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The Paris Climate Change Agreement 2015 represents a vindication of environmental multilateralism given that for the first time in the history of international climate change law, over 196 sovereign states voluntarily subscribed to be bound by a treaty for the mitigation of climate change. The Nigerian government has ratified the Paris Agreement, and subsequently undertakes in its National Determined Contributions (NDCs) to adopt some measures for the mitigation of climate change. The usefulness of the Paris Agreement 2015 in mitigating climate change in Nigeria is contingent on the actual implementation of the Agreement, including the Nigerian NDCs. The Paris Climate Change Decision 2015 recognises and, emphasises that non-party stakeholders including civil societies have some vital roles to play in the successful implementation of the Agreement. This paper examines the role that the Network of Legal Aid Institutions (NULAI) Nigeria can play in the successful implementation of the Paris Climate Change Agreement 2015 in Nigeria, in the light of the recognised role of civil societies in this context. It argues that NULAI can use the instruments of litigation, street lawyering and advocacy to catalyse the successful implementation of the Agreement in Nigeria. On the one hand, it argues that there are possible limitations to the role of NULAI. One such defect is the absence of any justiciable right emanating solely from the Paris Agreement 2015 and, Nigerian NDCs. Another limitation is the low level of awareness of the international climate change law among student law clinicians and staff within the Nigerian universities. The paper concludes by making recommendations on how to surmount the identified problems. A key recommendation is the use of human-right based approached litigation to secure the enforcement of the provisions of the Nigerian NDCs and, the establishment of climate change focused law clinics.

Medically assisted reproduction radically affects human reproduction. Surrogacy, artificial reproduction technologies for same-sex couples, or which take place post mortem, profoundly change our concept of parentage. The cross-border dimension of this phenomenon provokes difficulties especially with respect to the recognition of parentage relationships that have been established in countries that authorise the aforementioned techniques. The study foreign liberal legislation, as well as of the case law on the circulation of legal parent-child relationships indicates that the conflict-of-laws rules on parentage becomes less significant. The method of recognition does not seem either able to facilitate considerably the recognition of parentage bonds that have been established in a foreign country. Nonetheless, the protection of family life constitutes a legal basis common in European states that can be invoked in favour of such recognition. Such recognition can furthermore be promoted by adopting a private international law rule of substantive nature and by strengthening the reasoning behind the recourse to the public policy exception mechanism this reinforcement of the reasoning and the influence of European law on the circulation of personal status can promote legal certainty and foreseeability. Finally, efficient solutions to cater for the risks inherent in cross­border access to assisted reproduction necessitates the adoption of rules substantial nature both in national and in international level and a better cooperation among member states of the European Union. ; L'assistance médicale bouleverse les données de la procréation humaine. La gestation pour autrui, la procréation médicalement assistée en faveur des couples de même sexe ou effectuée post mortem changent radicalement la conception de la filiation. La dimension transfrontalière du phénomène suscite des difficultés, notamment s'agissant de la reconnaissance de liens de filiation créés à l'étranger. L'étude des législations étrangères libérales ainsi ...

The theory of the goals of sharia (Maqasid al-Shari'a) is today one of the key and most popular concepts among Muslim jurists. Almost all modern well-known Muslim reformers offer to reform the methodology of Islamic law, as well as the economic, cultural and political structures of Muslim societies, using precisely the provisions of this theory. Studies by a Muslim jurist and thinker Jasser Auda are an important milestone in the development of the theory of the aims of Islamic law. Through the use of a systematic approach and system analysis, he is trying to update the theory of Islamic law and increase the role of the theory of the goals of Sharia in Islamic law. ; Теория целей шариата (макасид аш-шари'а) является сегодня одной из ключевых и наиболее популярных концепций среди мусульманских правоведов. Почти все современные известные мусульманские реформаторы предлагают реформировать методологию исламского права, а также экономические, культурные и политические структуры мусульманских обществ, используя именно положения данной теории. Исследования мусульманского правоведа и мыслителя Джассера Ауды являются важной вехой в развитии теории о целях исламского права. Cпомощью применения системного подхода и системного анализа, он пытается обновить теорию исламского права и увеличить роль теории целей шариата в исламском законоведении.

Corporatist regulation has a hybrid structure in that it covers state regulation, regulated self-regulation as well as private-public co-regulation. Notably diverging from the standard mode of state regulation, such arrangements required a higher degree of legitimation. Corporatist concepts flourished in the Weimar Republic. This paper deals with three legal scholars' considerations regarding how to legitimize corporatist models, namely Edgar Tatarin-Tarnheyden, Heinrich Herrfahrdt, and Friedrich Glum. Their institutional touchstone was the Imperial Economic Council, as provided for by article 165 of the Weimar Constitution. This article envisioned a multi-level system of economic councils ranging from regional economic councils up to the Imperial Economic Council and involving representatives of all occupational groups in the performance of state tasks. However, only a Provisional Imperial Economic Council, with a restricted consultative remit, was ever actually established. Based on this model, Tatarin-Tarnheyden, Heinrich Herrfahrdt, and Friedrich Glum conceptualized organizational structures aiming at the comprehensive inclusion of non-state actors. They were legitimized primarily with reference to their output; that is, these organizational forms were supposed to enable a more appropriate and efficient realization of public interests. The input-based argument was basically a question of participation, which implies considerable proximity to typical topoi of democratic legitimation. This similarity is perhaps counter-intuitive, given that corporatist concepts are traditionally associated with anti-democratic ideologies due to their anti-parliamentarian slant. The numerous points of convergence between corporatist and democratic thought simultaneously reflect the heterogeneity of democratic reasoning in the Weimar period and the openness for ideas that were sceptical of—or even hostile to—parliamentary democracy and the party-based state.

