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Cover -- Half Title -- Dedication -- Copyright -- Contents -- List of Tables -- Preface -- 1 Introduction: State Power and Policy Making -- State Power and Capabilities -- State Power and Policy Making in Peru -- Notes -- PART ONE STATE DEVELOPMENT AND POLICY CHOICES, 1968-1995 -- 2 The Military and Popular Mobilization -- Neither Communism Nor Capitalism -- Conflict and Disintegration, 1973-1975 -- Rededications, 1975-1977 -- Searching for a Transition Formula, 1976-1977 -- Conclusion -- Notes -- 3 International Actors and the Politics of Economic Austerity -- The Pressure to Adjust and the Transition -- Neoliberalism and the State -- Economic Austerity and Social Conflict -- Conclusion -- Notes -- 4 The Failures of State Populism -- The Populist Coalition, 1984-1987 -- From Populism to Polarization, 1987-1989 -- Conclusion -- Notes -- 5 Retooling the State: The Fujimori Coalition and State Reform -- Neoliberalism and the New Authoritarian State -- Bringing the Military Back In -- Small State, Effective State? -- Democracy and Neoliberal State Reform -- Conclusion -- Notes -- PART TWO STATE POWER AND SOCIAL CONTROL -- 6 Villa El Salvador: Popular Organization and the State in a Lima Shantytown -- From Corporatist Experiment to Socialist Utopia -- The Municipal Experience, 1984-1989 -- New Social Movements and the State -- Conclusion -- Notes -- 7 Sendero Luminoso: Ideology and the State in the Andes -- From Chairman Mao to President Gonzalo -- State Vacuum and the Social Base of Sendero -- Conclusion -- Notes -- 8 State Capacities and Counterinsurgency -- The Military and Counterinsurgency, 1980-1989 -- Restructuring State-Society Linkages, 1990-1995 -- Conclusion -- Notes -- 9 Conclusions: From State Developmentalism to Neoliberal Reforms -- The State Organizational Arena -- The International Arena -- The State-Society Arena -- Notes

International Humanitarian NGOs and State Relations: Politics, Principles and Identity examines the often discordant relationship between states and international non-governmental organisations working in the humanitarian sector. INGOs aiming to provide assistance to populations su?ering from the consequences of con?icts and other human-made disasters work in the midst of very politically sensitive local dynamics. The involvement of these non-political international actors can be seen as a threat to states that see civil war as a state of exception where it is the government's prerogative to act outside 'normal' legal or moral boundaries. Drawing on ?rst-hand experience of humanitarian operations in contexts of civil war, this book explores how the relationship works in practice and how often clashing priorities can be mediated.

Themes from phenomenological interviews with 13 veterans who had transitioned from military deployment to postsecondary education highlight implications that may facilitate supporting the needs of student veterans.

Based on a year-long study involving interviews and surveys among low-income households in Karachi and Lahore, this article describes how participants articulated their experience of the pandemic through ideas of 'chronicity' which consisted of poor material conditions, longstanding health problems, and the risks of COVID-19 infections. I consider the bundling of the three elements in relation to the Pakistani state's imposition of social distancing regulations through its security infrastructure which resulted in reinscribing social differences based on class and religion. Through ethnographic research, I consider how the centrifugal forces at play in the cities at large were negotiated in kinship as members came together during times of illness and emergencies, and conversely, when care to intimate kin was neglected as social distancing practices were taken up selectively in a way that overlapped with deep seated hostilities within families, resulting in further impacting the health of the vulnerable in the absence of adequate health services.

Can one use emotion at anything other than the individual level of analysis? Emotion happens in biological bodies, not in the space between them, and this implies that group emotion is nothing but a collection of individuals experiencing the same emotion. This article contends that group-level emotion is powerful, pervasive, and irreducible to individuals. People do not merely associate with groups (or states), they can become those groups through shared culture, interaction, contagion, and common group interest. Bodies produce emotion that identities experience: group-level emotion can be stronger than, and different from, emotion experienced as an individual; group members share, validate, and police each others' feelings; and these feelings structure relations within and between groups in international politics. Emotion goes with identity.

AbstractIn the United States, an increasing political divide and an emphasis on culture war issues have increased legislation and policy targeting transgender and non‐binary students in public education systems. Transgender and non‐binary identities are weaponized by conservative politicians who seek to influence policies in schools. Local, state, and federal protections are the solution to end discriminatory policies and the weaponization of transgender and non‐binary identities for political gain.

