Suchergebnisse

El territorio de la parroquia de Cumbayá se transformó debido a una rápida expansión urbana generada por la oferta y demanda de vivienda, destinada a clases socio económicas medio alta y alta y al equipamiento urbano de bienes y servicios. Sin embargo, esta expansión a más de ser dispersa e inequitativa con extremos lujosos, centros de recreación y ocio suburbanos y otros con precariedad e informalidad, ocasionó una segregación socio espacial entre los nuevos habitantes que provienen de la zona norte y centro norte de la ciudad de Quito con suficientes recursos económicos, frente a los habitantes originarios carentes de los mismos, que no pudieron contener a la demanda de terrenos por parte del sector inmobiliario, siendo este uno de los instrumentos del capital de inversión. El fundamento teórico se apoya en los conceptos del proceso de acumulación de capital por sus contenidos de renta del suelo que permite entender la expansión urbana en términos de mercado en un contexto neoliberal, así como en las definiciones de segregación espacial que hacen referencia a la sectorización de la ciudad con base a la homogeneidad social, la cual crea micro territorios de iguales, que se apoyan en relaciones de poder social, económico y político. ; The Territory in the Cumbaya parish transformed itself due to a rapid urban expansion generated by housing supply and demand for middle high and high socio-economic classes and urban installations of goods and services. Nevertheless, this expansion, more than just being dispersed and inequitable with extreme luxury, with suburban recreation centers and leisure, and others with informality and insecurity, caused socio-spatial segregation among the new inhabitants coming from the north and center north of the city of Quito with sufficient economic resources, facing the original inhabitants lacking the same situation. These original inhabitants could not control the demand for land from the real estate sector, one of the instruments of investment capital. The theoretical basis is supported by the concepts in the process of capital accumulation in the content of land earned income which permits the understanding of urban expansion in market terminology in the neoliberal context, as well as in the definitions of spatial segregation, with reference to the sectorization of the city based on social homogeneity, which creates micro territories of equals, supported in relations of social, economic, and political power.

Managing traffic in a large city has become a topic of great interest in both politics and science. The costs of poor traffic management have been quantified as losses equal to millions of dollars, not counting the unquantifiable value of the time that a person loses in traffic jams. Intelligent transport systems (ITS) offer a set of innovative solutions specific to the management of different modes of transport. This article focuses on the development of an ITS for the city of Quito that allows smart decisionmaking to direct heavy haul transporters that want to enter the city via one of its main access routes. Technologies such as Sensor Web Enablement (SWE), in association with the Message Queuing Telemetry Transport (MQTT) communication protocol, facilitate the development of a vehicular management platform/system capable of sending notifications in real-time and issuing instructions to drivers regarding traffic delays along routes, average speeds, etc. The system supports a network of heterogeneous sensors accessible through the web. It can integrate any device that uses HTTP protocol. Time interval and location range testing have been undertaken to refine the accuracy of the system and make it adaptable to any geographic situation. The system allows communicate with the server through MQTT or through web services, using technologies such as: MongoDB and GeoJSON. One of the most relevant results is that the degree of accuracy of the system is within appropriate ranges when compared to commercial applications such as Google Maps and Waze.

Ir hacia un régimen de autonomías, en que cada una de ellas tenga potestad legislativa, maneje recursos propios así como una parte de los recursos nacionales, con un sistema de solidaridad hacia las regiones más débiles, es una de las propuestas centrales de la Asamblea de Quito. La Asamblea de Quito propone también volver la fusión entre gobernaciones y prefecturas, volver al sistema bicameral de Congreso, con dos cámaras, de senadores y diputados, quienes pueden ser elegidos en la segunda vuelta. Las elecciones pluripersonales deberán hacerse en un sistema de distritos. Otras novedades son las propuestas de creación de un Consejo de Estado; que los integrantes de la Fuerza Pública, es decir militares y policías, se sometan a la justicia civil, y que se formen Policías Territoriales, regidas por los gobiernos subnacionales, y no una única Policía Nacional. Estas y otras propuestas para la nueva Constitución, que se detallan más adelante, fueron preparadas por Quito, en un proceso participativo sin precedentes. La capital no calificó a su documento como "Mandato" aunque los grandes medios de comunicación se empeñaron en utilizar ese término, no por comodidad, como podría pensarse, sino para tratar de igualar las posiciones de Quito y Guayaquil, cuando son enteramente diferentes.

