Suchergebnisse

This variable describes how a war is framed in a news article. It suggests what interpretation or perspective on a war is promoted through a news item (Dimitrova & Strömbäck, 2008; Entman, 1993). In general, there are two approaches to framing: Deductive frame analyses measure the presence of frames that were derived from prior research or small pilot studies, whereas inductive frame analyses derive the frames from the actual material itself. As such, the frames measured in inductive analyses tend to be case-specific and can rarely be used for other conflict cases and material (cf. Matthes & Kohring, 2008). In deductive frame analyses, however, a set re-occurring frames has been identified and operationalized. They have been measured in the coverage of a variety of wars and in news items that were published in different media organizations (e.g. Carpenter, 2007; Dimitrova & Strömbäck, 2005, 2008). These frames and their operationalizations will be described in the following example. Field of application/theoretical foundation: Frame analyses is grounded in the framing approach that describes a media frame as the result of a journalistic process of selecting some aspects of a given social reality and making them more salient in a given text (Entman, 1993). As such, framing is often measured to analyze how a war is portrayed in the news. In doing so, scholars mainly aim to identify media bias that for example can be the result of ethnocentrism, the editorial line, political influences or the predominant journalism culture (Baden, 2014; Jungblut, 2020; Shoemaker & Reese, 2014). Consequentially, media frames are often regarded as the result of a specific working environment and are thus often conceptualized as a dependent variable (e.g. Carpenter, 2007; Dimitrova, 2006; Dimitrova & Strömbäck, 2005, 2008). Alternatively, media frames can be understood as the independent variable if a study seeks to unravel whether the media holds an impact on the public opinion on a given war (e.g. Edy & ...

This paper states that the monograph published E. A. Mekhamadiev, a researcher from St. Petersburg, is a fundamental study of the Later Roman military organization, with especial attention to the epigraphic and papyrological accounts. The use of these sources allows the author to reconstruct the history of specific military units, their spatial movements, participation in various military campaigns and wars, and changes in their ranks. Important is that Mekhamadiev examined the internal (organizational) structure of all regional armies of the Roman empire from 253 to 305 and not restricted himself to specific and narrow aspects of history of a particular province or country. The author of the book under present review has analysed the data related to both the eastern and the western imperial provinces, discovered close interrelations of the western and eastern provinces, and indicated permanent movements of the military units from the west to east and in the opposite direction depending on the geopolitical and home political situation. ; В статье отмечается, что рецензируемая книга петербургского исследователя Е. А. Мехамадиева является фундаментальным исследованием по военной организации позднего Рима, в котором сделан особый акцент на данные эпиграфики и папирологии. Их привлечение позволили автору реконструировать историю отдельных войсковых подразделений, их территориальные перемещения, участие в различных военных кампаниях и походах, изменения рангов. Указывается, что Е. А. Мехамадиев рассмотрел внутреннюю (организационную) структуру всех региональных армий Рима с 253 по 305 г., не ограничился исследованием отдельных и узких сюжетов, связанных с историей отдельно взятой имперской провинции или региона. Автор рецензируемой книги проанализировал данные как по восточным, так и по западным провинциям империи, выявил тесную взаимосвязь западных и восточных провинций, указал на постоянные перемещения войсковых подразделений с запада на восток и в обратную сторону в зависимости от геополитической и внутриполитической ситуации.

« La más dificultosa y trabajosa de todas las demás »: the Spanish Embassy in Rome in the reign of Philip III of Spain (1598-1621) Rome, spiritual centre of Christianity, modern Europe's diplomatic capital, was crucial for the Catholic Monarchy. This thesis studies the Spanish diplomatic representation in Rome during this very specific period, in several aspects. The reign of Philip III of Spain matches with a charismatic renewal of the French presence in Rome, its capacity to compete with the Spanish power after the end of Wars of Religion. This reign will indeed usher in a new type of government thanks to the emergence of a powerful favourite, the valido. The monarch will agree to delegate him most of his power. Eventually, this period's characteristic is the instauration of a peaceful period, known as Pax Hispanica, through which Philip III will end the conflicts its predecessor had opened with England and the Netherlands, whereas he must implement the Peace of Vervins he had signed with France before he sat on the throne. This thesis is focused on the analysis of the impact of such circumstances on the Spanish diplomacy in Rome and explains how the Holy See intervened in maintaining peace in Europe. This thesis accesses the Spanish Embassy close to the Holy See in order to understand how it works, its institutional aspects and materials. This analysis enables to understand the Spanish multiplicity of represented figures in Rome, among which we can distinguish, though very quite unknown, the Cardinal Protector of Castille Kingdom. Focusing on the activity of the six ordinary Ambassadors of the Monarch, this work highlights its information and clientele networks, and the strategies implemented to enforce Spain's interests and to strengthen the Spanish faction of the College. Eventually, this thesis contributes to highlight the difference between the Spanish and Holy See international intentions during the specific period of Pax Hispanica. ; « La más dificultosa y trabajosa de todas las demás » : l'ambassade ...