Baliseering in education hides the motives of the colonial ideological interest which are inserted in various colonial policies; it is hegemonic in regard to its structure and culture and has widely affected North Bali. In this present study, the qualitative method was used. In other words, the data were collected through interview, observation, and library research. The data were analyzed using the genealogic concepts of knowledge, domination, and hegemony (Foucault, Gramsci, and Giddens). However, the data which were related to education were eclectically analyzed using the concepts proposed by Bourdieu, Paulo Freire, and Ivan Ilich. The result of the study shows that genealogically Baliseering in education hide the colonial ideology and interest which was inserted in various discourses of colonization and hegemony in the society's structure and culture with its wide impact. The motivation of Baliseering was obtaining cheap human resources in the bureaucratic modernization and making Bali an exotic tourist destination. The structure and culture of the Balinese people were created in a dominative and hegemonic way through hegemonic and colonial concepts in the traditional villages 'Desa Pakraman' in Bali. Its implication was highly wide; the political structure had been made to be hegemonic. In addition, ethnocentrism, primordialism, and colonization had been made to appear in both formal and informal education, causing liberalism and internationalism to appear. Apart from that, education had been made to be marginalized for the poor.

In this themed section, the editors and authors take us far beyond the usual thinking about welfare reform. How, they ask, do politicians want us to feel about welfare reform? How do we think we should feel and how do we feel about it? How does the disabled woman who has lost her government-provided caregiver and 'hasn't been out of the house since Christmas', feel about it? Or the man who petitions to restore his lost government aid – but fails to do so? Or the wealthy Dutch tax payer? These are are the sorts of questions that arise in the study of a changing welfare states.

In 2016, OIDEL published the first Education Freedom Index (FEI) to assess the situation of freedom of education in the world. Two years later, OIDEL publishes a new report that allows us to relate the FEI to other indicators such as public spending and social cohesion. The objective of this research is to highlight the role of freedom of education in the construction of democratic and inclusive societies, thus laying the foundations for future research that correlates the FEI index with the democratic level of a country, or with its indicators of good governance. ; info:eu-repo/semantics/acceptedVersion

AbstractThis essay describes a religious freedom controversy that developed between the world wars in the Belgian colony of the Congo, where Protestant missionaries complained that Catholic priests were abusing Congolese Protestants and that the Belgian government favored the Catholics. The history of this campaign demonstrates how humanitarian discourses of religious freedom—and with them competing configurations of church and state—took shape in colonial contexts. From the beginnings of the European scramble for Africa, Protestant and Catholic missionaries had helped formulate the "civilizing" mission and the humanitarian policies—against slavery, for free trade, and for religious freedom—that served to justify the European and U.S. empires of the time. Protestant missionaries in the Congo challenged the privileges granted to Catholic institutions by appealing to religious freedom guarantees in colonial and international law. In response, Belgian authorities and Catholic missionaries elaborated a church-state arrangement that limited "foreign" missions in the name of Belgian national unity. Both groups, however, rejected Native Congolese religious movements—which refused the authority of the colonial church(es) along with the colonial state—as "political" and so beyond the bounds of legitimate "religion." Our analysis shows how competing configurations of church and state emerged dialogically in this colonial context and how alternative Congolese movements ultimately challenged Belgian colonial rule.

We use data from Sierra Leone where a substantial education program provided increased access to education for primary-school age children but did not benefit children who were older. We exploit the variation in access to the program generated by date of birth and the variation in resources between various districts of the country. We find that the program has increased educational attainment and that an increase in education has changed women's preferences. An increase in schooling, triggered by the program, had an impact on women's attitudes towards matters that impact women's health and on attitudes regarding violence against women. An increase in education has also reduced the number of desired children by women and increased their propensity to use modern contraception and to be tested for AIDS. While education makes women more intolerant of practices that conflict with their well-being, increased education has no impact on men's attitudes towards women's well-being.

The eventual product of the International Law Commission's (ILC) work on state immunity hasbeen in the form of a Convention. This prompts the question whether widespread ratification (or accession etc) will be necessary for clear rules of international law on state immunity to become firmlyestablished or whether a substantial codifying effect could be achieved even if the Convention does not attract a great number of parties. The latter has sometimes been said of much of the Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties. As the law on state immunity has undergone much of its substantial development by practice of national courts (albeit that the piecemeal adoption and implementation of treaties has played some part), could this process not simply continue with the Convention providing guidance or a model? If the trend from absolute to restrictive immunity could occur by development of customary law, are there not still adequate means of consolidating customary law without the need for states actually to become parties to the treaty?