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Strengthen your understanding of the persuasive mechanisms used by terrorist groups and how they are effective in order to defeat them. Weaponized Words applies existing theories of persuasion to domains unique to this digital era, such as social media, YouTube, websites, and message boards to name but a few. Terrorists deploy a range of communication methods and harness reliable communication theories to create strategic messages that persuade peaceful individuals to join their groups and engage in violence. While explaining how they accomplish this, the book lays out a blueprint for developing counter-messages perfectly designed to conquer such violent extremism and terrorism. Using this basis in persuasion theory, a socio-scientific approach is generated to fight terrorist propaganda and the damage it causes.

After the London bombings in July 2005, the concern of terrorism scholars and policy makers has turned to "home-grown" terrorism and potential for political violence from within the states. "Radicalization" became a new buzz word. This article follows a number of reviews of the literature on radicalization and offers another angle for looking at this research. First, it discusses the term "radicalization" and suggests the use of the following definition of radicalization as a process by which a person adopts belief systems which justify the use of violence to effect social change and comes to actively support as well as employ violent means for political purposes. Next, it proposes to see the theories of radicalization focusing on the individual and the two dimensions of his/her motivation: whether that motivation is internal or external and whether it is due to personal choice or either internal (due to some psychological traits) or external compulsion. Though not all theories fall neatly within these categories, they make it possible to make comparisons of contributions from a variety of different areas thus reflecting on the interdisciplinary nature of the study of terrorism in general and radicalization as a part of it.

In his review of Hardboiled Activist: The Work and Politics of Dashiell Hammett by Ken Fuller, Albert Ruben debunks popular arguments about Hammett's consistent radicalism. Instead, he highlights Fuller's research to point to Hammett's process of radicalization—from nihilism to communism—and the events that shaped his life and work.

The paper deals with the religious situation in Kyrgyzstan in general as well as with issues that in certain conditions might serve as factors for development of a religious radicalization in Kyrgyzstan. The author describes certain measures taken by the Kyrgyz Government to bring into order activities of religious organizations and movements. The aim is to protect a secular model of the state development and freedom of religion in the country. Also, it analyzes ideological reasons that motivate people to participate in the Syrian confl ict as well as the entire picture of the number of followers of extremist and terrorist organizations, especially women. The conclusion contains some recommendations on decreasing the level of radicalization. These recommendations may be adapted through a clear and detailed optimization of the state policy in the sphere of religion.

The "Religious Fundamentalism and Radicalization Survey (RFRS)" is a large-scale cross-sectional survey conducted among Muslims, Christians, Jews, and non-believers in Cyprus, Germany, Israel, Kenya, Lebanon, the Palestinian territories, Turkey, and the USA. The survey is designed specifically to test hypotheses related to determinants of religious radicalization. It includes a broad range of variables concerning religiosity, religious knowledge, and fundamentalism, as well as a survey experiment concerning the effect of religious scripture on religious violence legitimation. The data collection in Cyprus, Germany, Israel, Kenya, Lebanon, Palestine, and Turkey was funded by the WZB Berlin Social Science Center, whereas the data collection in the USA was funded by the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada (#435-2012-0922). The fieldwork for the survey took place between November 2016 and June 2017.

The data set currently only includes the variables used in the following publication: Koopmans, Ruud; Kanol, Eylem; Stolle, Dietlind (2020): Scriptural legitimation and the mobilization of support for religious violence: Experimental evidence across three religions and seven countries. In: Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies. Latest articles. https://doi.org/10.1080/1369183X.2020.1822158
Analyses of other parts of the data set are ongoing. Once these are completed, the entire data set will be made publicly available.

The "Religious Fundamentalism and Radicalization Survey (RFRS)" is a large-scale cross-sectional survey conducted among Muslims, Christians, Jews, and non-believers in Cyprus, Germany, Israel, Kenya, Lebanon, the Palestinian territories, Turkey, and the USA. The survey is designed specifically to test hypotheses related to determinants of religious radicalization. It includes a broad range of variables concerning religiosity, religious knowledge, and fundamentalism, as well as a survey experiment concerning the effect of religious scripture on religious violence legitimation. The data collection in Cyprus, Germany, Israel, Kenya, Lebanon, Palestine, and Turkey was funded by the WZB Berlin Social Science Center, whereas the data collection in the USA was funded by the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada (#435-2012-0922). The fieldwork for the survey took place between November 2016 and June 2017.

The data set currently only includes the variables used in the following publications:

Kanol, Eylem (2021): Explaining Unfavorable Attitudes Toward Religious Out-Groups Among Three Major Religions. In: Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion. Early view articles. DOI: https://doi.org/10.1111/jssr.12725

Koopmans, Ruud; Kanol, Eylem; Stolle, Dietlind (2021): Scriptural legitimation and the mobilisation of support for religious violence: Experimental evidence across three religions and seven countries. In: Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies 47 (7), pp. 1498-1516. DOI: https://doi.org/10.1080/1369183X.2020.1822158




Analyses of other parts of the data set are ongoing. Once these are completed, the entire data set will be made publicly available.

