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International Relations (IR) scholars have devoted considerable attention to domestic adoption of international norms, because application of these norms occurs largely through domestic political systems. This article argues that research on norm adoption is hampered by characteristics of current IR theory that result in a lack of appropriate attention to key actors and processes. The role of corporations in norm adoption is largely ignored, reflecting a wider failure to theorise their role in international politics. The agency of domestic groups that stand to benefit from application of international norms is underplayed, reflecting the heavy emphasis on structural factors that characterises the dominant constructivist approach to analysis of international norms. The interplay between material and ideational resources and strategies in norm contests receives inadequate attention, reflecting a continuing tendency to see constructivism and rationalism as alternative explanatory frameworks. The article presents a model of domestic norm adoption that allows these shortcomings to be addressed, with implications for IR theory generally. Adapted from the source document.

International audience ; International recognition has generally been discussed from the point of view of international law and modern history. By contrast, this volume takes a long-term perspective of more than two thousand years of European and world history and approaches the issue of recognition as a political process.

International audience ; International recognition has generally been discussed from the point of view of international law and modern history. By contrast, this volume takes a long-term perspective of more than two thousand years of European and world history and approaches the issue of recognition as a political process.

International audience ; International recognition has generally been discussed from the point of view of international law and modern history. By contrast, this volume takes a long-term perspective of more than two thousand years of European and world history and approaches the issue of recognition as a political process.

Abstract. V. International Anatolian Conference in Economics (Econanadolu 2017) organized by the Department of Economics, Faculty of Economics and Administrative Sciences of Eskişehir Anadolu University between 11-13 May 2017. The main aim of this congress was bring to academicians from all over the world together to discuss new outcomes within theoretical and applied economics research, exchange ideas and create a research network for future joint collaborations. Econanadolu 2017 included many economic fields such as microeconomics, macroeconomics, international trade, health economics, political economy, industrialization, sustainable development. There were many national and international important academicians and researchers in the both scientific committee and the regulatory committee of the conference. This congress had been an important source of experience for young researchers and academicians. This congress had been a successful congress both scientific and cultural.Keywords. Econanadolu 2017, Macroeconomics, Sustainable development.JEL. A10, B22, Q01.

A lacuna in literature which concerns data privacy from an international perspective would, put plainly, make any decent contribution to the law library welcome. At times fierce national and strong institutional stances on data protection matters have led to an increased risk of fragmented jurisprudence. Culture and history in this field are so often at play in the relevant tribunals and international courts: consider, for example, the recent 'right to be forgotten' ruling from the Court of Justice of the European Union and the Google response. Any attempt at a global analysis is therefore a complicated venture. Bygrave's publication, however, offers more than a mere rhetorical contribution to an increasingly complex legal field; it is, perhaps, the most comprehensive book published on international data privacy law since Kuner's Transborder Data Flows and Data Privacy Law (Oxford: OUP, 2013). Liddle provides a comprehensive review of Bygrave's work in this instance.

Der Südsudan ist im Begriff, zum nächsten großen Statebuilding-Projekt der internationalen Gemeinschaft zu werden. Die Geber wollen der Gefahr vorbeugen, dass der Südsudan schon bald wegen interner Spannungen implodiert. Selbst unter einer starken entwicklungsorientierten Führung wären wohl nur sehr langsame Fortschritte beim Aufbau des neuen Staates zu erwarten. Doch die politischen Verhältnisse sind weit davon entfernt, ein günstiges Umfeld für den Staatsaufbau zu bieten. In ihrem Streben nach Stabilität ist die südsudanesische Führung den Ansprüchen zahlreicher rivalisierender Kräfte ausgesetzt, die danach verlangen, politisch eingebunden zu werden und Zugang zu den Ressourcen des Staates zu erhalten. Der Regierung wird es daher kaum möglich sein, eine konsequente Entwicklungsstrategie zu verfolgen. Staatliche Mittel und Institutionen werden vor allem dafür verwendet, Klientelstrukturen zu unterhalten. Darüber hinaus fehlt der Regierung offenkundig der Wille, schwere Menschenrechtsverletzungen der Sicherheitskräfte und endemische Korruption zu ahnden. Die bisherigen Erfahrungen der Geber zeigen, dass internationale Unterstützung in diesem Kontext ihre Ziele nicht nur verfehlt, sondern vielfach unbeabsichtigte oder gar kontraproduktive Folgen zeitigt. Angesichts der geringen Erfolgsaussichten und unabsehbaren Folgen externer Unterstützung sollten die Geber ihre Ambitionen im Südsudan stark herunterschrauben. Angemessener als ein großangelegter internationaler Staatsaufbau dürften Projekte beschränkten Ausmaßes sein, deren Folgen kalkulierbar bleiben. Externe Hilfe sollte sehr viel stärker konditionalisiert und vor allem mit der Forderung verknüpft werden, dass sich die Menschenrechtslage verbessert und Korruption konsequenter bekämpft wird