« La más dificultosa y trabajosa de todas las demás »: the Spanish Embassy in Rome in the reign of Philip III of Spain (1598-1621) Rome, spiritual centre of Christianity, modern Europe's diplomatic capital, was crucial for the Catholic Monarchy. This thesis studies the Spanish diplomatic representation in Rome during this very specific period, in several aspects. The reign of Philip III of Spain matches with a charismatic renewal of the French presence in Rome, its capacity to compete with the Spanish power after the end of Wars of Religion. This reign will indeed usher in a new type of government thanks to the emergence of a powerful favourite, the valido. The monarch will agree to delegate him most of his power. Eventually, this period's characteristic is the instauration of a peaceful period, known as Pax Hispanica, through which Philip III will end the conflicts its predecessor had opened with England and the Netherlands, whereas he must implement the Peace of Vervins he had signed with France before he sat on the throne. This thesis is focused on the analysis of the impact of such circumstances on the Spanish diplomacy in Rome and explains how the Holy See intervened in maintaining peace in Europe. This thesis accesses the Spanish Embassy close to the Holy See in order to understand how it works, its institutional aspects and materials. This analysis enables to understand the Spanish multiplicity of represented figures in Rome, among which we can distinguish, though very quite unknown, the Cardinal Protector of Castille Kingdom. Focusing on the activity of the six ordinary Ambassadors of the Monarch, this work highlights its information and clientele networks, and the strategies implemented to enforce Spain's interests and to strengthen the Spanish faction of the College. Eventually, this thesis contributes to highlight the difference between the Spanish and Holy See international intentions during the specific period of Pax Hispanica. ; « La más dificultosa y trabajosa de todas las demás » : l'ambassade ...

« La más dificultosa y trabajosa de todas las demás »: the Spanish Embassy in Rome in the reign of Philip III of Spain (1598-1621) Rome, spiritual centre of Christianity, modern Europe's diplomatic capital, was crucial for the Catholic Monarchy. This thesis studies the Spanish diplomatic representation in Rome during this very specific period, in several aspects. The reign of Philip III of Spain matches with a charismatic renewal of the French presence in Rome, its capacity to compete with the Spanish power after the end of Wars of Religion. This reign will indeed usher in a new type of government thanks to the emergence of a powerful favourite, the valido. The monarch will agree to delegate him most of his power. Eventually, this period's characteristic is the instauration of a peaceful period, known as Pax Hispanica, through which Philip III will end the conflicts its predecessor had opened with England and the Netherlands, whereas he must implement the Peace of Vervins he had signed with France before he sat on the throne. This thesis is focused on the analysis of the impact of such circumstances on the Spanish diplomacy in Rome and explains how the Holy See intervened in maintaining peace in Europe. This thesis accesses the Spanish Embassy close to the Holy See in order to understand how it works, its institutional aspects and materials. This analysis enables to understand the Spanish multiplicity of represented figures in Rome, among which we can distinguish, though very quite unknown, the Cardinal Protector of Castille Kingdom. Focusing on the activity of the six ordinary Ambassadors of the Monarch, this work highlights its information and clientele networks, and the strategies implemented to enforce Spain's interests and to strengthen the Spanish faction of the College. Eventually, this thesis contributes to highlight the difference between the Spanish and Holy See international intentions during the specific period of Pax Hispanica. ; « La más dificultosa y trabajosa de todas las demás » : l'ambassade ...