The article is concerned on the analysis of peculiarities of criminal offenses committed in the conditions of martial law. Provisions of the criminal legislation which stipulates features of criminal offenses in the conditions of martial law and special period have been analyzed. Specifics of criminal offenses qualification (when martial law is both a mandatory feature of the objective side of the main composition of the criminal offense and an optional one) have been considered. It has been stated that the period of time during which a special legal regime of martial law applies determines the time of commission of the criminal offense, and such period thereby limits the place or circumstances of commission if martial law is imposed on the entire territory of Ukraine or in certain localities. Criminal offenses in which the commission of an act under martial law is a qualifying and especially qualifying feature include: failure to comply with the order; resistance to the superior or forcing him to violate official duties; threat or violence against the superior; unauthorized leaving of a military unit or place of service; desertion; evasion of military service by self-mutilation or otherwise; violation of the statutory rules of the guard service or patrol; violation of the statutory rules of combat duty; violation of the statutory rules of the internal service; abuse of power or official position by a military official, etc. The commission of any criminal offense using the conditions of martial law may be considered by the court as an aggravating circumstance. If any of the aggravating circumstances is provided for in the article or part of the article of the Special Part of the Criminal Code as a qualifying or especially qualifying feature of a criminal offense, the court may not take it into account once again when sentencing as an aggravating circumstance. If a person used the terms of martial law in committing other criminal offenses, such as criminal offenses against property, court may consider this as an aggravating circumstance when sentencing. ; Стаття присвячена особливостям кваліфікації кримінальних правопорушень, вчинених в умовах воєнного стану та особливого періоду. Проаналізовано положення Кримінального кодексу України, законодавчих та інших нормативно-правових актів щодо правового режиму воєнного стану та особливого періоду. Акцентовано увагу на конкуренції кримінально-правових та адміністративно-правових норм щодо відповідальності за правопорушення, вчинені в умовах особливого періоду.

The title of the article refers to P. Manent's essay, describing "the return of political philosophy". Using the distinction between science and art, suggested by thinkers such as J.S. Mill, an analysis was made of the possible responses of legal theory to the so-called "political turn" in social sciences and humanities. Attempts were made to show that transplanting such terms as "politics", "the political", "polity" (in the text they function under more theoretically neutral term: "politicalness") into the field of legal discourse leads to the rejection of the so far dominant (referring to the ideal of Ch. Montesquieu) image of the activity of lawyers as "artisans" practicing the art of law and to replacing it with the image of a lawyer-artists or lawyer-scientist. ; Tytuł artykułu nawiązuje do eseju P. Manenta, opisującego "powrót filozofii politycznej". Korzystając z rozróżnienia między nauką a sztuką, zaproponowanego przez J.S. Milla, dokonano analizy możliwych reakcji prawników i teorii prawa na wyraźny "zwrot polityczny" w naukach społecznych i humanistycznych. Starano się wykazać, że przeszczepienie takich terminów jak "polityka" i "polityczność" na grunt nauk prawnych prowadzi do odrzucenia dominującego dotąd (nawiązującego do ideału K. Monteskiusza) wyobrażenia działalności prawników jako "rzemieślników" uprawiających sztukę prawniczą oraz do zastąpienia go wyobrażeniem prawnika-artysty lub prawnika-naukowca.

This article examines compliance with international laws prohibiting the intentional targeting of noncombatants in interstate war, specifically focusing on the role of third-party states in enforcement. We argue that the expectation of third-party coercion, when sufficiently high, can induce war participants to comply with this body of law. We identify the conditions under which combatant states will anticipate a high likelihood of coercion, demonstrating that third-party states are most likely to coerce combatants when they have both the willingness and opportunity to do so. Democratic third parties that value the rule of law and human rights possess the willingness to coerce war participants, while strong allies, trade partners, and intergovernmental organization (IGO) partners with existing ties to the combatant state have the opportunity to engage in coercion by linking combat-ant behavior to the provision of benefits or imposition of costs. Based on this logic, we hypothesize that war combatants who have ratified the Geneva/Hague Conventions prohibiting the intentional targeting of noncombatants during war are more likely to comply with the legal obligations included in those conventions when they interact with relatively strong democratic alliance, trade, and IGO partners. In a series of quantitative tests on a data set of all interstate wars from 1900 to 2003, we find strong statistical and substantive support for the role of third parties in inducing compliance with the law.

