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"Though scholarly attention to democracy promotion is increasing, there is still little comparative and theoretically-based work on the protagonists of democracy promotion. This book investigates the motives that drive democracy promotion in a comparative and theoretically oriented manner, exploring how democracy promoters deal with conflicting objectives and the factors that shape their behaviour. It also addresses the more policy-oriented debate on the contemporary challenges to democracy promotion, focusing on US and German policies towards three kinds of challenges: the emergence of 'radical' leftist governments in Bolivia and Ecuador, the political rise of Islamist movements in Turkey and Pakistan, and the consolidation of (semi- )authoritarian rule in Belarus and Russia. In each case, North-Western democracy promoters have been confronted with serious conflicts of objectives between security, economic interests and democracy promotion. The analysis and comparison of such situations in which democracy promoters have to deal with competing objectives and make tough decisions provides powerful evidence as to the factors that shape democracy promotion."--Publisher website

Intro -- Contents -- Contributors -- Abbreviations -- Introduction: Mapping the Field of Latin American and Caribbean Institutions -- 1 The Economic System in Latin America and the Caribbean: A Commitment to the Development of the Region's Nations -- Abstract -- 1.1 Introduction -- 1.2 The Origin of the SELA and Its Constitutional Treaty -- 1.3 SELA's Structure and Operation -- 1.3.1 The Latin American Council -- 1.3.2 The Action Committee -- 1.3.3 Permanent Secretariat -- 1.4 SELA's Restructuring and Its Priorities -- 1.4.1 Area of Intraregional Relations -- 1.4.2 Area for Economic and Technical Cooperation -- 1.4.3 Area of Extra-Regional Relations -- 1.5 Small- and Medium-Sized Businesses: A Priority for SELA -- 1.6 Final Considerations -- References -- 2 The Latin American Integration Association -- Abstract -- 2.1 Introduction -- 2.2 Economic, Political and Institutional Background of ALADI -- 2.3 The Main Goal of ALADI: A Common Market for the Region -- 2.3.1 Specific Objective and Mechanism -- 2.3.1.1 Preferential Agreements with Regional Scope -- 2.3.1.2 Partial Scope Agreements -- 2.3.2 The ALADI Development and Its New Partnerships -- 2.3.2.1 The New Partial Agreements -- 2.3.2.2 New External Relations and Open Agreements -- 2.4 Institutional Structure and Technical Control Power -- 2.5 Final Remarks -- References -- 3 The Union of South American Nations: An Emerging Regional Organization -- Abstract -- 3.1 Introduction -- 3.2 Main Traits: Integration Based on Economy and on Infrastructures -- 3.3 History of UNASUR: From the Summit of South American Presidents to the Summit of the South American Community of Nations -- 3.4 Foundations, Principles and Activity -- 3.4.1 The Principles: Peace, Human Rights and Social and Economic Development.

U.S.-South Korea relations / Mark E. Manyin [and others] -- The EU-South Korea Free Trade Agreement and its implications for the United States / William H. Cooper [and others] -- The proposed U.S.-South Korea Free Trade Agreement (KORUS FTA) : provisions and implications / William H. Cooper [and others] -- U.S.-South Korea beef dispute : issues and status / Remy Jurenas, Mark E. Manyin -- The Kaesong North-South Korean industrial complex / Dick K. Nanto, Mark E. Manyin -- U.S. and South Korean cooperation in the world nuclear energy market : major policy considerations / Mark Holt -- South Korea : its domestic politics and foreign policy outlook / Weston S. Konishi, Mark E. Manyin

A personal review of the Edinburgh International Festivals.

The three works examined here deal with Iran's interaction with the international system from a historical perspective and across many dimensions. While the structural and cyclical problems and opportunities between Iran and the international system are conveyed to the reader, analytical and theoretical dimensions are not ignored. However, the three works, due to their publication time, do not include recent developments that have turned the world system upside down ‒the COVID-19 pandemic, the U.S. withdrawal from Afghanistan, the Russia-Ukraine crisis and the rise of China seem to have opened the door to a multi-polar world. The effects of new developments such as advances in technology, digital diplomacy, and the Metaverse on the international system are still at the level of speculation, and Iran will take steps to adapt to this new reality. The emerging, multi-polar world will also increase Iran's maneuverability. The new international order will open up the normative sources of Iran's foreign policy; its structure, which is determined by factional dynamics; and its geopolitical imaginations to the discussion. There is a huge gap in the literature in this regard, and new studies are needed to fill it.

Despite the fact that international courts have proven popular in the last 20 years, systematic and empirical inquiry to determine whether they are beginning to realize their objectives is a fairly recent phenomenon. Support among the publics in the affected countries is critical to their success for, as deGuzman writes, '… the globalization of communications increasingly means that an institution's legitimacy depends on the opinions of ordinary citizens around the world'. I develop a theory of public opinion regarding international criminal justice and test it on support for the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY), among peoples of the former Yugoslavia. I contend that support for the ICTY is filtered through individuals' perceptions of the past, present, and future. As one's beliefs about whether conditions are good or improving grow more positive, such positive perceptions are generalized to extend to international institutions that play a major role in shaping those conditions. In addition, I argue that support for the ICTY is strongly influenced by an individual's views of the legitimacy and morality of the law. Ethnicity is also important in differentiating levels of support across the peoples of the former Yugoslavia.

Some features of international interaction patterns in Western Europe are examined both theoretically and empirically. Firstly some essential differences between sociological theories and their implications in the study of interaction are considered. The theory selected pre supposes a structure made up of two classes opposing the interests of the poor and the rich countries, and with a lack of pluralism in the forms of interaction among the members of the system. 'The West' was defined as all the NATO countries and those countries in Europe not be longing to the Warsaw Treaty Organization. The data consist of the number of memberships of 'the West' in International Governmental Organizations (IGO), in International Non- Governmental Organizations (INGO), and in Business International Organizations (BINGO) of each country. The results indicate that the interaction patterns form a hierarchical chain: IGO→INGO→ BINGO. Interaction is stratified according to the wealth of the countries. IGO-memberships can be expressed as the function of GNP, and INGO-memberships as the function of GNP/ capita. BINGO-memberships have some curious features. The dispersion of trade and the voting activity in national elections correlates differently with BINGOs than other forms of interaction. Finally, some implications are dealt with.

The past twenty-five years have witnessed the development and spectacular growth of international broad casting, for a number of reasons: international political conflicts, the national pride of having such a capability, and the development and widespread use of the transistor radio. The character of the audience has changed during these years, and has, in turn, influenced the broadcasters. Where once the listener was willing to tune into a specific program at a given time, he is now more mobile, has more leisure, and has numerous channels of communications competing for his time; therefore, he is unable or unwilling to listen at a certain time. In an attempt to keep pace with the contemporary listener, the Voice of America (VOA), like several other broadcasters, is changing some of its concepts about broadcasting. In place of specific programs, it is initiating what might be called a "service," a blending of program elements built around certain basic landmarks such as news. An international broadcaster today, in order to retain and expand his audience, in the face of competition from other international broadcasters and domestic media, must establish an identity representing his society which the audience can recognize—and he must tell the truth about that society.