Last hundred years of history of mankind are characterized by not only rapid de- velopment of technical equipment, science, education and culture, but also by two world wars, huge number of armed conflicts, genocides which carried away millions of lives and have shown huge power and potential of human ability to destruction. In conditions of social tensity in modern society the phenomenon of tolerance draws the increasing attention of researchers. Beyond any doubt, in connection with constant presence of violence in our life the problem of tolerance has a huge urgency. In this connection subject of our research is an examination of tolerant-intolerant attitudes among cadets of military institute who receive professional education in specific con- ditions connected with a state of barracks. Thus, manifestation of tolerant-intolerant attitudes among cadets takes place in specific space of culture of military institute, and, as it is known, quite often is accompanied by so-called not authorized relations, behind which the attitudes connected with violence and intolerance stand. ; Последние сто лет истории человечества характеризуются не только бурным развитием техники, науки, образования и культуры, но и двумя мировыми войнами, огромным числом вооруженных конфликтов, геноцидами, у несшими миллионы жизней и показавшими огромную мощь и потенциал человеческой способности к разрушению. В условиях социальной напряженности в современном обществе явление толерантности привлекает все большее внимание исследователей. Вне всяких сомнений, проблема толерантности имеет огромную актуальность в связи с постоянным присутствием насилия в нашей жизни. В этой связи предметом нашего исследования стало изучение толерантных-интолерантных установок у курсантов военного института, которые получают профессиональное обучение в специфических условиях, связанных с казарменным положением. Таким образом, проявление толерантных-интолерантных установок у курсантов осуществляется в специфическом пространстве культуры военного института, и, как известно, нередко сопровождается так называемыми неуставными отношениями, за которыми стоят установки, связанные с насилием и интолерантностью.

En este artículo se plantea cómo la información sobre un conflicto armado o una guerra está determinada no solamente por factores típicos de la profesión periodística, sino que también intervienen factores específicos de una situación de guerra. En contexto de confrontación armada la dinámica de la comunicación militar explica junto con la lógica mediática el cubrimiento informativo de la confrontación armada por parte de los medios de comunicación. Esto se debe principalmente a que los militares y los grupos armados juegan el papel de fuentes informativas para los medios de comunicación. Mientras que los periodistas se acercan a ellos a fin de informar a la población; para los militares el principal objetivo es ganar la guerra. Por esta razón Moisy (2001, p. 202) afirma que "cuando se trata de operaciones [militares] en el campo de batalla, hay que admitir que las exigencias de transparencia de los medios de comunicación no son compatibles con el afán de eficacia de los ejércitos". ; In this article we raise the fact that information on armed conflicts or wars is determined not only by typical factors related to the journalistic profession but also by specific factors present in war situations. In the context of armed confrontation, the logic of military communication and the logic the media explain the information coverage of armed conflict provided by the mass media. In principle, this is due to the fact that the militants and armed groups act as the main "information sources" for the media. Thus, while journalists are mainly looking for information to inform people about a specific armed conflict, the military (and the armed groups) is mainly interested in winning the war. This is the reason why Moisy (2001, p. 202) asserts that: "when it comes to military actions on the battle field, we have to admit that the requirements for transparency of mass media are incompatible with the importance given to effectiveness by the military".

A review essay on books by (1) G. John Ikenberry, After Victory: Institutions, Strategic Restraint, and the Rebuilding of Order after Major Wars (Princeton, NJ: Princeton U Press, 2000); (2) Michael Cox, G. John Ikenberry, & Takashi Inogouchi (Eds), American Democracy Promotion: Impulses, Strategies, and Impacts (Oxford, UK: Oxford U Press, 2000); & (3) Robert J. Lieber (Ed), Eagle Rules? Foreign Policy and American Primacy in the Twenty-First Century (Upper Saddle River, NJ: Prentice Hall, 2001). Ikenberry offers a masterful theoretical & historical study of postwar world order, US (& UK) hegemony, & international institutional control. He draws on rational choice theory; however, his conclusions have constructivist implications. At times, he seems to neglect the historical, material, & normative aspects of global postwar order, & the hegemonic focus only on the US & UK is similarly not contextualized in a culture- or nation-specific way. Nor is the discussion of specific institutions sufficiently particularized. The Cox, Ikenberry, & Inogouchi anthology examines the intellectual & domestic influences on US policies & programs designed to export democracy, with the contributors challenging the assumption that American foreign policy is driven by idealistic rather than self-interested concerns. The promotion of market democracy preserves the economic aims of neoliberal globalization rather than actual democratic political reform. The collection is diverse & raises important issues regarding democracy, globalization, & foreign policy; its weaknesses lie in the neglect of the domestic & popular opinion dynamics informing US democracy promotion. Also overlooked are the instances where US policy has actually discouraged democratization, such as in much of the Middle East. The book would likewise have been strengthened by contributions from commentators whose nations have been the focus of American democracy promotion. The Lieber collection considers US foreign policy during the second half of the Clinton administration & beginning of the Bush term. While not especially theoretically or analytically sophisticated, the book is comprehensive & clear, & will be highly useful for undergraduate courses. K. Coddon