Die Rolle der großen Metropolen als Orte von vielfältigem Wandel im Globalisierungsprozess wird immer wichtiger. Sie bieten ein vielfältiges Potential für Innovationen, wobei der Stellenwert sozialer Innovationen immer größer wird. Die Diskussion um die "New Urban Agenda" oder die Zukunftsstadt zeigen dies. Die Untersuchung zielt auf einen Ansatz zur sozialen, politischen und kulturellen Entwicklung in Lateinamerika. Es werden Elemente kommunaler Politik herausgearbeitet, die die Entstehung kreativer Räume erleichtern. Einmal angestoßene Prozesse sozialer Innovation brauchen lokales Wissen, und dies befindet sich in der Gesellschaft und ihren Institutionen, hängt weniger von Projekten und technischen Apparaten ab. Als Fallbeispiel dient dabei der Metropolitandistrikt Quito (Ecuador).

No obstante que la historiografía haya siempre considerado el 10 de agosto de 1809 —fecha de la creación de la primera junta quiteña— como la «fecha-símbolo» del movimiento independentista ecuatoriano, este ensayo subraya la importancia de la experiencia de la segunda junta quiteña —la que se formó en septiembre de 1810 y que duró dos años— en tanto momento de transición fundamental entre la época colonial y la republicana. Mientras que la Junta de 1809 había intentado reafirmar su supremacía sobre el territorio de la Audiencia, la de 1810 se constituyó con un objetivo diferente: intentar reconstruir un territorio que se estaba fragmentando, a causa de la crisis de 1808 y de los acontecimientos que habían tenido lugar tanto en la Península como en las regiones vecinas. ; Although historiography has always considered the 10th of August 1809 —date of the creation of the first Junta of Quito— as the symbolic date of Ecuadorian independence, this essay underlines the experience of the second Junta —created in September 1810 and defeated two years later— as a key transitional moment between the colonial and the republican eras. Whereas the 1809 Junta attempted to restore its supremacy on the territory of the Audiencia, the Junta of 1810 was created to fulfil another objective: restructuring a territory which was under a fragmentation process, due to the 1808 crises, to the peninsular events and to those that took place in the neighbouring regions.