This article examines the most rebellious movement in Danish post-war history - the leftist squatter movement in Copenhagen, 1981-2011 - thus recommending itself as a relevant case for the understanding of radicalization. The article's study of these squatters builds on the contentious politics approach and protest event analysis of 790 squatter actions. Based on this, the article discusses the causal status of 'extreme ideas' and other inner factors compared to contextual factors related to the national and international political environment. It concludes that 'ideas' have very limited explanatory value, whereas a specific political context of threats, opportunity, and interaction explains the radicalization and de-radicalization of the Copenhagen squatter movement with striking clarity. Adapted from the source document.

AbstractDoes anti-Muslim rhetoric by Western politicians breed radical attitudes among European Muslims? This article explores this question by conducting an experimental study in Bosnia – a European democracy, where, unlike the rest of Europe, Muslims are neither immigrants nor socio-economically disadvantaged. This helps clearly identify the radicalization potential of Western rhetoric alone, absent contextual factors such as social inferiority. Experimental evidence with Bosnian Muslims from five surveys (with a total of 2,608 participants) suggests that rhetorical attacks on Islam by Western politicians do not strengthen individuals' Muslim identity, cause higher levels of animosity toward the West or lead to condoning the use of violence. The study also finds that pro-Muslim rhetoric, while increasing positive views of the West, does not affect individuals' strength of Muslim identity or their radical sympathies. These results have important implications for the sources of radicalization and efforts to curb radical tendencies.

The hypothesis presented is that the ideological radicalization of the Cuban Revolution (which gained momentum in 1966 & reached a climax in 1968 with the so-called Revolutionary Offensive) has negatively affected economic performance, growth, & popular support. These phenomena may in turn halt or reverse the process of radicalization. Data come from Cuban statistics, legislation, speeches of the political leaders, radio broadcasts, newspapers, & articles in technical journals. Quantification is prevalent in measuring the economic performance while qualitative interpretation is mainly used when evaluating the radicalization process. In trying to predict the feasibility of the Cuban model, comparisons are made with some antecedents such as "War Communism" in the USSR, the "Great Leap Forward" & the "Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution" in China. The hypothesis is tentatively accepted, although additional data & time are necessary to draw more solid conclusions. The radicalization process seems to have induced a decline in sugar production, nonsugar agriculture, & mining (except nickel) output, & GNP in both absolute figures & per capita. Domestically, this has forced an expansion of rationing & mass mobilization for productive activities. Externally it has resulted in a widening deficit in the balance of trade. There are also signs of deterioration in the political consensus. Although the Cuban blueprint for the future society & "New Man" is very appealing to the sociologist, there are serious doubts whether the economic performance of the nation will permit the continuation of the process. Modified AA.

This report aims at detecting and analysing the cultural drivers of radicalization in Jordan as being mainstreamed through media objects (digital platforms and social media). We take ISIS as our case study for two main reasons. First, ISIS has become a new phenomenon in the world of terrorist propaganda and media production. Second, it is responsible for triggering potential radicalized behaviors among Jordanians, who experience injustice, grievance, alienation, and polarization. Despite its military capabilities and control, ISIS heavily depends on using the media to project its self-image, promote its cause and agenda, and recruit youth from all over the globe. The report exposes the impact of the religious and political discourse spread by ISIS on the Jordanian receiving audience. We analyze two YouTube videos that act as cultural drivers of radicalization and extremism in Jordan. The first and more extreme video is the execution video that features the immolation of the Jordanian Pilot Lt. Moa'th Al-Kasasbeh, advocating ISIS violence and power. The second video features the Karak events which were carried out by Jordanian men influenced by ISIS discourse disseminated through digital platforms. The report also features the measures taken by locals and government to encounter the attacks. The content of both videos will be discussed thoroughly and this will be accompanied by an analysis of the reception of the messages conveyed in the videos by commentators.

The open-door policy of the Turkish government at the beginning of the Syrian civil war forced the government to shape the refugee issue around a narrative of religious solidarity and Turkey's rising role as a regional actor. However, the extended stay of Syrians in Turkey along with the exacerbating economic and political conditions expanded the negative perceptions to the wider sections of society beyond the partisan sympathies. In this context, the report argues that both the pro-government and opposition media unite in their anti-refugee attitude, despite the general atmosphere of polarization on almost every other issue. In the meantime, the official policy regarding the Syrians remains the same. The government sources are also aware of the fact that the extended stay of the refugees created resentment in the local population beyond the party belongings. Hence, the government responds through its media platforms by reiterating the claim that the government did the right thing by giving refuge to the Syrians and indirectly putting the blame on Syrians that the negative consequences are caused by some of the refugees. In other words, the government media acknowledges and absorbs the anti-refugee attitude, yet, directs the responsibility towards elsewhere. For this reason, the report analyses anti-refugee videos in Turkey to show how cultural radicalization in the form of anti-refugee attitude is mainstreamed even by the pro-government sources despite the official policy.