie sind die deutsch-türkischen Beziehungen zu Stande gekommen? Hat es Startschwierigkeiten gegeben? Welche Reformen wurden durchgeführt? Wie haben die Deutschen zur türkischen Wirtschaft beigetragen? Genau auf diese Fragen eine Antwort zu finden wird in dieser Abhandlung mit Hilfe der Kaukasischen Post versucht. ; Bu incelemede odak noktası Türk-Alman ilişkilerine yönlendirilmektedir. Haftalık yayınlanan Kafkasya Postası sayesinde Türkiye'de yaşayan Almanlar hakkında bir imge oluşturulmaya çalışılmaktadır; 1839 yılında Hansa şehirleri ile Osmanlı Devleti arasında imzalanan Dostluk, Ticaret ve Gemicilik Anlaşması ile birlikte Türk topraklarında yaşamaya başlayan Almanların hakkında bir imge sağlamaktadır. Almanların Türkiye'ye gelmeleri ile birlikte o zamanki "Frenk" tabiri "Allemania" tabirine yer vererek arka planda kalmıştır. Almanların Berlin Kongresindeki doğu politikası Sultanın ve de Türk halkının dikkatini çekmekte başarılı olmuştur. Alman İmparatoru 1880 yılında Türk idaresini, ordu kuvvetlerini ve de sağlık alanında reform düzenleme kararı alması ile birlikte Türkiye'ye memurlar, subaylar ve de doktorlar yollanmıştır. Bu reformlarla ve de yıllarca Almanya'ya gönderilen Türk subay ve öğrenciler sayesinde karşılıklı ilişkiler gittikçe yakınlaşmış ve sabitlenmişlerdir. Gazete makalelerinin analizi kolay olmamakla beraber gotik alfabeden günümüz alfabeye çevrilmiş, elde edilen bulgular filtrelenerek bu inceleme için temel oluşturulmuş ve Almanların Türkiye'deki yaşamları hakkında da bilgi sunulmuştur. Türk-Alman ilişkileri nasıl meydana gelmiştir? Hangi reformlar yapılmıştır? Almanların Türk ekonomisine ne denli katkıları olmuştur? Bu incelemenin amacı bu sorulara bir cevap bulmak olacaktır.

Jesper Jespersen presents a treatise on the importance of the choice of methodology within macroeconomics. Given that no scientifically based macroeconomic policy recommendation should be established without an evaluation of the methods employed, this book gives a clear exposition of how proper macroeconomic analysis should be undertaken. Furthermore, it is convincingly argued that one of the lasting contributions of John Maynard Keynes was his emphasis on methodology; that macroeconomic consequences of uncertainty could not be analysed within the established general equilibrium framework. It is due to post-Keynesian economics supported by critical realism that the understanding of Keynes's methodology has been resurrected, which has eventually resulted in renewed debate on realistic macroeconomic policies to restore full employment without inflation

With the intention of assisting legislators, election officials and the public to make sense of recent literature on post-election audits and convert it into realistic audit practices, the Brennan Center and the Samuelson Law, Technology and Public Policy Clinic at Boalt Hall School of Law (University of California Berkeley) convened a blue ribbon panel (the "Audit Panel") of statisticians, voting experts, computer scientists and several of the nation's leading election officials. Following a review of the literature and extensive consultation with the Audit Panel, the Brennan Center and the Samuelson Clinic make several practical recommendations for improving post-election audits, regardless of the audit method that a jurisdiction ultimately decides to adopt.

Come! Unity Press was an anarchist community in New York City in the mid nineteen-seventies that based its operations on the ideas of Murray Bookchin, the organizer best known for his theory of "Post-Scarcity Anarchism." Come! Unity Press offered free access for the publishing of literature and visual propaganda of all sorts; it attracted a wide range of the underserved and unacknowledged: Native Americans, Puerto-Ricans, blacks, gays. Despite this, and like other cultural movements before it, the project initiated "the metamorphosis of political struggle from a compulsory decision into an object of pleasure, from a means of production into an article of consumption" [Walter Benjamin]. Come! Unity Press was a forerunner of the consumer-oriented cultures of today. This article suggests parallels with the ideology of Cubism and the cultural program of the Bavarian People's Republic of 1919. ; A Come! Unity Press foi uma comunidade anarquista dos anos setenta, nascida em New York, que se inspirava nas ideias de Murray Bookchin, mais conhecido pela sua teoria do "Anarquismo Pós-Escassez". A Come! Unity Press oferecia acesso livre para publicações variadas de literatura e produção visual, o que a levou a atrair um espectro largo de grupos desprivilegiados e marginalizados pela sociedade: nativos americanos, porto-riquenhos, negros, gays, entre outros. Apesar desta postura, como outros movimentos culturais, o projeto cumpriu "a metamorfose da luta política, de vontade de decidir em objeto de prazer contemplativo, de meio de produção em artigo de consumo" [Walter Benjamin]. A Come! Unity Press foi precursora das culturas alternativas norteadas pelo consumo que vemos hoje. Este artigo sugere paralelos entre a Come! Unity Press e as ideologias do Cubismo e do programa cultural da República Popular da Bavária de 1919.Traduzido por Alice Heeren.

On Sunday 26 December 2004, a tsunami of up to 30 metres high hit the northern tip of Sumatera in Indonesia, causing immediate destruction and the deaths of at least 130,000 in Indonesia alone. The scale of the devastation and ensuing human suffering prompted the biggest response endeavour to any natural disaster in history.Post-Disaster Reconstruction will be the first major book that analyses the different perspectives and experiences of the enormous post-tsunami reconstruction effort. It looks specifically at the reconstruction efforts in Aceh, one of the regions most heavily-hit by the tsu

This paper explores the accounting practices and cultural setting of a general merchandise store located in Natchez, Mississippi during the post-Civil War period in 1865. The store ledger records complete sales and payroll entries from January through December 1865. The facts concerning the store came from a "cash book" (referred to as the ledger) that recorded financial transactions both prior to and after the Civil War [Holland, 1837]. Our article asserts that, in spite of devastating economic conditions, merchandisers in general were able to continue as central figures in daily lives in the Natchez area.

We would like to share our impression on the report 'Postmortem diagnosis of COVID-19: Antemortem challenges of three cases at the 37 Military Hospital, Accra, Ghana'.(1) Attoh et al. concluded that 'The outcome of COVID-19 testing is dependent on the sample type and accuracy of sampling amongst other factors'(1) and suggested that 'more autopsies are required to fully understand the pathogenesis of this disease in Ghanaians'.(1) Indeed, post-mortem diagnosis of coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) is possible and there are many reports of the existence of pathogenic viruses in autopsy specimens.(2,3) Autopsy is also very useful for understanding the pathogenesis of this new disease. However, it must be performed with high caution. While there are no confirmed cases of the pathogen being spread from deceased patients, infection of forensic pathology workers has been reported.(4) More autopsies might be recommended, but adequate biosafety and biosecurity, and other infection control precautions must be in place for these to occur.