This book provides analytical arguments that demonstrate the necessity to go beyond not only mainstream economics but also, and especially, the capitalist economy itself. It provides a radical critique of mainstream economics, comparing it to an unscientific form of single thought, and applies this criticism to the specific fields of growth, development, the institutions, defense, or the environment. It targets both neoclassical economics and reformist oft heterodox currents, from neoinstitutionalists to neo-Keynesians--including Thomas Piketty or Amartya Sen, among others. In doing so, it rejects Keynes' theories of money, the crisis, and the state. It then offers a Marxist interpretation of the current crisis of capitalism, considering it as a systemic crisis without solutions internal to its own logic and dynamics, and emphasizes the links between this capitalist crisis and imperialist wars, and the destruction of the environment and natural resources by capital. The book concludes by arguing that we must find the necessary theoretical and practical alternatives in a Marxist perspective, advocating for socialist transitions away from the capitalist economy to protect humanity and the environment. Rémy Herrera is an economist and researcher at the CNRS (National Centre for Scientific Research) and teaches Ph.D. students in Economics at the University of Paris 1 Panthéon-Sorbonne, France.

Nations have powerful reasons to get their military alliances right. When security pacts go well, they underpin regional and global order; when they go wrong, they can spread wars across continents as states are dragged into conflict. We would, therefore, expect states to carefully tailor their military partnerships to specific conditions. This expectation, Raymond C. Kuo argues, is wrong. Following the Leader argues that most countries ignore their individual security interests in military pacts, instead converging on a single, dominant alliance strategy. The book introduces a new social theory of strategic diffusion and emulation, using case studies and advanced statistical analysis of alliances from 1815 to 2003. In the wake of each major war that shatters the international system, a new hegemon creates a core military partnership to target its greatest enemy. Secondary and peripheral countries rush to emulate this alliance, illustrating their credibility and prestige by mimicking the dominant form. Be it the NATO model that seems so commonsense today, or the realpolitik that reigned in Europe of the late nineteenth century, a lone alliance strategy has defined broad swaths of diplomatic history. It is not states' own security interests driving this phenomenon, Kuo shows, but their jockeying for status in a world periodically remade by great powers.

The book examines the nexus between political and religious thought within the Prussian old conservative milieu. It presents early-nineteenth-century Prussian conservatism as a phenomenon connected to a specific generation of young Prussians. The book introduces the ecclesial-political 'party of the Evangelische Kirchenzeitung' (EKZ), a religious party within the Prussian state church, as the origins of Prussia's conservative party post-1848. It traces the roots of the EKZ party back to the experiences of the Napoleonic Wars (1806-15) and the social movements dominant at that time. Additionally, the book analyses this generation's increasing politicization and presents the German revolution of 1848 and the foundation of Prussia's first conservative party as the result of a decade-long struggle for a religiously-motivated ideal of church, state, and society. The overall shift from church politics to state politics is key to understanding conservative policy post-1848. Consequently, this book shows how conservatives aimed to maintain Prussia's character as a Christian and monarchical state, while at the same time adapting to contemporary political and social circumstances. Therefore, the book is a must-read for researchers, scholars, and students of Political Science and History interested in a better understanding of the origins and the evolution of Prussian conservatism, as well as the history of political thought. .