Pamela Neumann earned her M.A. in Latin American Studies and Ph.D. in sociology from the University of Texas at Austin. Her research interests include gender-based violence, social movements, and development in Latin America. Her current book project examines the politics of gender violence law and women's everyday experiences with the legal justice system in Nicaragua. Her work has been published in Gender & Society, Social Problems, and Social Forces. ; The killing and abuse of women remains one of the most serious problems confronting Latin American societies. Many countries have passed a variety of laws intended to address femicide and other forms of violence against women. Yet the implementation of these laws has been inconsistent at best. This article analyzes the case of Nicaragua, which passed a comprehensive law on gender-based violence (Law 779) in 2012. While celebrated by local women's organizations, Law 779 was subsequently weakened through a series of legislative reforms and executive decrees. This article seeks to explain why state actors in Nicaragua initially supported Law 779 and later sought to undermine it. Despite the development of transnational governance structures over the last two decades, this article demonstrates how local political conditions remain central to explaining the trajectory of gender-violence legislation, particularly in contexts characterized by a high concentration of political power. Through an analysis of Law 779, this article contributes to broader debates about the nature of state legitimacy and the potential of legal advocacy to address violence against women. ; Law

Dans ce texte sera abordée l'évolution du cadre juridique relatif à la violence sexuelle commise à l'égard des femmes en droit international pénal. Une analyse juridique, adoptant une approche historique et féministe, sera développée à l'égard du traitement de la violence sexuelle commise à l'égard des femmes par les tribunaux pénaux internationaux suivants : le Tribunal militaire international de Nuremberg, le Tribunal militaire international de Tokyo, le Tribunal pénal international pour l'ex-Yougoslavie, le Tribunal pénal international pour le Rwanda ainsi que la Cour pénale internationale. Le développement du droit international humanitaire et du droit international des droits de la personne, à la suite de la Deuxième Guerre Mondiale, sera également analysé à cet égard. Il sera exposé que la violence sexuelle commise à l'égard des femmes a fait l'objet d'un silence historique, en droit international pénal, qui a persisté jusqu'à l'élaboration du Statut de Rome de la Cour pénale internationale. Ce dernier Statut est synonyme d'une évolution normative marquante, bien que plusieurs obstacles et défis soient encore à relever. ; In this text, the evolution of the legal framework relating to sexual violence against women in international criminal law will be discussed. A legal analysis adopting an historic and a feminist approach will be developed relating to the issue of sexual violence against women addressed by the following international criminal tribunals: International Military Tribunal of Nuremberg, International Military Tribunal of Tokyo, International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia, International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda and the International Criminal Court. The development of international humanitarian law and international human rights law after the Second World War will be also examined in this regard. It will be explained that sexual violence against women, in international criminal law, has been subjected to an historic silence, which persisted until the elaboration of the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court. This Statute stands as a significant normative development even though obstacles and challenges still remain and need to be addressed.

It's been several months since the Supreme Court of Canada (SCC) rendered its judgment in Daniels v. Canada (2016), affirming that the term "Indian" in s. 91(24) of the Constitution Act (1867) includes Métis and Non-Status Indians. There is a general hope that the decision marks a turning point for Métis and Non-Status Indians within Canada's colonial structures. I'm not certain this optimism is justified. The judgment was reached based on the types of historical evidence presented and, consequently, there are a couple of statements within the written judgment that give me pause to question how the evidence regarding the histories of Métis and Non-Status Indians were presented to, and then interpreted by, the justices. Bearing in mind that the crux of the case rested on the linguistic meaning and evolution of the term "Indian" in Canadian society through law and policy, evidence was introduced about how the term was used at various points in the past, as well as the context of that usage in order to demonstrate the evolution of a Canadian legal and historical fiction that increasingly restricted the idea of what an Indian was. What the SCC did with the Daniels Decision is reverse that restrictive trend for Indians while constructing new problems.

It's been several months since the Supreme Court of Canada (SCC) rendered its judgment in Daniels v. Canada (2016), affirming that the term "Indian" in s. 91(24) of the Constitution Act (1867) includes Métis and Non-Status Indians. There is a general hope that the decision marks a turning point for Métis and Non-Status Indians within Canada's colonial structures. I'm not certain this optimism is justified. The judgment was reached based on the types of historical evidence presented and, consequently, there are a couple of statements within the written judgment that give me pause to question how the evidence regarding the histories of Métis and Non-Status Indians were presented to, and then interpreted by, the justices. Bearing in mind that the crux of the case rested on the linguistic meaning and evolution of the term "Indian" in Canadian society through law and policy, evidence was introduced about how the term was used at various points in the past, as well as the context of that usage in order to demonstrate the evolution of a Canadian legal and historical fiction that increasingly restricted the idea of what an Indian was. What the SCC did with the Daniels Decision is reverse that restrictive trend for Indians while constructing new problems.