Quito se convierte en 1978 en la primera ciudad, con Cracovia, en recibir por parte de la Unesco la distinción de Patrimonio Cultural de la Humanidad. El título, otorgado a la ciudad por la riqueza de su centro histórico, permite crear un nuevo espacio de gobernanza urbana, que se analiza como un campo patrimonial relativamente autónomo. El estudio de los actores involucrados en este campo, que intervienen en diferentes escalas —y de las definiciones oficiales de patrimonio producidas en este campo—, desde los años ochenta, ayuda a identificar con mayor claridad las evoluciones actuales y ver en qué medida son innovadores. Por lo tanto, el análisis de dos programas implementados en los últimos años por el gobierno municipal —la campaña Cuéntame tu Quito (un proceso participativo sobre el concepto de patrimonio) y la construcción del Parque Urbano Qmandá (una infraestructura deportiva y cultural)— permite observar la emergencia de políticas ya no solo patrimoniales sino culturales. Integradas en un marco ideológico nacional definido desde 2008 por la Constitución de Montecristi, el del Estado del Buen Vivir, reflejan el surgimiento de una nueva relación entre los quiteños y su patrimonio y, más allá, entre los ciudadanos y su ciudad. ; Quito converte-se em 1978 na primeira cidade, com Cracóvia, em receber por parte da UNESCO a distinção de Património Cultural da Humanidade. O título, outorgado à cidade pela riqueza de seu centro histórico, permite criar um novo espaço de governança urbana, que analisamos como um "campo patrimonial" relativamente autónomo. O estudo dos atores envolvidos neste campo, que intervêm a diferentes escalas, e das definições oficiais de património produzidas neste campo, desde os anos 80, ajuda-nos a identificar com maior claridade as evoluções atuais e ver até que ponto são inovadoras. Pelo tanto, a análise de dois programas implementados nos últimos dois anos pelo governo municipal, a campanha Cuéntame tu Quito (um processo participativo sobre o conceito de património) e a construção do Parque Urbano Qmandá (uma infraestrutura desportiva e cultural) permite observar a emergência de políticas não só patrimoniais mas também culturais. Integradas em um marco ideológico nacional definido desde 2008 pela Constituição de Montecristi, o Estado de "Bom Viver", permite-nos ver o surgimento de uma nova relação entre os cidadãos de Quito e seu património, e mais além entre os cidadãos e sua cidade. ; In 1978, Quito became the first city (with Cracovia) to be awarded the title of "Cultural Heritage of Humanity". The title, awarded by Unesco, for the cultural importance of the historic centre of the city, has helped to create a new understanding of urban governance, which leads us to the study of a "heritage field". The analysis of this field, and what has been happening on different scales for the city as well as the different official definitions given to the word "heritage" since the 1980s, allows us to identify how such a definition has evolved and what innovations it has led to. Thus, the study of a number of decisions taken in recent years by the municipal government in the field of heritage, like the municipal campaign Cuéntame tu Quito (a participatory process involving the concept of heritage) and the inauguration of the Parque Urbano Qmandá (a sports and cultural complex) have grown from simply heritage policies into real cultural policies. Since the Constitution of Montecristi in 2008, which has created the "Buen Vivir State", this change has been integrated into a national ideological framework, which allows us to see the emergence of a new relationship between the quiteño and its heritage and, beyond, between the citizen and his city.

Background: Emergency care is an essential part of a health system. Ecuador has recognized emergency medicine as a specialty and has two emergency medicine residency training programs. However, little has been published about emergency department characteristics and capabilities in Ecuador.Objective: We described the characteristics and capabilities of emergency departments (EDs) in Quito, Ecuador, in 2017, using the National Emergency Department Inventory (NEDI) survey.Methods: The 23-item survey included questions pertaining to ED characteristics, including: visit volume, physical and administrative structure, clinical capabilities, technological resources, and consult personnel availability. This study included all EDs in Quito operating 24 hours/day, 7 days/week, and serving all patients seeking care. One representative from each ED was asked to complete the survey based on calendar year 2017.Findings: Thirty EDs met the inclusion criteria, and 26 completed the survey (87% response). The median number of ED beds was 17 (range 2–61). Median annual visit volume was 22,580 (range 1,680 to 129,676). All but two EDs provided care for both children and adults. Cardiac monitors were available in 88% of EDs, CT scanners in 68%, and rooms for respiratory isolation in 31%. Most EDs could manage patients with general medicine (92%), general surgery (92%), and gynecology (88%) emergencies 24/7. Fewer were able to provide hand surgery (45%) and dental (28%) care 24/7. Typical length of stay was 1–6 hours in 65% and >6 hours in 31% of EDs. Half of EDs reported operating at full capacity and 27% reported operating over their capacity. When compared to private EDs, government EDs (public and social security) had a higher mean number of visits per year (50,090 government vs. 13,968 private, p 6 hours in government EDs vs. 86% of patient stays 1–6 hours in private EDs, p = 0.009).Conclusions: EDs in Quito varied widely with respect to annual visit volume, ability to treat different pathologies 24/7, and resources. Most EDs are functioning at or over capacity, and a substantial number have long lengths of stay. Further research and investment in emergency care could help increase the capacity and efficiency of EDs in Ecuador.