The Armed Conflict Survey is the annual review of the political, military and humanitarian dimensions of all active conflicts from the International Institute for Strategic Studies. It offers in-depth analysis of the drivers, dynamics and impact of 33 current wars along with detailed information on conflict parties and more than 60 full-colour maps and infographics. The Armed Conflict Survey is an essential resource for those involved in security policymaking, and an indispensable handbook for anyone conducting serious analysis of armed conflict. Key features Essays on global trends in armed conflict with a focus on armed groups and their increasingly horizontal structures, adaptability and propensity for exploiting technology. Overviews of key events and political and military developments in 2019 for each conflict. In-depth analysis of the underlying drivers and historical roots of conflicts. Expanded information on conflict parties. New timelines showing the key political and military developments of 2019. Analysis of the humanitarian, social and economic impact of conflicts. Conflict-specific trends, strategic implications and prospects for peace. More than 60 full-colour maps, tables and infographics highlighting key conflict developments and data. Key statistics on refugees, internally displaced persons and people in need. The 2020 Chart of Armed Conflict, providing an overview of conflict actors including state forces, armed groups and multinational missions to conflict and post-conflict countries.

This beautifully illustrated, comprehensive volume covers virtually any aspect of sniping. The work contains personal details of hundreds of snipers, including not only the best-known, world-renowned marksmen such as Vasiliy Zaytsev and Chris Kyle, but also many crack shots whom history generally overlooks. Among them are some of more than a thousand Red Army snipers, men and a surprising number of women, who amassed dozens and even hundreds of kills in the ferocious fighting of World War II's Eastern Front. Some of the best-known victims of snipers are identified, and the veracity of some of the most popular myths is explored. The book pays special attention to the history and development of the many specialist sniper rifles -- some more successful than others -- that have served the world's armies since the American wars of the nineteenth century to today's technology-based conflicts. Attention, too, is paid to the progress made with ammunition, without which, of course, precision shooting would be impossible. The development of aids and accessories, from optical sights to laser rangefinders, is also considered. Finally, The Sniper Encyclopaedia examines places and specific campaigns -- describing the ways marksman have influenced the course of the individual battles and the locations which have played a crucial part in the history of sniping. -- Dust jacket flap

Since December 2010, a series of uprisings, revolutions, coups and civil wars have shaken up the Middle East and North Africa region. In this chaotic political environment, several countries have been trying to influence this regional transformation. The implications of this transformation are of great importance for the region, its people and global politics. Using a rich combination of primary and secondary sources, elite interviews and content analysis, Yasemin Akbaba and zgr zdamar apply role theory to analyze ideational (e.g. identity, religion) and material (e.g. security, economy) sources of national role conceptions in Egypt, Iran, Saudi Arabia and Turkey. The authors take a closer look at the transformation of these four powers' foreign policies since the beginning of Arab uprisings, with a specific focus on religion. Each case study is written to a common template allowing for clear comparative analyses. Written in a clear and accessible style, Role Theory in the Middle East and North Africa offers a thought provoking and pioneering insightinto the usefulness of role theory in foreign policy making in the developing world. The perfect combination of theoretically oriented and empirically rich analysis make this volume an ideal resource for scholars and researchers of International Relations, Foreign Policy, Middle East Politics and International Security.

Does growing economic interdependence among great powers increase or decrease the chance of conflict and war? Liberals argue that the benefits of trade give states an incentive to stay peaceful. Realists contend that trade compels states to struggle for vital raw materials and markets. Moving beyond the stale liberal-realist debate, Economic Interdependence and War lays out a dynamic theory of expectations that shows under what specific conditions interstate commerce will reduce or heighten the risk of conflict between nations.Taking a broad look at cases spanning two centuries, from the Napoleonic and Crimean wars to the more recent Cold War crises, Dale Copeland demonstrates that when leaders have positive expectations of the future trade environment, they want to remain at peace in order to secure the economic benefits that enhance long-term power. When, however, these expectations turn negative, leaders are likely to fear a loss of access to raw materials and markets, giving them more incentive to initiate crises to protect their commercial interests. The theory of trade expectations holds important implications for the understanding of Sino-American relations since 1985 and for the direction these relations will likely take over the next two decades.Economic Interdependence and War offers sweeping new insights into historical and contemporary global politics and the actual nature of democratic versus economic peace